著者

中村 久四郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.2, pp.83-89, 1911-06

著者

庄司 史生

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋文庫書報 (ISSN:02885921)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.19-42, 2011

著者

和田 清

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.4, pp.419-474, 1954-03

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The Chapter on Po-hai (渤海) in the New T'ang Annals (新唐書) is a quite authentic source, as it was based on "Po-hai-kuo-chi" (渤海國記), the Description of the Po-hai Kingdom, by Chang Chien-chang (張建章) who visited himself the country as an ambassador. By means of its description the writer has succeeded in locating 5 metropolei (五京), 15 local centres (十五府) and 62 provinces (六十二州) of the country. In connection with these he also has determined the territorities of the Seven Tribes of Mo-ho (靺鞨) stated in the Chapter on Mo-ho of the Sui Annals. The identification of these places is the problem that no one has ever been able to solve. As no history of the inner Manchuria is more detailed than the history of Po-hai, the success in fixing the localities of Po-hai offers a solid foundation on which other geographical studies can be made. At the same time the writer is convinced that he can solve the problem about the peoples inhabiting the North-Eastern Asia beyond the boundaries of Po-hai. He also has been successful in allocating the Tribe Wu-jo (兀惹), the descendants of Hei-shui Mo-ho (黑水靺鞨). These results will be published at other opportunities.

著者

和田 清

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.4, pp.419-474, 1954-03

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The Chapter on Po-hai (渤海) in the New T’ang Annals (新唐書) is a quite authentic source, as it was based on “Po-hai-kuo-chi” (渤海國記), the Description of the Po-hai Kingdom, by Chang Chien-chang (張建章) who visited himself the country as an ambassador. By means of its description the writer has succeeded in locating 5 metropolei (五京), 15 local centres (十五府) and 62 provinces (六十二州) of the country. In connection with these he also has determined the territorities of the Seven Tribes of Mo-ho (靺鞨) stated in the Chapter on Mo-ho of the Sui Annals. The identification of these places is the problem that no one has ever been able to solve. As no history of the inner Manchuria is more detailed than the history of Po-hai, the success in fixing the localities of Po-hai offers a solid foundation on which other geographical studies can be made. At the same time the writer is convinced that he can solve the problem about the peoples inhabiting the North-Eastern Asia beyond the boundaries of Po-hai. He also has been successful in allocating the Tribe Wu-jo (兀惹), the descendants of Hei-shui Mo-ho (黑水靺鞨). These results will be published at other opportunities.

著者

菅原 純

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.2, pp.279-287, 2004-09

著者

菅原 純

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.2, pp.279-287, 2004-09

著者

黒岩 高

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.3, pp.421-455, 2004-12

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The Muslim rebellion that arose in Northwest China between 1862 and 1878 is one of the most momentous series of events in Chinese Muslim history. Although it has mostly attracted attention as a symbol of the century of revolt, regional differences within the rebellion has yet to be sufficiently argued. By focusing on the rebellion's local character, this paper aims to offer a new perspective on the rebellion itself, proposing an approach for correlating regional characteristics with the religious basis of the Chinese Muslim society. This paper focuses on the areas of Shangxi and Gansu, for each shows distinctive regional differences. Through an examination of the roles played by rebellion leaders in each region regarding the maintenance of local social order, the following can be conceived.The Muslim society of Shangxi was characterized by Xue (学), based on a tradition of Islamic Holy scripture scholarship. And the recognition of Ahongs, the leaders of the community, was grounded in an understanding of scripture with concerns exclusively on sustaining the ethical standard of their own community. Therefore, they did not participate in the non-Muslim social order and had no intent to coordinate cooperation with other communitiesOn the other hand, the Menhuan shaykhs of Gansu formed networks within a fluid Jiao (教) society; and out of a necessity to manage their community alliances, they took authority over various mundane matters and leaned towards regional integration. In addition, local administrators hoped to take advantage of them and set the conditions under which they would become the leaders within the local order.It is hardly a coincidence that the local aspects of Muslim society produced a rebellion in Xue Muslim society that was rather separatist, while producing an uprising with characteristics tending towards regional integration in Jiao Muslim society. Thus, it can be said that the rebellions in Shangxi and Gansu possessed different relevance, each reflecting local circumstances. In this respect, what has been said about unity and solidarity within rebellions should be at least questioned in the future study of them.

