著者
森川 洋
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, no.5, pp.377-395, 1962-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
31
被引用文献数
2 2

The purpose of this article is to classify the characteristics of the distribution of Japanese towns before the industrial revolution. To qualify such towns, the author uses “Kyomhseihyo” (1880), the national statistics on population and products, and limits as town the settlements with over 2, 000 persons, but some fishing villages may be exceptionally contained among them.The author thinks that the distribution of those towns is analogous to that “alten Kulturländer” called by G. Schwarz, which roughly speaking is related to the density of rural population (Fig. 1.) There was a dense net of towns with much urban populatin in coastal and basin regions (densely populated), where there were also large towns like Tokyo (725, 000), Osaka (363, 000), Kyoto (136, 000), Nagoya (117, 000), Kanazawa (108, 000) etc. (Fig. 2 and 3). Of course, the agglomeration of towns and urban population in those days were not in so large scale as in the present day.But the distribution of towns in those days can not be explained by population density only. The ratio of urban population per Kuni, regional division in those days (Fig. 4) and the hierarchical structure of towns were related more closely to scale of regional centres than to economic richness of the areas. For example, the large regional centre Toitori (36, 000) and some small towns (2-3, 000) lay in Inaba-Kuni, so that the ratio of urban population per Kuni was raised (exclusively) by the urban population of Tottori.Most of such regional contres were castle towns in feudal age, and their scale was in proportion to that of territories of “Daimyoes”, feudal lords. The origin of small towns was mosily market towns, coaching towns, and port-towns, which had grown in proportion to regional economic development.Therefore, the distribution of towns in early Meiji-era was related to hitstorical conditions in feudal age everywhere.
著者
中谷 友樹
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.3, pp.254-273, 1994-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
90
被引用文献数
1 1

A mathematical model is built for influenza or other similar disease epidemics in a multi-region setting. The model is an extended type of chain-binomial model applied to a large population (Cliff et al., 1981), taking into account interregional infection by interregional contacts of people. If the magnitude of the contact is presented by simple distance-decay spatial interaction or the most primitive gravity model, a conventional gravity-type epidemic model (Murray and Cliff, 1977; Thomas, 1988) is deduced.Given the number of infectives and susceptibles, the chain-binomial model predicts the number of infectives in the next period with binomial probability distribution. Available data are, however, weekly cases per reporting clinic in each prefecture reported by the surveillance project, characterized by continuous variation; the data could be a surrogate index for rates of infection. The author modified the model to use rates of infectives and susceptibles, and used a normal approximation of binomial distribution. With the maximum-likelihood method, this model can be calibrated. The specification of the model is as follows:Li(Yi, t=0, …, Yi, t=T|β°i, δi)=Πt1/√2πVar[Yi, t+1]·exp{-1/2Var[Yi, t+1](Yi, t+1-E[Yi, t+1])}, E[Yi, t+1]=β°i/MiXi, tΣjmijYj, t, Var[Yi, t+1]=β°i/MiXi, tΣjmijYj, t(1-β°i/MiΣjmijYj, t), Xi, t=δi-Σis=0Yi, s, where Mi=Σjmij; Li denotes the likelihood of the model for region i; Xi, t denotes the estimated rate of susceptibles in region i at week t; Yi, t denotes the reported rate of infectives in region i at time t; mij denotes the size of interregional contact with the people in regions j for the people in region i; β°i denotes the infection parameter in region i; δi denotes the parameter concerned with the rate of initial susceptibles in region i.The model posits that the average number of people who come into contact with a susceptible in prefecture i is a constant, and that the average rate of infectives of the people is ΣjmijYj, t/Mi. The probability of a susceptible in region i infected at time t is, therefore, β°iΣjmijYj, t/Mi.This model was applied to a weekly incidence of influenza in each prefecture, from the 41st week, 1988, to the 15th week, 1989, Japan, letting the size of interregional passenger flow Tij correspond to mij as follows: mij=Tij+Tji (i≠j), mii=Tii.Goodness-of-fits (Table 1) of one-week-ahead forecasts were almost satisfactory except for prefectures whose epidemic curves were bi-modal (e.g., Hokkaido) or whose transition speed between epidemic breakout and peak was too high (e.g., Yamagata). The latter might be explained by a cluster of group infection (e.g., school classes) in an earlier phase of the epidemic (see Fig. 4).
著者
岡本 兼佳
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.3, pp.182-194,248, 1955-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
8
被引用文献数
1

