著者
岡本 兼佳
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.3, pp.182-194,248, 1955-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
8

For the approach to the reasons of dwelling dispersion, it is fundamentally necessary that the settled order should be made clear by tracing back to the early stage of the reclamation and throughout the progress. From this point, the writer researched into the dispersed settlement on the deltaic plain between two rivers, the Edo and the Furutone, Kanto lowland. The following conclusions were reached:1. The pioners located their homes apart from one another and rarely adjoined besides the line villages. This dispersion of the pioneers resulted from selecting the highest island-like embankment in order to secure their farmsteads from flood waters. When the embankment was too lower to avoid flood, the dweller still more raised up the ground artificially.2. The community in this region is chiefly organized with the relation of head and branch, so the reasons for the dispersed dwelling can be attainable through the branching of the families. Distinguishing the families in the same lineage and ranging them in settled order, and then drawing them on the map, the settlement growth and especially where the branch families select as the house sites are made clear. These distribution types are classified as follows; (A) scattering type of branch families, (B) adjoining type of a branch family to its head family, (C) adjoining type of a branch family to another.3. Classifying the own-fields of the dispersed branch families by distribution, two types are recognized; (a) concentrated type around the house site or stretched type in front of his house site, and (b) remote type. The latter is subdivided into three types; (1) scattered type, (2) distant and yet concentrated type, (3) two groups type in front and at a distance. Each of these types is exemplified in Fig. 3, 4 and 5. When the dwelling is located in the center of the own-fields the most convenience of farming is given. In this region, however, some of the dispersed branch families have the fields in type of remoteness and scattering, because they can not get at will the favorable elevated house site everywhere.4. The adjoining type of a branch family to its head family has also two distribution types of the own-fields; (a) stretched type in front of both families in their way, (b) remote type in the branch family's fields. The latter is classified into the same three types as the case of the dispersed branch families. The examples are given in Fig. 6 and 7.5. The adjoining type of a branch family to another makes the distribution types of the own-fields as follows; (a) contrated type adjacent to the house site in each family or stretched type in front of both families in their way, and (b) remote type in the later settler. This dwelling type and the distribution types of fields are based on taking the elevated dry lots for the house sites.6. Subsequently some farmers removed from other places and they also settled in the types of adjoining and scattering. In that case, the settlers mostly looked for the elevated dry lots and consequently the same dwelling types were shaped.7. The ruined sites were scarcely resettled and were usually changed to the fields and even the lots leaved to the overgrowth with trees and grasses turned out. The inhabitants seem to have evaded such ruined sites psychologically.8. In Tab. 3 the elevated island-like lots are classified by size and are compared with the existence of dwelling. Inspecting this, the greater the lot area becomes, the more dweller it stands, conversely, the smaller lots are entirely used as the fields. By every size of the elevated lots, averaging the area of the house sites possessing on each, the home site areas increase in proportion to the elevated lot areas. This proves that the locating of the dwelling is adapted for the elevated lots. The changes of the landuse follow even the artificial changes,
著者
籠瀬 良明
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, no.3, pp.36-47,96, 1950-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
18

In the plain of Takada can be traced an old watercourse of the Hokura about five kilometers in length. What characterize this old watercourse are free meandering and natural banks, running on both sides of it and higher than the level by one meter or two with fields and hamlets on them. A long succession of fine paddy-fields stretehes on this old course of the river, which were brought under cultivation in middle ages. (Especially, it is the case with the lower course of the river.)In the article two of those examples, Matsuhashi and Funatsu in the village of Honda are dealt.[The author made a lecture on other such examples, Honda-Enokii and Katatsu, at the autumnal meeting of Association of Japanese Geographers last year, and explained why the region should be supposed to have been cultivated in Middle Ages, also explaining its characteristics. The details are to be mentioned in next number.]
著者
Masataka SUZUKI
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
Japanese Journal of Human Geography (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.6, pp.541-554, 1978-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
53
被引用文献数
1 2