著者

酒井 恵子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.463-490, 2006-03

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The Ming-Qing period has been said by many scholars to be a time when literati authors wrote biographies of faithful wives (節婦) who did not remarry after their husbands' deaths and heroic martyrs who committed suicide or were killed in order to preserve their chastity. These actions are also said to have had a close relation to the awarding of government honors for virtuous behavior-jing biao 旌表. However, according to recent studies, those biographies had already begun to proliferate during the Yuan period.Before that time, during the Tang-Song period, the great majority of those who received jing biao were filial sons (孝子); then during the Ming period, faithful wives and heroic martyrs came to occupy the overwhelming majority of the recipients. During the Yuan period, although the majority of the recipients were still filial sons, the number of faithful wives and heroic martyrs were on the increase. Also at the same time, regulations regarding jing biao were changed by the government, which decided to remove from consideration filial children who bled their thighs to provide medicine for sick parents and institute an age qualification for faithful wife candidates.Compared with the Song-Jin period, the stoppage of the civil service examination during the Yuan period reduced the number of officials entering the government and made it more difficult to obtain special privileges. Under such difficult circumstances, jing biao came to attract attention as a means to acquire such privileges; however, it became more and more difficult for filial sons to acquire the honor, as more emphasis was placed on faithful wives, resulting in a sharp increase in applications on behalf of the latter group. On the other hand, the Dynasty's age limitations on faithful wives resulted in jing biao being limited to widows of rich and powerful families.Consequently, the increase in biographies of faithful wives and heroic martyrs during the Yuan period should be considered as reflecting the simultaneous tendency for jing biao candidates to be limited to members of the wealthy classes, who had the wherewithal to pay someone to write their biographies.

著者

山崎 元一

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.3, pp.267-311, 1971-03

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The aim of the present essay is to clarify the exact position of the low-classed people, especially that of the untouchables, Caṇḍālas, in ancient Indian society. The writer seeked into this problem based on the Buddhist canons, as well as Arthaśāstra, Dharmasūtra and Dharmaśāstra.In the first section the writer assumed that the institution of untouchables had its origin in the pollution concept which is still prevalent among the primitive people. It seems that the institution was developed in its religious and ritualistic aspects by the Brahmans in the process of the establishment of the Aryan agricultural societies and the subsequent formation of the territorial states, and was finally established with the further support of the Kṣatriyas. This institution was also acceptable for the other two classes, Vaiśya and Śūdra, who were the chief producers of the relevant society.In the second section the writer discussed that this institution of the low-classed people developed into a complicated system itself, and there might have been a distinction of higher or lower ranks even among themselves. Among the low-classed people, so-called Caṇḍālas outnumbered the most, and was made the lowest untouchables of the society. In the next third section it was discussed that the Caṇḍālas were mostly forming kinship societies among themselves and settled in a circumference of a Varṇa Society, still keeping their traditional customs and manners and earning their livelihood by serving for the despised professions such as services concerning the death, which was regarded as the most filthy occupation.Finally, in the fourth section, problem of the contact between the members of Varṇa Society and the untouchables was discussed, based on the concrete evidences observed in the Buddhist canons, giving as well various theoretical regulations picked up from Arthaśāstra, Dharmasūtra and Dharmaśāstra. Among the above sources, the latter documents have been used chiefly to clarify the expiation ritual (prāyaścitta) which was developed by the Brahmans aiming at maintaining purity of the Varṇa Society. It was also pointed out that the members of the Varṇa Society could not generally avoid the contact with Caṇḍālas in their everyday life, despite of the strict taboo concerning the above.The institution of untouchables superficially seems to be based on extremely religious and ritualistic demands to maintain the purity of the Varṇa Society but there certainly existed behind it other social, economic and political demands. Namely, exclusion of the low-classed people was to frame the Varṇa Society from outside, and further to consolidate the inter-class relationships within the Varṇa Society making them the ritualistic status order (viz. four varṇas).

