著者

網谷 龍介 戸澤 英典 大内 勇也 作内 由子 中田 瑞穂 八十田 博人 板橋 拓己 上原 良子

出版者

津田塾大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2018-04-01

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2022年度は、研究取りまとめのための準備を行い、成果公表のための作業を着実に進めることができた。2021年度に実施することができなかった資料収集については、分担者の職務上の都合などにより代替的な手法を検討し、おおむね論文の執筆に問題のないような方法を案出し、材料の収集を行うことができた。これらを踏まえて、日本国内の政治学系の三つの学会において、計7本のペイパーを通じて中間的な成果を報告した.オランダにおける経済専門家と政治過程の関係についての分析においては、政党間の競争が専門性に基づいたプログラムの鑑定を導く過程が分析された。ドイツの保守主義に関する事例においては、1970~80年代のドイツにおける保守運動の再編が検討された。さらに、ヨーロッパ規模比較研究における1970年代の把握についてのペイパーにおいては、同時代の分析が現在の回顧的な視点よりも多様な視角がみられることが検討された。フランスにおける地域主義運動の分析では,バスクを事例としてとりあげ、フランス国内の力学とスペインとの外交の絡み合いが明らかにされた。ヨーロッパ共同体における「人権」争点に関する分析では、人権がヨーロッパの共有する規範となるタイミングとその背景が検討された。さらに、イタリアの事例の分析では、フェミニズムが既存の政治勢力との関係の中で浮上する過程が、ヨーロッパ共同体とドイツにおける男女平等政策についての事例では、平等をめぐる異なった理解の相互作用が検討された。これらの報告には、関連する研究を国内で実施している研究者に討論者として参加していただくことができ、有益な助言を得た。これにより草稿と改訂の方向性が確定したため、2023年度中に本科研の成果を探鉱所として出版するめどが立っている。また、そのための準備会合を期間内にさらに一回設け、具体的な準備作業や手順を確認した。

著者

八十田 博人

出版者

日本EU学会

雑誌

日本EU学会年報 (ISSN:18843123)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2017, no.37, pp.69-91, 2017-05-25 (Released:2019-05-25)

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Italy has not had a coherent migration policy for long period because of a series of unstable coalition governments and high political cost of reforms against public views on migrants. Its immigration law and citizenship law have been one of the most severest ones in Europe. These factors has caused many diffculties on resucue activities and integration of migrants. Recent massive flow of sea arrivals from the Mediterranean has set Italy and the EU in dispute on migration controls. Confronted by many incidents offshore of Lampedusa, Italian political leaders had felt to be isolated by the EU, without appropriate cooperation. Among them, most active were local goverments’ chiefs of Sicily Region and of Lampedusa who claimed directly to the European Parliament for help to aid offshore rescues and asked Italian government to amend the problematic Bossi-Fini immigration law of 1998. Political leaders of the Left criticized the EU and campaigned for amendment of Bossi-Fini law. From the viewpoint of the EU and other member states, however, Italy seemed to have lacked of well defined immigration laws and systems. The severe incident of migrant ship of October 3, 2013, made Italian government proceed its independent rescue operations called Mare Nostrum, however, it was replaced in a year by the EU’s operation Triton led by the FRONTEX. Nevertheless, even with the rise of public opinion on this occasion, the Italian government and parliament have not fulfilled to abolish the Bossi-Fini law. Although Prime Minister Renzi succeeded to “europeanize” immigrantion problems by virtue of massive migrant flow in the Balkans in 2015, migrant replecement from Italy has been done in a very slow pace. To breakthrough present difficulties, Italy should have a coherent immigration policy with a good balance between human rights and security so that it could be respected by other member states of the EU.

著者

八十田 博人 Hirohito Yasoda

出版者

共立女子学園共立女子大学国際学部

雑誌

共立国際研究 = The Kyoritsu journal of international studies : 共立女子大学国際学部紀要 (ISSN:18828868)

巻号頁・発行日

no.32, pp.123-142, 2015

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The Italian general election of February 2013 ended with no winners and no prospect of a majority government. This comes from the collapse of the technocratic government led by Mario Monti, famous Europeanist academic and former European commissioner, which failed to gain public support for structural reforms of public finance and national administration.The Euro Crisis made a very Europeanistic nation like Italy more reluctant to follow the historical tradition of federal ideas which has been expressed by many speeches of the Presidents of the Republic, including Giorgio Napolitano.The Monti government succeeded to rescue public finance without financial assistance of the European Union, however, its elite style of decision-making is far from the so-called "concertation", which means much dialogues with social actors and worked well in the 90's.Today's Italy is confronted with a crisis of double legitimacy, both functional and social, based on national and European identities, which has been the common patrimony of major political parties during the First and Second Republic.

