著者

須藤 克仁 坂口 慶祐 大関 洋平 永田 亮

出版者

一般社団法人 言語処理学会

雑誌

自然言語処理 (ISSN:13407619)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.4, pp.1291-1295, 2023 (Released:2023-12-15)

著者

坂口 慶治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.6, pp.579-610, 1975-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

60

被引用文献数

2 2

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This is a comparative study, from a micro-geographical viewpoint, on the village desertion process pattern in the case of two small hamlets-Ogose and Ohmi-in the mountainous tracts of Kyoto City (commonly called the Kitayama district), only 20km north of the center of the city. The examination has been made chiefly in terms of the change in the number of the households in each village that has taken place during the period of more than a century since the early years of the Meiji era.The two hamlets, now deserted and completely extinct, were located in the northern part of Kyoto City, on the eastern edge of the Tamba highland, topographycally a pene-plain, from which the Ado River rises and flows down into the Lake Biwa, the lagest in Japan. A chain of passes lie between the Kyoto basin and these villages.Ogose was situated at the altitude of 660m. above sea level and Ohmi 610m., they were among the highest of all the mountain villages in the Tamba highland. The average temperature is 0.2°C. in January and 25.8°C. in August, those settlements are colder by 7°C. than the Kyoto basin. As to the transportation, there are only two narrow motorable roads leading to the center of Kyoto, both in an extremely bad condition. It is a two or three hours' trudge to the nearest bus-stop.In 1885 the two villages had 15 households each, and after World War II there existed 7 in Ogose and 19 in Ohmi. However, a series of village desertion of the whole household type began in Ogose in 1969 and in Ohmi in 1971, and continued, until the former finally reached a state of complete desertion and extinction in 1972 and the latter in 1973.The difference in the number of households prior to this incident simply reflects the difference of population inflow from outside and branch families; in 1965 the household that had continued to exist ever since the time preceding 1885 untill the day of desertion was 5 in Ogose and 6 in Ohmi.The processes of desertion of settlement can be divided into three stages: the Meiji, the Taisho, and the Showa periods.(1) The Meiji period: 6 households in Ogose and 11 in Ohmi deserted their villages and half of them moved into Kyoto. The social status of the villagers who left their home was the lowest and they had to call themselves “drop-outs”. The ‘absorption power’ of the big city in those days was not yet great enough. Compared to Ohmi, Ogose remained more stable, as it was located further away from the city. It can be said that they were economically subject to Kyoto through charcoal business, whereas culturally they were still under the influence of the lake district with its long, deep-rooted tradition from the Edo period; Ogose rather thrived as a transit place, commercially and culturally.At the close of the Meiji there emerged a new transportation means of raft along a branch of the Ado River to carry out charcoal, which had made them involved in the big Kyoto culture area; Ogose was reduced to an unimportant position placed at the furthest edge of the great cultural and economic sphere of Kyoto.(2) The Taisho period: 6 households deserted each village (totaling 12), and 9 out of those moved into Kyoto. The group included a small number of what may be called positive job change type of desertion by the upper class villagers, but the majority were of the bankrupt type of desertion. This penomenon relates to the cultural and economic expansion of Kyoto, and its urbanizational effects were also felt upon those mountain villages.(3) The Showa period (up to 1965): the impact of Japan's social and economic disturbances was great to those hamlet and the ‘absorption power’ of Kyoto for some time seemed to cease and become less great. An epoch-making huge demand for charcoal and timber checked the trend of the outflowing of village populations.

著者

坂口 慶治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.6, pp.603-642, 1966-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