著者

佐藤 実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.82, no.3, pp.371-402, 2000-12

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The purpose of this paper is to put into some kind of logical order blockprinted editions of the early Qing period scholar Liu Zhi 劉智's Tian-Fang Dian-Li 天方典禮 and Tian-Fang Zhi-Sheng Shi-Lu 天方至聖實錄 that were transmitted to Japan and examine the conditions under which the Islamic works written by Muslims of the late Ming / early Qing period were circulated and handed down.The oldest extant edition of Tian-Fang Dian-Li was published by Yang Fei-lu 楊斐菉 in 康煕 49 (1710) and that of Tian-Fang Zhi-Sheng Shi-Lu was published in Cheng-du 成都 by Huan-chun-tang 還淳堂 in 道光 7 (1827).There are three different extant editions of Tian-Fang Dian-Li: the Tong Guo-xuan, Dian-nan 滇南 and Jiang-zhang-tang 絳帳堂 editions. There was also a Huan-chun-tang edition, as seen in a preface by Huan-chun-tang's Ma Da-en 馬大恩 appearing in the Dian-nan and the Bao-zhen-tang 寶眞堂 Huang-chun-tang edition.There are two different editions of Tian-Fang Zhi-Sheng Shi-Lu: The Huan-chun-tang and Zhen-jiang Mosque editions. The list of Islamic literature contained in the Tong-zhi 同治 13 / Guang-xu 光緒 1 (1874) printings of the latter is important for knowing about publication of that genre during the late Ming / early Qing period.After many Islamic works written by Muslims at that time were published by Ma Da-en in Cheng-du during the Dao-guang 道光 era (1830s and 40s), similar publication continued during the Tong-zhi era (1860s) in Yunnan 雲南, and then by Yuhaiting 余海亭 in Cheng-du. Therefore, in southeast China, the publication of Islamic books followed a route from Cheng-du to Yunnan, then back to Cheng-du, with Ma Da-en playing the pioneering role.In addition, Islamic works preserved in Zhen-jiang and Guang-dong 広東 became very valuable after the loss of many books due to the Muslim risings of the Tong-zhi era.Finally, the author points out that there is no evidence that the works of Liu-Zhi were published or printed by either the Shan-xi 陝西 or Shan-dong 山東 Schools.

著者

ガン A.v. 護 雅夫

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.3, 1962-12

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The way of sitting on chairs as high as the knee and the use of tables fitting to it was introduced to China from the West only secondary, Japan refused such an attitude. When the Uigurs lost their "Empire of the Steppe" in Mongolia, and founded a kingdom at Ko-ch'o 高昌 (to-day: Turfan-oasis, Eastern-Turkistan) in the middle of the 9th century, they changed from semi-nomad life to the way of the agrarian and towns-building people of their new country. From the wall-paintings and miniatures of Ko-ch'o may be recognized, which attitude the Uigurs adopted, what was looked at by them as dignified, and what as mean; how they behaved in reverence and how in leisure.On those pictures we see the difference between noblemen and simple people (1), the former's hair hung loose and they bound their caps by a red ribbon under the chin. The people (2) arranged the hair on the back of the head by fastening it with a thin material or a dark cap; this cap was bounded by a ribbon, the loose ends of which hung down into the neck. Only the belts of the aristocracy (1, 11) were adorned with pendants. To have the feet bare was only the way of hard working people (3). Even the feet of the Buddha were covered with sandals (4), otherwise unknown among the Uigurs.Chairs were only used as lecturing desk (5), not in common life. Reading was done in putting the book on the lower left arm, a finger of the right one following the lines (see again 5, right side). Or, a book was put on a low stand with crossed shelves (6, middle). For writing, a pad was put on the crossed legs of a person (see again 6, right, down), or a low little table was put in front (7). In all these cases, people would sit crossed-legged. But that was just an attitude of the clergy. Sitting easy was usually done on the floor, esp. on a little carpet so as to kneel and sit on the lower legs (8 and 9). In working or in attendance, people would kneel with one leg, the foot of the other one flat on the ground (10), so as to be able and jump up quickly if required. Deep reverence was not so much shown by the attitude of the whole body, but particularly by that of the hands. In front of the Buddha, a man would stand upright or sit easy, a woman and a monk would likewise stand upright (11) or kneel upright. To offer something, a man or a woman had to cover the own hand, but a monk might touch the gift by his hand (12).As a sign of complete submissiveness, and as a sign to have no weapons at hand, people would in front of the Buddha clasp the palms of the hands together, the top of the fingers turned up (again 9). Or they would put the hands into the mouth of the sleeves (again 11). Still unexplained remains the meaning of a long flower-twig in the hands of a donator in front of the Buddha, very much too heavy as to be cast on him in reverence (13). Not infrequent, those twigs are just painted across the breast and by the side of the donator's head, without being hold with the hand (again 11).So, we see, the Uigurs at the time of their Kingdom at Ko-ch'o did not adopt the Chinese way of sitting on chairs, but remained on the floor, on mats and small carpets.