Spatial perception is the one of the most important problem to decide the behavior pattern in folk society where the people are living with nature. This paper proposes a study of spatial perception in folk society through the orientation in Yaeyama Islands, Okinawa prefecture of Japan. Yaeyama Islands is located in the southernmost part of Ryûkyû archipelago and therefore is the most southern of the whole Japanese area. These islands have been researched by many Japanese and foreign anthropologists, whose conclusions have had an important role in larger studies of Ryûkyûan culture. Using this anthropological approach, we will make clear up the indigenous concept of cosmology and find out the mode of spatial perception in this area.Through the analysis of myth and ritual, we may observe that Yaeyama islanders employ both the relative orientation shifting 30°-45° from the cardinal points and the absolute orientation of the cardinal points indicated by the twelve earthly branches _??__??__??_ . We call the former “folk orientation” and the latter “natural orientation”. It seems to me that “folk orientation” in Yaeyama Islands has been formed by the direction of monsoon because the term of ‘the north’ and ‘the south’ in “folk orientation” is the same as the names of wind. According to the meteorological data, the winter monsoon blows from northeast and the summer monsoon blows from southwest. Then, the pair of northeast-southwest relationship in “natural orientation” coinciding with the compass, is ‘the north-south’ relationship in “folk orientation” shifting 30°-45° from “natural orientation”. As for ‘the east-west’ relationship in “folk orientation”, the same shifting process is observed. For example, in Hateruma Island, one of the Yaeyama Islands, Simazasu in the north-western part of this island is in the islanders' conception very ‘west’ and as such connected with cape Takana in the southeastern edge of this island as the very ‘east’.On the folk village of Yaeyama Islands, these two systems of orientation are used for indicating the direction in ordinary life and make meaningful their spatial perception. For example, among the houses having three front rooms facing generally to the south of “folk orientation”, the male sides being the south and the east in “natural orientation” are superior to the female sides being the north and the west, but in religious affairs, the whole situation is reversed. Generally speaking, the pair of south-east relationship in “natural orientation” will be superior to the one of north-west relatioship. However, at the rituals on island level, cosmological concept based on a dualism that is characterized by superiority of ‘west’ and ‘female’ over ‘east’ and ‘male’, is found out. Though such value systems connected with spatial perception, are changed by the situation and the context, there are some principles formed by the indigenous concept of cosmology.In the above, we have examined spatial perception through the orientation. Lastly I will offer some interpretations of what might be called “Uyân” as it emerges in the “pan” (ritual invocations). In a passage of “pan”, “Uyân” (the deity) is praised. It runs as follows, “yuru nu isïma-ndô pïsu nu nana-ndê pïsê ôru bûyân pïsûyân” (great Uyân, Uyân looming large, who is always present during the five hours of the night and the seven hours of the day.)
著者
野澤 秀樹
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.1, pp.47-67, 1992-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
145
被引用文献数
4 1
著者
岡田 俊裕
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.5, pp.445-460, 1987-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
64
被引用文献数
4 2

The concepts of landscape (Landschaft, paysage) spread through the geographic world in Japan since the latter half of 1920's. The discipline of geography in Japan before the war's end was characterized by studies based on these concepts, the theory of man-land relationships, and geopolitics. This paper is the first historical review of studies of geographical landscape in Japan.Japanese geographers had tried to translate landscape (Landschaft, paysage) into Japanese since 1925, using such terms as“fukei (風景)”,“fudo (風土)”,“keiso (景相)”, “chiriteki keikan (地理的景観)”,“fukei keitai (風景形態)”,“keiiki (景域)”,“chisokei (地相景)”,“kansho (環象)”,“keikan (景観)”and others. Keikan was by far the most popularly used term. It is thought that Tsujimura Taro had a great influence on this state of affairs.The concepts of landscape can be classified into three major interpretations: (1) the synthetic contents of a (unit) region, (2) common regions as a type, (3) the visible and morphologic objects in a region. On the basis of this classification, the writer puts interpretations of these concepts before the war's end in the order stated above, number (1) being the most frequent interpretation. Other Japanese equivalents besides“keikan” were used frequently in interpretation number (1). However, it is said that interpretation number (3) came into wider use than number (1) in field studies.“Keikan”was used frequently in this case. Therefore, many theoretical studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (1), while most field studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (3). Interpretation number (2) appeared in a few cases, but it is not thought to have been used frequently.In the 1910's in Germany, the concept of landscape (Landschaft) was introduced to the system of geography, and the form or shape of landscape was treated as the object of landscape study. Studies which had some resemblance to those in Germany were seen before and after the 1930's in Japan. The studies of relations between landscape and social, economic and cultural conditions were deepened and developed later in Germany. However, research on form of landscape were, in Japan, still being carried out, and the function and phylogeny of landscape were not developed enough in Japan. But theoretical studies did develop some what. The development of landscapes was studied, and some researchers began to point out that it was necessary in landscape study to clarify the development mechanisms of human societies. Moreover the landscape was grasped from a view-point of social science, in that the landscape is thought to be determined by the mode of production.A problem that was little discussed throughout the pre-war and post-war days is the role of subjectivity in human societies in the formation of the cultural landscape. This is the main reason for the criticism that early studies of geographical landscape were not really connected to the contemporary world. In the first half of 1930's in Germany, O. Maull and H. Hassinger proposed that the nation state was the builder of landscape. Their propositions were soon introduced to Japan, but have not yet been really discussed. How are human societies including nation states related to the formation of the cultural landscape? The writer concludes that this discussion remains as an unsolved problem.
著者
滝波 章弘
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.4, pp.340-362, 1998-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
63
被引用文献数
2 2