For the approach to the reasons of dwelling dispersion, it is fundamentally necessary that the settled order should be made clear by tracing back to the early stage of the reclamation and throughout the progress. From this point, the writer researched into the dispersed settlement on the deltaic plain between two rivers, the Edo and the Furutone, Kanto lowland. The following conclusions were reached:1. The pioners located their homes apart from one another and rarely adjoined besides the line villages. This dispersion of the pioneers resulted from selecting the highest island-like embankment in order to secure their farmsteads from flood waters. When the embankment was too lower to avoid flood, the dweller still more raised up the ground artificially.2. The community in this region is chiefly organized with the relation of head and branch, so the reasons for the dispersed dwelling can be attainable through the branching of the families. Distinguishing the families in the same lineage and ranging them in settled order, and then drawing them on the map, the settlement growth and especially where the branch families select as the house sites are made clear. These distribution types are classified as follows; (A) scattering type of branch families, (B) adjoining type of a branch family to its head family, (C) adjoining type of a branch family to another.3. Classifying the own-fields of the dispersed branch families by distribution, two types are recognized; (a) concentrated type around the house site or stretched type in front of his house site, and (b) remote type. The latter is subdivided into three types; (1) scattered type, (2) distant and yet concentrated type, (3) two groups type in front and at a distance. Each of these types is exemplified in Fig. 3, 4 and 5. When the dwelling is located in the center of the own-fields the most convenience of farming is given. In this region, however, some of the dispersed branch families have the fields in type of remoteness and scattering, because they can not get at will the favorable elevated house site everywhere.4. The adjoining type of a branch family to its head family has also two distribution types of the own-fields; (a) stretched type in front of both families in their way, (b) remote type in the branch family's fields. The latter is classified into the same three types as the case of the dispersed branch families. The examples are given in Fig. 6 and 7.5. The adjoining type of a branch family to another makes the distribution types of the own-fields as follows; (a) contrated type adjacent to the house site in each family or stretched type in front of both families in their way, and (b) remote type in the later settler. This dwelling type and the distribution types of fields are based on taking the elevated dry lots for the house sites.6. Subsequently some farmers removed from other places and they also settled in the types of adjoining and scattering. In that case, the settlers mostly looked for the elevated dry lots and consequently the same dwelling types were shaped.7. The ruined sites were scarcely resettled and were usually changed to the fields and even the lots leaved to the overgrowth with trees and grasses turned out. The inhabitants seem to have evaded such ruined sites psychologically.8. In Tab. 3 the elevated island-like lots are classified by size and are compared with the existence of dwelling. Inspecting this, the greater the lot area becomes, the more dweller it stands, conversely, the smaller lots are entirely used as the fields. By every size of the elevated lots, averaging the area of the house sites possessing on each, the home site areas increase in proportion to the elevated lot areas. This proves that the locating of the dwelling is adapted for the elevated lots. The changes of the landuse follow even the artificial changes,
著者
西村 孝彦
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, no.6, pp.524-538, 1979-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
39
被引用文献数
3 1
著者
織田 武雄
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, no.5-6, pp.152-162,A15, 1952-01-15 (Released:2009-04-30)
参考文献数
45

Either to affirm or to deny the circumnavigation of Africa by Phoenicians there are not sufficient data, because Herodotus' description of it is brief. It may be wise to conclude, like Bunbry, “it is not proven”.However, when the oceanic currents and wind are taken into consideration, it is understood that the least geographic obstacles will be met if the sailing around of Africa is started from the east seacoást of the continent. Also, while Polynesians got to almost all islands in the Pacific by means of their primitive canoes, Phoenicians had possessed better vessels and navigation than Polynesians.If indirect evidence such as above mentioned is taken into accounts, the circumnavigation of Africa by Phoenicians may be considered “gar nicht unwahrscheinlich, ” as remarked by Humboldt.
著者
菊池 万雄
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.5, pp.447-461, 1978-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
30