著者

八十田 博人

出版者

日本EU学会

雑誌

日本EU学会年報 (ISSN:18843123)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2003, no.23, pp.140-161,301, 2003-09-30 (Released:2010-05-21)

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Under the pressures of the criteria for the EMU, Italian administrative and fiscal reforms have been directed by the Center-Left governments and technocrats during the 1990s. They have obtained legitimacy through the tripartite agreements (“social pacts”) signed by the Government, the employers' federations and the labor unions.Despite many provocative statements made by “Eurosceptic” ministers, Berlusconi Government has syntonized the domestic labour market reforms to the EU's targets of occupation rate, following the “White Paper on Labour Market” drafted by the labour law experts including prof. Biagi, the assassinated “pro-Europe” consultant of the minister of Labour. The focus of the arguments is the Article 18 of Labour Rights Act, which guarantees rehiring and compensations to workers dismissed without just cause. The new social pact, the “Pact for Italy”, which partially loosens the rigidity of the Article 18, was signed by the Government and major social partners except the CGIL, Italy's largest left trade union. This means a partial collapse of the “concertation” of the 1990s.The “Pact for Italy” also demands to augment domestic investment especially to the Mezzogiorno, the less developed southern half of Italy. Between the domestic pressure to public spending and the external requirements of the EU's Stability and Growth Pact, Italian Center-Right government must seek a difficult balance of public finance. The Center-Left opposition is missing the opportunities to indicate the alternative way for reforms by the internal split between the moderate center parties and the Left activists of the “girotondo” (human-chain demonstration) movement.

著者

八十田 博人

出版者

The European Union Studies Association-Japan

雑誌

日本EU学会年報 (ISSN:18843123)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2003, no.23, pp.140-161,301, 2003

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Under the pressures of the criteria for the EMU, Italian administrative and fiscal reforms have been directed by the Center-Left governments and technocrats during the 1990s. They have obtained legitimacy through the tripartite agreements ("social pacts") signed by the Government, the employers' federations and the labor unions.<br>Despite many provocative statements made by "Eurosceptic" ministers, Berlusconi Government has syntonized the domestic labour market reforms to the EU's targets of occupation rate, following the "White Paper on Labour Market" drafted by the labour law experts including prof. Biagi, the assassinated "pro-Europe" consultant of the minister of Labour. The focus of the arguments is the Article 18 of Labour Rights Act, which guarantees rehiring and compensations to workers dismissed without just cause. The new social pact, the "Pact for Italy", which partially loosens the rigidity of the Article 18, was signed by the Government and major social partners except the CGIL, Italy's largest left trade union. This means a partial collapse of the "concertation" of the 1990s.<br>The "Pact for Italy" also demands to augment domestic investment especially to the Mezzogiorno, the less developed southern half of Italy. Between the domestic pressure to public spending and the external requirements of the EU's Stability and Growth Pact, Italian Center-Right government must seek a difficult balance of public finance. The Center-Left opposition is missing the opportunities to indicate the alternative way for reforms by the internal split between the moderate center parties and the Left activists of the "girotondo" (human-chain demonstration) movement.

著者

八十田 博人

出版者

日本EU学会

雑誌

日本EU学会年報 (ISSN:18843123)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2001, no.21, pp.64-86,251, 2001-09-30 (Released:2010-05-21)

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Italian European policy is often described as “federalistic”. Recent studies, however, have endeavored to explain the reason of the double language of Italian Europeanism; its federalist rhetoric and its pursuit of own national interest. These studies reveal how pragmatically the Italian government has used European Integration as an instrument of nation-building.The priorities of Italian foreign policy after the Second World War were to regain an equal status among other western European states and to resolve its domestic socio-economic problems at the European level. Postwar Italy was, however, compelled to confront the Cold War with scarce diplomatic resources. Military involvement was severely limited by the socalled “punitive” peace treaty and by domestic tendencies towards neutralism.The project of a comprehensive European political community by De Gasperi in the early years of the 1950s was an effort to incorporate the EDC into a more peaceful grand design rather than a military alliance. This coincided with another Italian insistence on the reinforcement of the OEEC with a hope for a resolution of its economic problems, such as unemployment and emigration. In both cases, Italy used the American support for European integration as a leverage to cover its unique and weak position.The exceptional treatments for fragile Italian steel industry under the ECSC were guaranteed mainly by France. Generally, Member states were so reluctant to accept other Italian demands, such as the subsidies for the Italian steel and the improvement of the working conditions of Italian miners in Belgium, that Italy needed the intervention of the High Authority. Italy's preference for a supranational community can be well explained by the fact.In the domestic process, the role of the technocrats of the Bank of Italy and the IRI and the influence of some leading figures of secular parties (PLI, PSDI, PRI) were decisive. This “centrist” era is highly marked as an age of technocrats, which has revived forty years later in the formation of “technocratic” governments of the 1990s.

著者

八十田 博人

出版者

日伊協会

雑誌

日伊文化研究 (ISSN:02881802)

巻号頁・発行日

no.41, pp.45-54, 2003

著者

油井 大三郎 藤永 康政 梅崎 透 内田 綾子 藤本 博 小塩 和人 豊田 真穂 井関 正久 八十田 博人 土屋 和代 栗原 涼子 中村 督 ディビット ファーバー ベス ベイリー ケビン ゲインズ ヨアヒム シャルロート

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

基盤研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

2007

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1)1960年代の米国における社会運動に関する1次史料の系統的な収集がほぼ予定通り実現した。また、収集した史料の解題付き目録を作成し、史料自体も近く公開されるので、日本においても1960年代米国の社会運動に関する実証研究が大いに進展することが期待される。2)米国の社会運動グループ毎の比較を通じて諸グループ間の思想的・組織的連関の解明が進んだ。3)西欧や日本の1960年代社会運動研究と米国のそれとの国際的な比較研究によって、ニューレフトなど重要な概念における相違と相関が明らかになった。