What do tourists experience in travel? What is the meaning of contemporary tourism? These questions have been proposed since the mid 1970's by geographers, anthropologists, and psychologists of tourism in the English-speaking world. Most of the studies attempt to verify MacCanell's theory of authenticity, Turner's process of communitas or Cohen's systematic typology of tourist experience. Are these hypothesis also applicable to the Japanese contemporary tourist experience?The popular travel monthly“Tabi”proves an indispensable source concerning Japanese tourism. Each edition contains travel essays contributed by readers. I compared 155 travel writings in“Tabi”from 1992 to 1995 with the contributors ranging from the young to the aged.In the first analysis, I examined three hypothesis. Turner's communitas was verified only in 3 essays; MacCanell's authenticity in 25 essays; and Cohen's typology in 47 essays. These results show that the existing models are insufficient to explain the Japanese tourist experience.In the second analysis, I tried to treat the 155 travel narratives without hypothesis. Based upon the structuralist textual analysis, I extracted six main subjects: encounter of people, perception of panorama or landscape, discovery of another world, observation of culture and history, solution of problem which arise during travel, and recognition of ones life.The relations between the demographic category and the subjects of tourist experience are summarized as follows. The younger writers emphasize the spatial contrast: they often compare their chosen destination with their everyday environment, and the smaller places they explored with popular tourist sites. The comparison is not neutral: what is unknown or idyllic is evaluated positively, while what is popular or metropolitan is portrayed negatively. The older writers are likely to underline the spatio-temporal contrast: they frequently speak of a spiritual experience following an ordeal, e.g., reverence of a panoramic view after a painful ascent. In terms of encounter, the nuance between age-groups is also clear. The younger tend to analyze systematically the encounter: they underline the contrast between the fragile tourist from the city and the kind and tough local people. For the older, the encounter is more realistic: there exists mutual communication between the local and the tourist.Regarding gender, more of the men observe the culture, history, and life style of the destination than women. Observation often leads to comprehension by accompanying the discourse of cultural comparison between native country and destination. On the other hand, women are more concerned with the solution of problems which may happen in their travel. In some cases, they write about the aid given by a local person in an encountered difficult situation; and in other cases they stress their sense of accomplishment after surmounting difficulties. Women are more concerned with self-presentation than men.Under divers tourist experiences, we can find out one common structure the spatiotemporal contrast. Men seek the spatial contrast between life-space and tourist space, between famous place and little place, and so on. Women pursue temporal contrast between difficult situation and accomplishment, between assisted tourist and assisting local person, and so on.The structure of contrast in the tourist experience resembles the system of objects proposed by Baudrillard. Both try to contrast some elements with others: goods in Baudrillard, and spatio-temporal experiences in travel writings. In this respect, we can say that travel writing is a part of a contemporary semiotic world. But we can also remark that there is a considerable difference: the contrast is symmetric in the system of goods and asymmetric in the narrative of travel. The asymmetry of the latter is the result of the real space.
著者
大城 直樹
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.3, pp.220-238, 1990-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
75
被引用文献数
4

This study aims at presenting some concrete features of Kohama, a Ryukyuan traditional settlement, in order to illustrate“Personality”of place, which may be considered as the whole dynamic relation of life and land. Attempts have been made to grasp their interrelations, namely“genre de vie”in Buttimer's sense, which includes not only material-social aspects but also mental-cultural phases in the analysis of a place. It should be understood, however, that the physical and socio-cultural matters examined here are quite selective, and limited to only the essential ones.The physical aspects are analyzed applying the concept of“high and low island”(by W.L. Thomas, Jr.). The basic physical features of the survey field, Kohama, can be defined as a“high island”, but since the island is relatively small, the characteristics of “high island”are not very apparent. However, the island's peculiar geologic formation, that is, the Quaternary limestone on a terrace and its unconforming position between the underlying surfaces, is favorable to hydrographic process of accumulation-drainage, and is better equipped with water supply for multiple agriculture (mainly sugar cane and rice cropping). For these aspects of the island's ecosystem, the relation between the physical aspects and subsistence form on this island is explicit. However, it is also a fact that the island's small area is a weak base for diversity. On the other hand, the siting of settlements was not necessarily disadvantageous under the medieval policy of giving preference to cultivated land. Rather, given the hydrological characteristics of the island, they can be said to be as appropriately located as the agricultural land.Regarding social matters, vertical relations, which specifically mean the relations between the upper and lower parts of social structure as suggested by hierarchies in kinship and the landlord/tenant system within the settlement, are not dominant, but equal or horizontal relations are noticeable. For instance, as for rice field possession, it is unusual for the main families to occupy well-watered rice fields. Spatial arrangement of residences also shows such a tendency: the houses of the main and branch families are not remarkably segregated. Generally speaking, in the Yaeyama Islands including Kohama, we can find no socially hierarchical system in rural communities such as that peculiar to the main island of Okinawa. It is safe to say that the horizontal social relations in the settlement have reflected a multi-centered and multi-phased rather than a centripetal and vertical social structure.Calling attention to cultural matters, particularly agricultural rites, which enable us to catch a picture of an unusual world and a hidden meaning of place, we are able to understand that, as a cultural apparatus, they embody ties of interdependence among the matters of“genre de vie”. The above-mentioned multiphased structure in the social context is ascertained not only from the different participants in those rites, but also sacred/profane territory and places implying boundaries. Besides, in the physical context, such a structure no doubt makes good use of the landscape surrounding the settlement under investigation.
著者
山口 泰代
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.2, pp.159-174, 1997-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
47
被引用文献数
2