It is said that in the Edo Era cholera prevailed in Bunsei 5 (1822), Ansei 5 (1858) and Bunkyu 2 (1862). In considering the actual substance of each epidemic from the number of the deaths recorded in the necrologies of temples, the following became clear.1) The epidemic in Bunsei 5 was the first big incident of this in Japan. As for the invasion route of cholera to our country, although there are several opinions, it can be established that invasion came through Nagasaki.Cholera prevailed in south-west Japan, especially in the San'in and San'yo areas, but it did not reach north-east Japan or Edo.2) The Ansei epidemic started from Nagasaki, and became quite widespread all over the country in Ansei 5 and 6, spreading as far as Edo and Mutsu.The Ansei 5 epidemic was the first one in Edo and it was particularly serious but as regards the country as a whole, there seem to have been more places where the epidemic broke out in Ansei 6 rather than Ansei 5.Because there was so much recorded concerning the epidemic in Edo, it was wrongly thought to be the biggest epidemic of cholera in modern age in our country.3) Cholera also prevailed on a great scale over the whole country in Bunkyu 2. To consider this as a continuation of the epidemic in the Ansei period is wrong, for it is established fact that in the first year of Bunkyu, matters were completely back to normal and that the epidemic in the second year of Bunkyu came in from Nagasaki and spread from there.It is possible to say that the cholera epidemic in Bunkyu 2 was substantially the worst in the Edo Era, because it was widespread throughout the country and the number of victims was so great.As the record of deaths in the necrologies show pronounced peaks coinciding with the sudden infection of cholera and high death rate, and as the peaks occur at different times depending on the district, it is easy to trace the infection route of cholera.Furthermore, based on various old records of public government offices, villages and temples, we can endorse the following points concerning the prevalence of cholera at that time.* That the invasion route of cholera started in Nagasaki.* That the theory of the big three epidemics in Bunsei, Ansei and Bunkyu stands, rather than the theory of the big two in Bunsei and Ansei.* That the Ansei 5 epidemic occurred in Edo only, and that as regards the whole country the theory that the worst epidemic was in Bunkyu 2 stands rather than the theory that it was in Ansei 5.
著者
河原 典史
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.2, pp.168-181, 1990-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
42
被引用文献数
2

The regional character of different places can berecognized through living styles and their changes in rural houses. In this study, the author examined functional changes and their factors in rural houses according to the changes in fishing, taking rural houses in fishery villages which have been neglected as an example. As a case study, the author took up funaya settlements in Ineura, in which many kinds of functions are mixed.It was in the Taisho Era that the living functions of funaya which had functions for fishing, such as dry-docking a boat, keeping fishery tools, drying fishing nets and so on, began to come into existence. And it was after World War II that these living functions remarkably expanded.The forms of funaya have greatly changed from a simple two-storied house to a regular two-storied house, because the living space has expanded to the upper stories of funaya since the war ended.The following factors can be given as the reasons for which funaya are equipped with living functions:1. the economic factor: prosperity of fishing in 1950, 1951 and in 1970∼1975.2. the physical factor: linear villages which have little space for housing land.3. a social factor: the rise of nuclear families.Non-fishing families which have a large main house don't need funaya so few of these funaya are equipped with living functions. Furthermore, since about 1965, funaya have had a surplus of living space, so some houses are often found to be changed into minshuku (guest houses).At the present time, the place for dry-docking a boat on the first floor of funaya is classifiied into 4 types: A, B, C and D (see Fig. 8). The main reason is that fiberglass-reinforced-plastic (F.R.P.) boats were introduced in 1969 and the weaving industry spread in 1961.A type: This type doesn't show changes of form. Despite being equipped with dry-docking functions, these are hardly used.B type: Though this type shows changes in form, it still preserves its function for dry-docking boats.C type: This is the type in which formal change is the same as the functional one when the function for dry-docking boats disappeared because of the introduction of F.R.P. boats.D type: This is the type in which the function for dry-docking of boats has disappeared and the forms have changed a great deal, owing to protection of weaving machines and commercial goods.
著者
籠瀬 良明
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, no.3, pp.36-47,96, 1950-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
18

In the plain of Takada can be traced an old watercourse of the Hokura about five kilometers in length. What characterize this old watercourse are free meandering and natural banks, running on both sides of it and higher than the level by one meter or two with fields and hamlets on them. A long succession of fine paddy-fields stretehes on this old course of the river, which were brought under cultivation in middle ages. (Especially, it is the case with the lower course of the river.)In the article two of those examples, Matsuhashi and Funatsu in the village of Honda are dealt.[The author made a lecture on other such examples, Honda-Enokii and Katatsu, at the autumnal meeting of Association of Japanese Geographers last year, and explained why the region should be supposed to have been cultivated in Middle Ages, also explaining its characteristics. The details are to be mentioned in next number.]
著者
平岡 昭利
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.5, pp.503-518, 2005-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
92
被引用文献数
1