67

被引用文献数

7 5

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Tango Peninsula is situated in the northwest corner of Kyoto prefecture. There were 100 rural settlements in the area more than 100 meters above sea level, in the early period of the Meiji Era. They consist of four types: in-valley, head-valley, top-valley and plateau settlements. The heighest level where the settlements were established was about 500 meters above the sea. The number of houses in one of these rural settlements varied according to the nature of soil and landform; in short, the space of arable land was the chief factor. In the case of 86 rural settlements, the number of houses has decreased, and in the case of the other six was the same until 1965. 18 out of the 86 settlements are now total “Ortswüstung” or absolute “Wüstung”, and 14 out of more than 50% of the houses which existed before 1872 have been lost.The rate of the loss of houses is influenced by the landform also and especially by the altitude. And then, top-valley and plateau settlements located more than 320 meters above sea level, and the in-valley settlements located below 280 meters above sea level have lost houses in the manner shown in the fig. 4. The gragh indicates the rate of loss in a straight line (the rate of loss=1/5 height). The head-valley and top-valley settlements below 280 meters above sea level have lost houses in a parabola (R=1/700h2).The loss of houses here began about 1880. The number of lost houses was remarkably large in the following 3 periods; 1907-21, 1928-33 and 1952-.A long distance movement (outside Tango region) of the people from these rural settlements began about 1897. More people moved with the opening of local railway in 1928. However, as a whole, it was small-scaled. Especially since 1952 fewer people move, relatively speaking. A short distance movement has been also small-scaled, but we can notice a large-scaled migration of this sort in 1928-33, which the writer should like to name ‘the first period of deserted villages’. A middle distance movement (toward the rural settlements on lower levels and local centers in the Tango region) has always been greater than the other two, except during the first period of deserted villages. About half of the middle distance migrators went mainly to nine local-towns (local centers) in Tango, especially to Amino (a textile manufacturing town) and Iwataki (a town with refined nickel industry, rubber shoes and texiles).In Tango Peninsula, total “Ortswüstung” or absolute “Wüstung” counted 18, and relative “Wüstung” 11 in 1965. The numbers mean about 30% of the rural settlements located more than 100 meters above the sea. Four of these appeared in ‘the first period of deserted villages’, and the other deserted villages appeared after 1956, which the writer should like to name ‘the second period of deserted villages’.A dominant factor of the deserted villages here was the difficulty of enjoying facilities for life until 1956, and after 1957 the lack of economic power to meat the gradually modenized ways of life.As for land utilization, there are three types-- (1) total “Ortswüstung” followed by no arable land abandonment, (2) total “Ortswüstung” followed by arable land aban-donment, (3) absolute “Wüstung”. Men are apt to abandon their homes before their cultivated land. Abandoned arable land is either left uncultivated or afforested. We can observe very few pastures made in the deserted arable land in Tango Peninsula.As for the new occupations of the migrators, those who lived in other places and came to work in their former farms could be found until about 1958.

著者

石田 聖 板垣 太郎 坂口 慶 ISHIDA Satoshi ITAGAKI Taro SAKAGUCHI Kei

出版者

長崎県立大学

雑誌

長崎県立大学論集. 経営学部・地域創造学部 = Journal of University of Nagasaki (ISSN:24323861)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.15-40, 2019-12

著者

坂口 慶治

出版者

The Association of Japanese Geographers

雑誌

地理学評論 (ISSN:00167444)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.21-40, 1974-01-01 (Released:2008-12-24)

参考文献数

8

被引用文献数

2 1

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丹波高地東部の由良川中流域に生じた廃村3例をとりあげ,それらの比較研究によって,廃村化の過程と機構を解明しようと試みた. ここは,太平洋・日本海両斜面を流れる諸河川の源流域とは対照的に,近距離指向離村の性格が著しく,集団離村もその一環として実現したものと考えられる. 3廃村についてみれば,それらの立地環境,とくに隔絶性の強弱が廃村化に重要な影響を及ぼしたことが判明した.すなわち隔絶性が強ければ,生活利便指向性の上層先行型近距離離村が生じ,耕地保留離村が多いために耕地が荒廃しやすく,それによって廃村化が促進される.これに対し,隔絶性が弱ければ,経済指向性の下層先行型遠距離離村が生じ,集落はさほど動揺しないけれども,他面では村外者の耕地所有率が高くなりがちである.このような傾向が強まった場合は,経済変動による一斉的な耕地放棄が生じて,廃村化を促す.そしてこれらの荒廃過程は,集落形態や所有耕地の分布形態と密接に関わりあっており,また,各村落のコミュニティ形態との間にも強い関連性が認められる.

著者

坂口 慶治

出版者

京都教育大学

雑誌

京都教育大学環境教育研究年報 (ISSN:09193766)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.51-82, 1998-03-31

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京都府の北端に位置する丹後地方は,わが国における廃村の先行的,集中的な発生地帯である。本稿では,その地域的な発生機構の解明の中で,とくに自然環境との関連性について考察した。元来,廃村化は集落の生業・規模・立地密度等の文化社会形態に関わる人文現象であるために,自然環境との関連性についても,集落の立地態様を規定した立地受容要因としての側面と,それを介しての立地障害要因としての側面を視野に入れて考察する必要がある。ここでは地形的には中低山性山地ながらも,急斜面によって多数の山地塊に分断されている構造地形的特性が,中小規模の山地集落の,分散立地形態での高い立地密度を生み,それが廃村の多発現象の一要因となった。その結果,各山地塊間では,それぞれの構造地形的特性を反映して,廃村の発生状況に大きな差がみられた。また,地質的には,多種類の地層が錯綜分布し,その独特のモザイク的分布と多彩な接触構造が,自給型集落の高い立地密度を生み,その集落の小規模・多様性が廃村の多発現象の一要因となった。それ故,各山地塊間での廃村の発生状況の差にも,それぞれの地質構成の差異が反映している。さらに,構造地形や地質条件と密接に関連して現われる小地形が,集落の立地態様をより直接的に規定している側面が認められ,廃村化に関わる自然環境の総合的指標として,小地形の分布構成が有用であることが判明した。