The aim of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of a landscape at the sacred place paying attention to landscape scenery.This aim is dealt with in humanistic geography. But, there are still many complicating problems in the process of study. Especially, the translation of the word landscape is problem: all geographers ought to use the word keikan as meaning landscape, although the landscape study with which humanistic geographer are concerned is differnt from that of other geographers. Humanistic geographers are interested in how felt landscape is looked at by a person. On the other hand, most geographers have been interested in how a landscape is made, not how it is felt. Despite these different interests in landscape study, all geographers ought to use a same word. Therefore, landscape study with which humanistic geographers are concerned often has difficulty being understood by many geographers on other fields.So, I use the term word landscape scenery as a key word in this paper. The term landscape scenery is used by landscape gardeners. A humanistic geographer's concern is how a landscape is felt when looked at by a person, so this concern is close to the gardener's. If I carelessly use the word keikan as meaning landscape, my aim may not be properly understood by many other geographers.By the way, a sacred place can in the considered by context of history or society. Indeed, it is important to consider a sacred place from such contexts. But even if the focus goes further than history or society, it may be possible that such a place attracting all human beings exists. I want to deal with such a place that has been attracting all human beings beyond history or society as sacred place.I take up Muro as a sacred place in this papaer. Muro is a village between mountains. It has attracted many people as a sacred place for 1200 years. I make a study through researching Muro's landscape scenery. By the way, landscape scenery changes according to season or weather. Therefore, I mainly focus on the form of landscape scenery in this papaer.Muro's landscape scenery is mainly formed by 3 main structures.1: Very long path that has very bad visibility.2: A basin scenery looking from a place where the field of vision suddenly opens up.3: Changing scenery when a person gradually descends to the sacred villageThis landscape structure looks like a form combin a tunnel with earthenware mortar. Moreover, this landscape scenery looks like the scenery when we go back to mother's womb, if we wish. Is it exaggerated that this landscape scenery is possibily attractive for all human beings?The way of feeling for landscape when pepole look at it may be different for each person or each time. But there may exist a landscape scenery attracting all human beings. At least, this paper may be able to suggest that Muro's landscape scenery is very attractive, and the landscape structure of Muro may apply to a landscape scenery attracting all human beings.The aim of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of landscape at a sacred place paying attention to landscape scenery in geography.
著者
米田 巖 潟山 健一
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.6, pp.546-565, 1991-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
132
被引用文献数
4

Nearly half a century has passed since Trewartha pointed out in his presidential address to the 49th annual assembly of A. A. G., that geography is fundamentally anthropocentric.Generally speaking, recent trends in geographical researches in Japan and abroad as well seem to have remained unchanged. However, something must have changed in those two decades. The main aim of this article is to evaluate some new underlying currents in recent geographical research work from a humanistic point of view. Just as D. Porteous has pointed out in his essay, the reason why geography is so dull and boring is closely connected not only to ways of explanation, but to presentation in geographical works. In most cases, human contents are lacking.Authors have tried to make clear other factors responsible for this present situation. Most of geographical research work in Japan and abroad has been so far made with special emphasis on“seeing”through eyes. Little attention has been paid to other human senses. It can be said that most geographers have tended to heavily depend on visual organs, suffering from auditory, tactile, olfactory, and taste disorder.In our minds, we instantly create images in a more configurative and unified way by using five senses at the same time. What is mostly urgently needed is how to reconstruct all the things we have sensed in geographical content. Some new underlying currents in humanistic geography seem to be deeply concerned with this hidden aspect as described above, and have come up as the emerging new geography. The 1980's has witnessed tremendous progress, leading surely to a so-called sensuous geography, which is not fully developed at the present time.D. C. Pocock, D. Porteous, Yi-Fu Tuan and A. Buttimer are preeminent among the sensuous geographers. Authors see that the holistic point of view can be basically traced back to J. G. von Herder. Along with these new currents, Michael Polanyi has also come to realize the importance of tacit knowing, from epistemological and ontological view points. In addition, A. Berque has also greatly contributed to opening up a new era in humanistic geography and paved the way to clear elucidiation of the complicated multi-dimensional structure of climate by applying a new concept, médiance.In Japan, T. Watsuji was the first to systematize the significance of human existence with special reference to climate (Fûdo). He often refers to the works of Herder, because the Herderian way of interpretation of our world should be properly treated. Authors are also contending that all the geographical observation so far made must be reviewed and reevaluated in these respects. Holism runs against reductionism.Thick description of geographical phenomenon is thus to be made. Fuller attention should be paid again to Herderian holism in this respect in order to humanize human geography.The objectivity-oriented scientific movement seems to have been believed to be true up to the present time. However, authors understand that objectivity-oriented reductionism is far from being complete in the sense that this methodology is based on one-sided observation and reasoning, neglecting the five human senses to the sacrifice of the richness of the lively world. Well balanced observation and reasoning can only be realized through close contact with the five human senses.
著者
于 亜
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.4, pp.396-413, 2005-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
33