The Senkaku Islands are made up of five uninhabited islands scattered about 170km north of the Yaeyama Islands of Okinawa Prefecture. In recent years the territorial claims on these islands made by China and Taiwan have increased since it was found that under that area there is a lot of petroleum and natural gas. No one has ever sufficiently examined why Japanese people in the Meiji Era started going to these islands made only of rocks. This study discusses the Japanese advance into and the development of the Senkaku Islands. The following is its summary;The territorial possession of the uninhabited Senkaku Islands started with the exploration by the Okinawa Prefectural Government in 1885, and the exploration report says that a large flock of albatross was found there. In the 1890's, the Japanese advance into the Senkaku Islands was accelerated in order to get the albatross plumage and the great green turban. In those days the Okinawa Prefectural Government had to plead with the Meiji Central Government again and again to put national landmarks on the islands because it was not clear whether the islands were actually Japanese or Chinese territory. Finally in 1894, the Meiji Government permitted to put the national landmarks. In 1895 the Senkaku Islands were placed under the jurisdiction of Okinawa Prefecture. In the same year, Tatsushiro Koga, who was a powerful and wealthy shellfish merchant, asked the Meiji Government to lease Kuba Island for the purpose of catching albatross because of the rapid decrease of the great green turban. His business changed from shellfish to albatross. In 1896, the Government not only leased Kuba Island to him but also granted him the lease of another four Senkaku Islands for 30 years.In 1897 Koga started his business in the Senkaku Islands, but albatross, his main resource of business, decreased devastatingly in only three years. Therefore, he diversified his business into stuffed birds, bonito fishing, guano, and phosphate rocks and managed to make an immense profit. But his business didn't last long because he mismanaged the natural resources on the islands. Koga Village, founded in Uotsuri Island with a huge investment of money, disappeared in about 30 years and around 1937 the Senkaku Islands again became uninhabited with no change since then.
著者
野澤 秀樹
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.1, pp.47-67, 1992-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
145
被引用文献数
4 1
著者
山野 正彦
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, no.1, pp.46-68, 1979-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
114
被引用文献数
18 7
著者
于 亜
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.4, pp.396-413, 2005-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
33
被引用文献数
1 2

Every traditional society has its own particular regional food culture. The dumplings examined in this article are one example. In northern China, the dumpling has played an important role in food culture, not only materially but also spiritually. Dumplings even have meaning as ceremonial foods, and they form one of the chief elements of traditional food culture. Due to the liberal reform policies carried out in the 1980s, the Chinese economy has developed remarkably, and daily life, especially the food culture of the Chinese people, has changed radically. The aim of this paper is to examine the changing nature of the traditional food culture by focusing on the dumpling, and also to examine the changing meaning and function of the dumpling itself.The region discussed in this paper is Shandong in the lower Yellow River valley. The present state of dumpling food culture was investigated in seven districts within this region. In each district I distributed questionnaires, interviewed local people, and consulted historical records concerning food culture.The Shandong region is the birthplace of the dumpling and we can trace the historical development of it by using local documents. People consume dumplings in various settings, not only in daily life, but on formal occasions as well. The latter category includes annual celebrations and ceremonial events such as weddings, funerals, ancestor-worship rituals, and coming-of-age ceremonies. People still recognize dumplings as a vital dish. Moreover, on formal occasions, the opportunity for consumption, the reason for consumption, the place of consumption, and the group preparing the dumplings differs from place to place. Thus, the dumpling in Shandong is a daily food staple made out of wheat, and, at the same time, is a part of the local food culture that is valued socially and ritually.Since every local area has its own natural environment and historical and social background, types of dumplings differ by locality. However, people's respect for the dumpling is universal. By observing variations in the form of dumplings and by interviewing cooks, it becomes clear that knowledge about dumplings-their different types, forms, and functions-is a sort of folk wisdom that has spread widely.
著者
加藤 政洋
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.2, pp.164-182, 1999-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
130
被引用文献数
3 1