著者

永田 雄三

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.111-118, 1972-06

著者

細野 浩二

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.3, pp.229-264, 1967-12

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In Mediaeval China a landlord generally had beside his tenants slaves to work on the field. At the time when agricultural productivity was still low, the master would keep his slaves in a more or less total economic dependence on himself. The relationship is termed as "chu p'u chih fen 主僕之分 (status distinction of master and slave)". Analysis of the late Ming and Ch'ing family rules reveals emergence of a new system of the economic interdependence between the master and the slave, termed as "hsiang tzu hsiang yang 相資相養 (mutual assistance and mutual support)", in which the former is under the obligation of favor (en 恩) to the latter to be reciprocated with loyalty (chung hsin 忠信) of the latter. This phenomenon is a reflection of a higher economic value of the slave in farm management as a result of increased agricultural productivity. The 1588 revision of the regulations concerning slaves in the Ming codes also seems to evidence this improvement in the slave's lot.

著者

石塚 晴通

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1~4, pp.33-61, 1985-03

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It is well-known that the texts of the Nihonshoki owned by the Iwasaki-Bunko, which include the use of diacritic marks are the oldest texts of this kind, but there are few papers written about the compounding marks “gōfu” 合符 used with characters. In the texts there are two types of compounding marks. One was marked between two characters in the middle and the other was marked between two characters on the left. These compounding marks were based not on Chinese but on Japanese. The ones marked in the middle indicated a single Japanese word, and the ones on the left indicated two Japanese words in the 10th century.

著者

小池 求

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.4, pp.567-592, 2010-03

著者

満田 新造

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.3, pp.384-410, 1926-06

著者

護 雅夫

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.4, pp.451-460, 1957-03

著者

太田 敬子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.1・2, pp.027-054(109~136), 1992-01

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The Jarājima (Mαρδαϊται in Greek), were a native group of the Amanus mts. in western Thughūr, the borderland between the Arab and the Byzantine power. This article will examine the character of the Jarājima, their activities in the Arabo-Byzantine conflicts and the policies of these Great Powers toward them, in order to reconstruct the history of Thughūr in the early Islamic period. The Jarājima concluded a very advantageous peace treaty with the Muslims, but they did not refrain from their insurgency against the Muslims in the mountainous region and from cooperating with the Byzantine Army. Their activity had great influence on the Arabo-Byzantine peace treaties. In addition, they played an important role in the anti-Muslim movements by the indigenous peoples in Syria. Finally, the Jarājima were driven out from their country by the Muslims, emigrating into Byzantine or Muslim territory.It should be confirmed that they were an armed portion of the indigenous people of the Amanus region, which controlled the passes there, and lived on compensation for maintaining garrisons, or by trade and plunder. Up until the diaspora throughout Byzantine and Muslim territory, they had been autonomous of any governing organization. This is a situation peculiar not only to the Jarājima, but also the other communities in the Thughūr region.We can find two underlying principles for the policy of the Muslims concerning the Jarājima: conciliation with some concessions and removal from the Amanus region and Muslim territory. Meanwhile, the Byzantine empire utilized of the Jarājima as a native army fighting against the Muslims. But, the Byzantines recognized them only as irregular, temporary soldiers on the periphery outside the borders. There was great contrast between the policy of the Muslims and that of the Byzantines, but the both seem to have considered the Jarājima as a people outside their political and strategic organization proper. This may be related with the ethnic character of the Jarājima.The movement of the indigenous peoples and the changes that occurred in their societies seem to have exerted a great influence on the establishment of Muslim rule in Thughūr. The history of the Jarājima shows the special character of that social change in that region of the era, and is therefore important as an excellent example of general change brought about by the expansion of the Muslims.

著者

深沢 宏

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.113-130, 1971-06

著者

清水 和裕

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.1・2, pp.055-061(102~108), 1992-01