Every traditional society has its own particular regional food culture. The dumplings examined in this article are one example. In northern China, the dumpling has played an important role in food culture, not only materially but also spiritually. Dumplings even have meaning as ceremonial foods, and they form one of the chief elements of traditional food culture. Due to the liberal reform policies carried out in the 1980s, the Chinese economy has developed remarkably, and daily life, especially the food culture of the Chinese people, has changed radically. The aim of this paper is to examine the changing nature of the traditional food culture by focusing on the dumpling, and also to examine the changing meaning and function of the dumpling itself.The region discussed in this paper is Shandong in the lower Yellow River valley. The present state of dumpling food culture was investigated in seven districts within this region. In each district I distributed questionnaires, interviewed local people, and consulted historical records concerning food culture.The Shandong region is the birthplace of the dumpling and we can trace the historical development of it by using local documents. People consume dumplings in various settings, not only in daily life, but on formal occasions as well. The latter category includes annual celebrations and ceremonial events such as weddings, funerals, ancestor-worship rituals, and coming-of-age ceremonies. People still recognize dumplings as a vital dish. Moreover, on formal occasions, the opportunity for consumption, the reason for consumption, the place of consumption, and the group preparing the dumplings differs from place to place. Thus, the dumpling in Shandong is a daily food staple made out of wheat, and, at the same time, is a part of the local food culture that is valued socially and ritually.Since every local area has its own natural environment and historical and social background, types of dumplings differ by locality. However, people's respect for the dumpling is universal. By observing variations in the form of dumplings and by interviewing cooks, it becomes clear that knowledge about dumplings-their different types, forms, and functions-is a sort of folk wisdom that has spread widely.
著者
Shimpei SEGAWA
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
Japanese Journal of Human Geography (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.3, pp.215-236, 1995-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
94
被引用文献数
4 2 8

Buildings are moulded by and reflect order, social relations and ideas. However, how people build not only results from but also exerts influences upon how they think: order, social relations and ideas find expressions in actual buildings.As a message any building has to be decoded by those who use or observe it. But while it is composed of a multiplicity of signs, it also invites a plurality of readings and meanings. It must thus be considered on the basis of whose beliefs or whose view of the world a particular reading and meaning circulated in society is made up.The powerful in society often bring up unintentionaly as well as deliberately a certain reading and meaning of a building. Rather, the dominant are those who manage to present them that may be taken in as unquestioned and thus “natural”. Buildings are major arenas where reading and meaning publicly unfold.The material of my discussion is the Taman Mini Indonesia Indah (Beautiful Indonesia in Miniature Park), popularly known as Taman Mini, located in a suburb of Jakarta, the capital city of Indonesia. It is both a recreation park and a cultural theme park containing examples of traditional architecture, museums, religious buildings, movie theaters, gardens, and other cultural and historical exhibitions and facilities alike. It is designed to provide visitors with an overall insight into Indonesia's people, arts, social customs, history and living environment.My purpose is to reveal the use of the Taman Mini by investigating its design, location and way of representing, considering the socio-political setting of which it is a part. Both in the selectivity of its content and in the signs and style of representation the Taman Mini works to support the order favorable to those who have built it.In November, 1971, when the government was shifting to pro-capitalistic development policies, the President's wife first announced an idea to build a museum-park complex aiming at making Indonesia known to international tourists and raising national consciousness. A few years before, the republic saw the most crucial time in its post-colonial history. Late on the evening of 30 September 1965, army units launched a limited coup in Jakarta ostensibly to remove a group of generals said to be plotting against the then (and first) president. They killed six leading generals, the corpses of whom were later discovered in a well near the present site of the Taman Mini. The coup was crushed in twenty-four hours by special forces commanded by Major General Suharto. These events laid basis for a gradual seizure of power by him and the installation of the so-called New Order.Mrs Suharto's idea immediately came under attack by intellectuals and students, for being for her prestige and a waste of domestic funds, and for the compulsory clearing of small-holder farmlands at the site at a low rate of compensation. She insisted on fighting for her project and declared it was of service to the people to deepen their love for the fatherland. At last the President uttered a statement affirming his full back-up to his wife's project. Construction of the vast park began in 1972, and the opening by the President occurred on April 20, 1975.Some facilities and exhibitions of the Taman Mini are precise replicas with more perfection than their originals. Others are drained from immediate functions and actual life by being replanted regardless of the backgrounds on which they should be. They are all signs of“Indonesian-ness”, and the Park serves as a sketch map showing in public space how Indonesia is organized.The Taman Mini conveys a set of values. The juxtaposition of provincial architectures, houses of worship, folk ways of life, handicrafts, and performing arts visualize the cultural diversity and relativism of Indonesian society.
著者
立岡 裕士
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, no.3, pp.193-214, 1985-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
167
被引用文献数
2

