著者

長尾 英彦

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.45-61, 2000-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Durch die Veranderung der internationaler Situation verwandelte sich der Sinn, die Funktion, die Rolle der Staatsangehorigkeit. Nach dem traditionell Verstandnis, die Verleihung der Staatsangehorigkeit ist dem Staat (der Gestaltungsfreiheit des Gesetzgebers) zu uberlassen. Aber, angesichts der Wichtigkeit (der Erforder-lichkeit der Verteidigung) der Staatsangehorigkeit fur Einzelnen, eine Uberlegung kommt in frage. Gleichartig, es ist moglich, das Recht der Auslandern zu erweitern.

著者

吉田 夏彦

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.63-83, 2000-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Recently, The Information Technology (IT) that is typified by Internet develops remarkably, and that influence is bringing various changes to our daily life environment. Therefore, though many problems that must be solved are left, I think that we can't discuss with the law when we ignore the influence of IT. Especially, the electronic commercial transaction that IT is used is expected to produce the future huge market, and the simplification of various procedures in law that IT is used is recognized as necessary thing for the economic increase in efficiency. Therefore, at present, the maintenance of the degree of law that copes with the arrival of the real IT ages is done actively in the many foreign countries. By comparison with them, in Japan, though it was announced that the commercial law revision corresponding to the IT ages would be done by 2002, those concrete contents aren't definite yet. In this paper, I inform about the outline of the German stock law (Aktiengesetz) amended bill that the concrete contents of the revision that copes with IT ages were announced officially prior to Japan. Because, in the first, the Japanese commercial law modeled after the German law. In the second, I think that when we examine about the future Japanese degree of law, to do referring to the German degree of law is more useful than to do referring to the USA, it is an advanced country about IT, degree of law which has the law system that is very flexible.

著者

樋口 雄人

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.85-107, 2000-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Renomme pour sa theorie du <<pouvoir neutre>>, Benjamin Constant est non seulement l'un des theoriciens de la monarchie constitutionnelle, mais aussi celui du regime parlementaire a l'anglaise. Sous la Troisieme Republique, la France subit sans cesse l'instabilite gouvernementale a cause de la sujetion du ministere a l'assemblee representative. La loi constitutionnelle de 1875 reconnaissant clairement le droit de dissoudre l'Assemblee nationale par le President de la Republique, l'echec de la tentative du President de Mac-Mahon en 1877 (le 16 mai) l'a rendu lettre morte. Des lors, le gouvernement perd definitivement un arme defensif contre l'attaque du parlement. En tentant d'apporter un remede a cette maladie institutionnelle persistante, Robert Redslob, dans son livre Le regime parlementaire publie en 1924 (la version francaise), propose de retablir l'equilibre entre le pouvoir executif et le pouvoir legislatif par le renforcement de l'autorite du chef de l'Etats. Il croit que l'equilibre des deux pouvoirs est l'essence du regime parlementaire <<authentique>> et que ce regime seul peut assurer la stabilite gouvernementale. D'apres lui, le President de la Republique doit reconquerir deux prerogatives majeures, c'est-a-dire le droit de nommer ou revoquer [le President du Conseil] des ministres et celui de dissoudre l'Assemblee nationale, et les exercer pour realiser cet equilibre. Son systeme est base sur le respect de la volonte populaire. Elle s'exprime a l'occasion des elections generaux. Le corps electoral est arbitre ou juge souverain des pouvoirs publiques. C'est le chef d'Etats qui declenche la procedure par la dissolution de l'assemblee representative. Ainsi, l'auteur qualifie le chef d'Etats d' <<instrument de la souverainete populaire>> et de <<mediateur entre le corps electoral d'une part et le parlement, le ministere de l'autre>>. En suivant les arguments de Redslob, on s'apercoit naturellement de la theorie du <<pouvoir neutre>> de Benjamin Constant, car il y a une certaine similitude entre le role du chef d'Etats dans le systeme de Redslob et celui du pouvoir royal chez Constant. En fait, comme Redslob, Constant demande des autorites efficaces du monarque constitutionnel. Il reconnait que les deux prerogatives ci-dessus sont a la discretion du pouvoir neutre. Mais, en comparant deux theories l'une avec l'autre, on remarque un ecart frappant entre elles. Constant nous semble penser que le fonctionnement regulier du regime parlementaire presuppose l'existence de deux partis ou deux groupes parlementaires bien disciplines au sein de l'assemblee, et que le role propre au pouvoir neutre est de faciliter l'alternance de ces deux tendances politiques sous cette condition. Alors, si le roi a des pouvoirs discretionnaires, il ne peut les exercer que pour consulter l'opinion publique qui tranche souverainement le conflit des deux partis, et pour couronner le leader du parti vainqueur. Ici, le role du roi est de nature a arbitrer des matchs politiques entre la majorite et la minorite dans le corps legislatif, selon la regle du jeu, c'est-a-dire la tendance de l'opinion publique. A l'aube d'une ere nouvelle de la monarchie constitutionnelle francaise, Constant invente son pouvoir neutre a la perspective du progres vers le regime parlementaire base sur le bipartisme, deja pratique en Angleterre. Par contre, devant le multipartisme irremediablement anarchique sous la Troisieme Republique, Redslob doit insister sur le renforcement de l'autorite du chef d'Etats sans espoir de la formation d'une majorite stable dans l'assemblee. Mais dans son systeme, le chef d'Etats entre inevitablement dans la lutte(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