The purpose of this study is twofold; (1) to clarify the problems of introducing the method of neo-Kuhnian history of science into the history of geography, pointing out the defects of earlier arguments about the validity of paradigm concept in geography by some methodologists, and (2) to throw new light on a theme not so well studied so far, diffusion (i. e. advocacy, acceptance, transformation) of theories, with a case study of the Hartshornian paradigm.Although some critics have considered ‘paradigm’ in geography as a model of scientific development, paradigm is a device for grasping both social and intellectual aspects of science together. Actually such critics have paid attention to the social aspect of geography, but they identify it with external influences as though it were separable from its intellectual aspect. Scientific knowledge is dependent on the context of scientific community, which has become apparent after institutionalization.Obtained from studying natural sciences, the methods of the history of science must be modified in some degree so that they are applicable to geography. Institutionalized geography has two different aspects from academic science; one is that the codification in geography is less developed, and the other is that the circle of the profession is not closed. However, geography is not so deprived of autonomy as industrialised science. So, with alterations on some items which result from the above differences, such as social relevance and the undefined nature of groups of geographers, we could apply the framework used to analyze academic science to institutionalized geography.Under the condition of less developed codification, a theory with little concreteness has much room for various interpretation. And frequently this is the case with geography. Therefore, diffusion of a theory in geography always involves some transformation of its meaning. Nevertheless historians of geography have shown little interest in this aspect except in the transfer of a theory beyond the boundaries of disciplines or of nations. This is probably because they have seen the transformation as external and contingent noise, unconsciously assuming communication of a shared code. Yet we should view this process adopting a communication model in which sender and receiver have their own codes, respectively, which are dependent on their past experiences and present situations. At this point we can study such transformation and fixation of theories as social and essential phenomena, not as personal nor accidental. In sum, diffusion of theories should be examined in the following respects: the context of advocate, his intent, the context of accepters, and the condition of the medium.The context in which The Nature of Geography (NG) was brought forth consisted of two parts: 1) Hartshorne's career of study leading to NG, 2) the group into which he had been socialised and with which he had common experiences.Hartshorne was incorporated into the ‘invisible college’ of the field conferences (FC) which was organized by W. D. Jones and Sauer for studying methods of land-use survey. At the outset they treated this theme from the viewpoint of environmentalism, but with the expansion of the study they had gotten off environmentalism into regionalism by the early thirties. The central problem in their methodological debates was the conventionalisation of procedures for regional study. And with it there were theoretical problems, such as the necessity for and means of generalization and synthesis, visibility as the criterion for research, and treatment of the time-dimension. Some alternative sets of answers to these questions were presented.From 1924 to 1939 Hartshorne had changed his subjects of inquiry but nevertheless some traits were consistent
著者
野尻 亘
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, no.6, pp.507-530, 1986-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
153
被引用文献数
2 1

Traditionally, many geographers have been interested in the relations between methodologies of human geography and ecology, but their standpoints have been divergent. The purpose of this review is to clarify the context and directions of the ecological approach with reference to the methodology of sociology, anthropology and ecosystem theory in the U.S.A. and the U.K.In the Chicago School of sociology, human ecology is defined as the study of community. Human ecologists make a distinction between community and society. Society is based upon the cultural consensus of the inhabitants, while community is based upon their biotic competition and symbiosis. But the biotic community concept has been severely criticized. In response to this criticism, human ecology has divided into two schools. The Neo-orthodox school mainly studies spatial structures of communities. And Socio-cultural school emphasizes the individuals' perception and image of the space.Anthropologists, traditionally, have been interested in the geographical area and historical change of cultures. Steward has proposed a theory of cultural ecology which concerns adaptation of culture to environment. In contrast to him, other anthropologists propose a more biological, ecological anthropology that is based upon ecosystem theory or Darwinism.In addition, some geographers have introduced community theory (Morgan, Moss) and ecosystem theory (Stoddart) from biology, especially ecology. These are theoretical frameworks that attempt to dissolve the distinctions between physical and human geography and between idiographic and nomothetic approaches, in order to defend the unity of geography. The Chicago School of sociology inspired the theory which investigates the morphology and function of urban areas, which has in turn influenced urban geography. Anthropology has inspired ecological methodology which investigates man's adaptation to environment from the viewpoint of activities for subsistence. Such movements have affected current cultural geography.In sociology, anthropology and human geography, the ecological approach commonly concerns the process in which social behaviors adapt to and interact with space and environment, as well as the values and perceptions of man, and energy flows in that process.In conclusion, the author would like to understand the ecological approach in the following currents:1. Both geography and ecology are studies based upon region and place.2. Both geography and ecology endeavor to comprehend nature and society integratively.3. The ecological approach is wholistic.4. The ecological approach studies historical changes.5. The ecological approach treats circulation and economic phenomena.6. The ecological approach investigates the relations between internals and externals of population, community and ecosystem.7. The ecological approach is functional.8. The ecological approach is systematic.Many geographers, however, have criticized ecological approach for the following reasons: (1) Ecological approach is not deductive and analytical. (2) Ecological approach is based upon biological analogy, and is destitute of socioeconomic scope about human society. Therefore, in attempts to solve problems of environmental pollution geographically, it may be necessary to add wider social framework to ecological approach.
著者
山根 拓
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.1, pp.1-24, 1987-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
64
被引用文献数
2 1

The post office network has been developing in Japan since 1871. In the formation of this network, the post office has contributed to the formation of modern spatial organization in Japan. In order to explain this geographical situation concretely, the distribution of this communication facility during different development periods is compared with the growth of central places and the distribution of other public facilities, and so the hierarchical linkages in the postal system are presented as one example of a modern integrated system formed by rational interregional relations. This paper discusses these points based on a case study of Hiroshima Prefecture.The results obtained are as follows:(1) The history of the post office network can be divided into three phases (1871-1900; 1900-1945; 1945-), according to features of its growth.a) Before 1882, the post office network was developed in many places at the same time. This sudden expansion was caused by historical and political conditions in the Meiji era and the introduction of post office management by contractors. After 1882, a number of post offices were closed because of the contractors' financial difficulties. During the Meiji era, post offices developed in central places belonging to higher class than the lower order central places where primary schools and/or village offices were located.b) In the second phase (1900-1945) the post office network became denser. A number of non-collection-delivery post offices were concentrated in densely populated urban areas. On the other hand 70% of the settlements in rural areas having a town office or village office got post offices. The allocation of collection-delivery offices was nearly completed during this phase. The reformation of postal districts was carried out in order to bring them into conformity with administrative districts and the homogeneity of each area.c) The reopening of closed post offices in war-damaged cities (e. g. Hiroshima) characterized the locational development of these facilities in the postwar period. However the basic locational development pattern did not change. In urban areas the distribution of post offices has become denser in city centers and then expanded to suburban areas. Today most of the lower order central places in rural areas have also received post offices. Depopulation in rural mountainous areas has caused some closures of post offices in recent years. These closures will probably have an important effect on the locational development of post offices in the near future.(2) The hierarchical linkage among post offices is made clear by analyzing the internal organization of postal services. As indicators of this system, the grade of post offices, mail routes, the flow of funds used in post offices, and some designated post office were selected. As a result, it was found that the hierarchical linkage, which included the Hiroshima office as a first order center, and Kure, Fukuyama, Onomichi and Miyoshi offices as second order centers, has been formed and tightened in relation to modernization of the central place system. Especially, the centrality of the Fukuyama and Miyoshi offices has increased in recent years. Additionally, since the 1930's third order centers have began to appear, for example Mihara, Takehara, and Shobara offices. They have been established in central places reorganized as municipalities since the 1930's and had their status raised to ordinary post offices in the 1940's.Two aspects of the post office -its locational development and its hierarchical integration-were dealt with. These two aspects of the post office indicate effects of national policy and the reformation of the regional system at the same time.
著者
神原 哲郎
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.2, pp.189-206, 1995-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
48

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the spatial organization of the postal network. For this purpose, this paper deals with the locational development of post offices (1871-1993) and the spatial change of the mail transportation network (1969-1993) in Nagasaki Prefecture, in which there are a large number of detached islands.The results of this analysis are summarized as follows:1) The postal services of Japan started between Tokyo and Osaka in March 1871, and the service areas expanded to Nagasaki in December of that year. Thereafter many post offices were established in Nagasaki Prefecture. Particularly in urban area (e. g. Nagasaki and Sasebo), the locational densities of post offices became crowded. On the other hand, the development of networks in rural areas (particularly detached islands) was slow, therefore many post offices had to be established by the requests of local administrations. At the end of World War II, 92% of the cities, towns and villages as of 1912 got post offices.2) After World War II, the locations of newly-established post offices were completely restricted within urban areas. On the contrary, postal agencies entrusted by the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications were established in rural areas. As a result, the allocation of post offices in urban areas became closer, and the postal network was promoted into the rural settlements, too. Recently, because of depopulation and improvement of transportation facilities, collection-delivery post offices in rural areas have been changed into non-collection-delivery ones, non-collection-delivery ones in the outlying settlements also having been changed into postal agencies.3) The main network of mail transportation had been formed by railways, and the branch network by automobiles and omnibuses until 1984. A drastic improvement of mail transportation network was carried out in 1984, and most of the mail-routes were formed by automobiles and airlines. The mail transportation network depended upon railway's schedules before 1984, however, it became possible to establish independent routes of mail transportation after that.4) Under the new system, the Nagasaki Central Post Office is operating as the regional sorting center of Nagasaki Prefecture except for Iki and Tsushima Islands. The routes between Nagasaki Central Post Office and large-scale offices (futsu post offices; e. g. Sasebo, Isahaya, etc.) consist of main lines by private-use trucks, the routes to small-scale offices (tokutei post offices) consisting of branch lines by private-use light vans. As a result, the network characterized by the Nagasaki Central Post Office as the first order center is organized, and the range where express mail from/to Nagasaki city can be deliveried in a day has expanded in most areas, but has been reduced in some parts.In the spatial organization of the postal network, the author may point out the existence of various regional differences: between urban areas and rural areas (particularly outlying settlements), between the mainland and detached islands, and between Nagasaki city and other areas.
著者
小川 都弘
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.5, pp.586-606, 1992-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
122