大矢 吉之

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.1-25, 2002-03-23 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Donald Robinson presented a paper titled "Can Constitutional Democracy Be Imposed? : A Case Study of the Origins of the Japanese Constituition" at the 1999 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. At the 1997 Annual Meeting, he gave a thesis on the origins of the Constitution of Japan as follows : The making of the Constitution of 1946 was a collaborative achievement. The purpose of this paper is to reexamine how Robinson's thesis is developed in his new paper.

著者

吉川 智

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.55-77, 2002-03-23 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Recently in Japan, the irregular employee; freelance part-time worker called "Freeter; Free arbiter" in Japanese is on the increase. Especially, many irregular employee who had graduated from high school, college or university are contained in that. As for that age, 15-24 years old is most. These young Japanese people don't get a regular employ intentionally, and try to bring about their purpose. However, most people can't attain their ambitions, and are put on the socially or economically unstable conditions. In this paper, I will study problems related to their practice and protection of human rights of the irregular employee in the Japanese Constitution. If possible, then, I wish to think about a future Japanese employment form and labor mobility.

著者

小林 幸夫

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.79-96, 2002-03-23 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Nowadays in general the so-called "dead vote" is disliked and unpopular. But the electoral systems in which electors take no notice of dead vote are known to us. They are the majoritarian representation system, above all things the single-member district system, in other words first-past-the-post system. Here the focus is brought on the representation of the whole people, accordingly the integrated Will of the People. On the contrary, in the proportional representation system the reflection of the Will of the People, in reality of each party composing the Will of the People is aimed at. Its motive is to decrease the dead vote. But by overdecreasing appeared the unstable multi-parties political situation. Consequently, newly the technique to produce the dead vote, for example so-called exclusion barrier clause, was tried. In this essay I have intended to see about not only the minusimages, but also the significance of the dead vote.

著者

大矢 吉之

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.71-96, 1998-12-19 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Donald Robinson presented a paper titled "Made in America? Origins of the Constitution of Japan" at the 1997 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. He gave a thesis on origins of the Constitution of Japan as follows : The making of the Constitution of 1946 was a collaborative achievement. The purpose of this paper is to review his analyses of the making process of the constituiton, focusing on Chapter I-The Emperor and then to provide a critical discussion of his thesis.

著者

奥村 文男

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.97-115, 1998-12-19 (Released:2018-01-10)

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In this thesis, I refered to four decisions sofar about Mandamus Proceeding. Especially, the decisions by the Supreme Court regarding the sign by the governor of Okinawa for the U.S. Army in replacement of landowners will give vital influences on Mandamus Proceeding. This decisions by the Supreme Court, on the one hand, clarified the meanings of 'substantial reviews' by the court, but on the other hand, left many problems pending. In these points, this decisions by the Supreme Court will be divided in evaluations.

著者

池田 実

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.1-25, 1999-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Nationalism or regionalism is now one of the most important factors that might have an influence on the stability of Spanish frame of government under the Constitution of 1978. This paper refers to the above-mentioned matter in the context of Spanish constitutionalism, and analyzes what it means today.

著者

柿本 智正

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.27-43, 1999-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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Selten hat ein Beschluss des Bundesverfassungsgerichts nicht nur eine sehr ausgedehnte wissenshaftliche Kritik, sondern eine so heftige offentliche Aufwallung erzeugt, wie der Beschluss des 1. Senates, das Gebot des Freistaates Bayern, in den Klassenzimmern seiner Volksschulen Krzifixe aufzuhangen, sei verfassungswidrig. Die Grunde fur den offentlichen Anstoss stehen in die tiefgreifendere Sorge oder gar Angst vor der Wirklichkeit einer Gesellschaft, in der zentrale herkommliche uberlieferte christlichkulturelle Identifikationselemente fehlen und damit ein weiteres Stuck Zukunftsunsicherheit und vielleicht sogar ein Gefuhl der Verlorenheit eintritt. Aus dem religiosen Symbolgehald des Kreuzes leitet das Bundesverfassungsgericht die Verletzung der sogenannten negativen Religionsfreiheit durch das statliche Gebot, Kreuze in Klassenzimmern der Volksschulen aufzuhangen, ab, weil es diesen den Kindern vor Augen halte, sie sich dem nicht entziehen konnen, und es fur Andersdenkende unzumutbar sei, unter dem Kreuz zu lernen. In dem Aufsatz wird der Diskussion um den Kurzifix-Beschluss unter Berucksichtigung der religiose Neutralitat des Staates behandelt.

著者

川田 敬一

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.45-64, 1999-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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The relationship between the Imperial Household and the nation, and a distinction between the emperor's public and private life are not clear. In order to clarify this, I focused my attention on the history of the system of the Imperial Household's property. This manuscript serves as evidence, for the first phase, of the fact how the State Department of the United States, GHQ and the Ministry of the Imperial Household tried to deal with the property of the Imperial Household, around the end of the Pacific war (when Japan surrendered).

著者

山崎 誠一

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.65-78, 1999-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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The initial report of Japan was submitted by state parties under article 44 of the Convention, 1996. And the Committee on the Right of the Child considered the initial report and adopted the concluding observations, 1998. In this paper, I will examine the concluding observations detailedly. Next, I will compare them with "Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Right of the Child : SWEDEN" After that, I will discuss what should be done in Japan duruing the 5-years, 1996 to 2000.

著者

新田 均

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.79-94, 1999-12-20 (Released:2018-01-10)

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ASYIZU Uzuhiko is an important theoretician of conservatism after World War II in Janan. In this essay, I will introduce his theories of the Meiji Constitution, which are neglected by scholars nowa days. So, I think, his theories of political process of "BAKUMATSU" are decisive ones when interpreting the history of the establishment of the Meiji Constitution.

著者

久保 憲一

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.23-44, 1997-12-18 (Released:2018-01-10)

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In this paper. I have attempted to classify and compare the special features of British, American and Japanese political systems. By ascertaining our 'national character' This paper is hoped to contribute to the way our country ought to be.

著者

和田 隆夫

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.75-119, 1997-12-18 (Released:2018-01-10)

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The contents in this article is the consideration and the inquiry of the Social Services Information by Internet in Japan. By the inquiry many local administrations supply with theirs homepages by Internet. But most contents of those homepages are still not befittingly. I emphasize in this article that the Social Services Information by Internet has many advantages. And I point out the guideline (five points) and the direction of the betterment.

著者

岸本 正司

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.1-26, 1998-12-19 (Released:2018-01-10)

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In this paper, I will mostly study various theories about the interpretations on Articles 26 and 23 of the Constitution. Through this process, I will state my opinion about three main points : (1) Who has the right to be educated? (2) Who has the right to educate? (3) Who has the right to decide the educational contents?

著者

土居 靖美

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, pp.49-69, 1998-12-19 (Released:2018-01-10)

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It is argued that human right in the Southeast Asia should be implemented according to the stages of a country's development. The situational uniqueness of each Asia states may necessitate the sequential orderis of right. One of aspect of Asian value is importance of duty as a counterpoint to right. The corporate action of society as well as the fulfilment of the individual is secured through a chain and hierarchy of duty. In Southeast Asia, there is a strongly held veiw that the authoritarian political system is the secret of its economic success. The consensus among governments is that the situational uniqueness approach provides an alternative framework for discussing and promoting human right.

著者

大矢 吉之

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.25-52, 1996-06-28 (Released:2018-01-10)

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D. S. LUTZ attempts to link the theoretical premises underlying one important aspect of constitutional design, the amendment process, with the empirical patterns revealed by a systematic, comparative study of constitutions. He begins with a brief overview of the theoretical assumptions that underlay the formal amendment process when it was invented, identify a number of theoretical proposition concerning the amendment process, and then look for patterns in the use of the amendment process. The purpose of this paper is to examine such a cross-national empirical analysis developed by LUTZ and discuss his theory of constitutional amendment.

著者

抱 喜久雄

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.1-21, 1997-12-18 (Released:2018-01-10)

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There have been various lower court decisions about the constitutionality of the fingerprinting system in Japan. In its December 24, 1995 decision, the Japanese Supreme Court ruled the practice constitutional. Reviewing the series of rulings on this issue, however, I must point out some of the problems which I think are logically questionable. In this paper, I will delve into two points : (1) What is "the freedom of private life?" (2) The relationship between the right of refusing fingerprinting and the right of privacy.

著者

吉川 智

出版者

関西法政治学研究会

雑誌

憲法論叢 (ISSN:24330795)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.37-47, 1994-04-15 (Released:2018-01-10)

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January 28, 1994, the Senate in the United State Congress adopted the resolution that neither Japan nor Germany should be admitted as permanent members in the United Nations Security Council. As the negative reasons, the Senate pointed out that they were not capable of discharging the full range of responsibilities accepted by all current members of the Security Council. Generally, when we discuss joining the permanent menbers, the argument only from the possibility has often been put forward. But, in this article, I think that this problem should be discussed from a different viewpoint of the appropriateness.