The purpose of this article is, based on a postmodervist perspective to attempt to reformulate the methodological framework for multiple-readings of the messages of picture-maps of manors (_??__??__??__??_, syoen-ezu) in medieval Japan. The author's approach, called‘sociocartology’, is broadly socio-linguistical or semiotical. The summary is as follows:The syoen-ezu as a socio-legal document in medieval Japan was explored here under five themes: the bibliographical background of each individual syoen-ezu; the cartographic conventions in medieval Japan; the syntax of each syoen-ezu as encoded text; the cartographic discourses in each syoen-ezu; the historico-sociological phase of geographical lore, from the viewpoint of the‘sociocartology’, in which the messages of the syoen-ezu in the context of the linguistic lifestyles and the political behaviour patterns of the medieval Japanese people were studied systematically.The primary function of the syoen-ezu, was to provide geographical information about various objects that exist cosynchronously in the manorial territory (called‘Function-A’), to represent the paticular events occuring there and the ruler's political attitude towards such (called‘Function-B’), and to convey not only the ideological contents, but also the ethos that were differentiated from the literal meanings which were manifest in these maps (called‘Function-C’). Function-B and Function-C had been neglected by historical geographers.As to the Function-B, using R. Bartes' methodology, the author considered distortions of the cartographic language which were deliberately induced by cartographic artifice, and reformulated the hidden rules of cartographic distortion (J. B. Harley, 1988) in the paradigm of cultural semiotics. On this basis the highly variegated cartographic discourse, made up from various social dialects among the map makers according to differences of the sociohistorical context, was reconstructed from the standpoint of both map-maker and mapreader.As to Function-C, the notion of geosophy as ideology of the lord of the manor was equivalent to that of fusui (_??__??_, geomantik) and inyo-gogyo (_??__??__??__??_) originated from ancient Chinese philosophy. The physical landscape of the syoen-ezu was, therefore, not due to what was seen in itself, but something to be reconstructed ideally in the medieval geosophical field. For the God of Wealth and Longevity of the manorial lord, some ideal landscape types and imagined genius loci types were prefered above all as the physical basis of manorial territory to be depicted.Reading maps from the view point of sociocartology is to elucidate the politics of meaning according to the manner in which objects and events had been expressed by forms under varying historical conditions. A manorial territory here may be seen as a construction of language as well as a land based novel, of economics, and sociopolitics (Tuan, 1991). Thus every reading of a syoen-ezu will offer us the possibility of challenging received ideas about the politics of place.
著者
戸口 伸二
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.6, pp.584-595, 1996-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
52
著者
織田 武雄
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, no.5, pp.379-391, 1953-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
11
著者
上田 元
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, no.3, pp.193-211, 1986-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
82
被引用文献数
3 1

The two major aims of this article are to survey the different phases in the introduction and definition of‘Territoriality’ as a concept in Western geographical literature, and to investigate the definitions from a meta-geographical point of view, focusing on the axiomatical structure of each definition and the ideological characteristics which each structure has as a system of representation of the world from on a particular social standpoint.‘Territoriality’ in human geography has its origin in ethology, and the concept was introduced in geography at the beginning of the 1960's. In ethology, the concept was defined first as the aggressive instinct of an organism defending its surroundings. The logic of this theory is a bit circular because of its premise of‘an aggressive instinct to be controlled’. This difficulty was overcome for example in sociobiology by posutulating the maximization of‘inclusive fitness’: in this view, territoriality is defined as a strategy which functions when the defense of a territory brings more benefit than non-territorial behavior. This postulate derives from the original metaphor of the utilitarian behavior of man in Europe, and it became the frame of reference in interpreting animal behavior. At any rate, the ethological concept stimulated an interest in human geography in the territorial behavior of man, which has generally been neglected in spatial analysis and is defined as an attempt to control actions and interactions of objects by asserting and attempting to enforce control over a specific geographical area.The influence of the ethological concept on human geography can be found in some definitions, where geographers use the works of ethologists, but generally they cite first the concept implicitly in an analogical way: there was not any reflection about the difference between animals and man. For example, from the end of the 1960's to the middle of the 1970's, the ethnic or religious segregation within a city is cited as an urban territoriality of man. These implicit analogies are examined in behavioral geography in the 1980's, and it is explicitly recognized that human territoriality has not only biological bases but also symbolical and institutional aspects which are different from animals, and that territoriality has an analogical sense in human behavior.In addition to this behavioral territoriality, the analogical use of the concept has been examined from the humanistic approach from the middle of the 1970's, in the name of ‘emotional territoriality’. This approach aims to surpass simple analogies and reflect the emotions and symbols of mankind. It partly criticizes the behavioral approach because of its axiomatical restriction of the object to the observable and measurable, and treats the concept of territoriality by connecting it with ideas such as‘attachment to place’and so on.The same connection with the emotional is found in some theories in political geography from the beginning of the 1970's. For example, there are such expressions as ‘group's sense of attachment to geographical area’and‘sense of belonging to a particular place’, which signify the sharing in common of a territorial iconography or symbolism like a national flag. These emotional conceptions can be called: a societal territoriality, which is related to the formation and maintenance of‘an attachment to place’by ideological manipulation and societal forces. This conception is found also in the concept of social space, where a value system and other social factors are homogeneous.From another point of view, a conceptual investigation enables us to clarify the ideological and disguised characteristics of these emotional conceptions in the real world, and particularly in geographical theories.