There has begun to develop a burgeoning new problematic in recent works in human geography addressing the debate around postmodernism and the city. David Harvey's The Condition of Postmodernity (1989) and The Urban Experience (1989), and Edward Soja's Postmodern Geographies (1989) are major works on this theme. While their contribution to 'postmodern geography' is now widely accepted, they have been criticized by some feminist geographers such as Massey (1991) and Deutsche (1991) for their suppression of difference, their failure to be aware of masculinity and their lack of recognition of feminist theories of representation in their works. There is one other matter which is important in these criticisms. As Deutsche and Gregory (1994) have acutely pointed out, Harvey and Soja read the city as a distant silhouette and both accord a particular privilege to this distant view.The purpose of the present paper is to outline a series of debates, as mentioned above, around ways of seeing the city in contemporary urban studies in general, and to undertake a critical assessment of Harvey's voyeurism in his 'Introduction' to The Urban Experience and Soja's solar Eye (looking down like a God) in 'an imaginative cruise' in particular. In addition to this purpose, I am going to suggest two directions for a postmodern geographical critique of the modernist gaze on the urban condition-the politics of representation and the politics of scale.The second section of the paper explains the change in Harvey's attitude towards the city. We can observe this change in the transfiguration of the leading figure from a 'restless analyst' (in Consciousness and the Urban Experience) to 'the voyeur' (in The Urban Experience). Harvey, as the restless analyst, places an exaggerated importance on wandering the streets, playing 'flaneur', watching people, eavesdropping on conversations and reading local newspapers. In short, he learns more about the city and its urban condition by engaging in microgeographies of everyday life and pursuing a view from the city streets. As the voyeur, however, he makes a point of ascending to a high point and looking down upon the intricate landscape of streets, built environment and human activitv. In the 'Introduction' to The Urban Experience, Harvey so obviously prefers the view from above as a voyeuristic way of seeing the city that homogenizes street life, urban life and everyday life in a desire for legibility/readability. Thus, the privileging of the high viewpoint is his particular method of conceptualizing 'the city as a whole'. For Harvey as the voyeur, therefore, the position of restless analyst in the street 'cannot help acquiring new meaning'. This goes to his modernist sensibility.In Postmodern Geographies, Soja introduces his most exciting essay on Los Angeles as an attempt to evoke a 'spiraling tour' around the city that he made with Frederic Jameson and Henri Lefebvre. This essay is not a mere field report, but he tries to recapture their travels as ';an imaginative cruise'! The third section of the paper points out that his 'imaginative cruise' is conducted from many vantage-points and so Soja's position on urban studies implies a Foucaldian panoptic gaze. For example, although Soja declares that 'only from the advantageous outlook of the center can the surveillant eye see everyone collectively, disembedded but interconnected', he climbs the high rise City Hall building and looks down on the landscape of downtown. The view from this site is especially impressive to Soja as one of surveillance.What I try to show in sections 2 and 3 is that there is a great similarity between Harvey and Soja in their ways of seeing the city.
著者
Masataka SUZUKI
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
Japanese Journal of Human Geography (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.6, pp.541-554, 1978-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
53
被引用文献数
1 3

Spatial perception is the one of the most important problem to decide the behavior pattern in folk society where the people are living with nature. This paper proposes a study of spatial perception in folk society through the orientation in Yaeyama Islands, Okinawa prefecture of Japan. Yaeyama Islands is located in the southernmost part of Ryûkyû archipelago and therefore is the most southern of the whole Japanese area. These islands have been researched by many Japanese and foreign anthropologists, whose conclusions have had an important role in larger studies of Ryûkyûan culture. Using this anthropological approach, we will make clear up the indigenous concept of cosmology and find out the mode of spatial perception in this area.Through the analysis of myth and ritual, we may observe that Yaeyama islanders employ both the relative orientation shifting 30°-45° from the cardinal points and the absolute orientation of the cardinal points indicated by the twelve earthly branches _??__??__??_ . We call the former “folk orientation” and the latter “natural orientation”. It seems to me that “folk orientation” in Yaeyama Islands has been formed by the direction of monsoon because the term of ‘the north’ and ‘the south’ in “folk orientation” is the same as the names of wind. According to the meteorological data, the winter monsoon blows from northeast and the summer monsoon blows from southwest. Then, the pair of northeast-southwest relationship in “natural orientation” coinciding with the compass, is ‘the north-south’ relationship in “folk orientation” shifting 30°-45° from “natural orientation”. As for ‘the east-west’ relationship in “folk orientation”, the same shifting process is observed. For example, in Hateruma Island, one of the Yaeyama Islands, Simazasu in the north-western part of this island is in the islanders' conception very ‘west’ and as such connected with cape Takana in the southeastern edge of this island as the very ‘east’.On the folk village of Yaeyama Islands, these two systems of orientation are used for indicating the direction in ordinary life and make meaningful their spatial perception. For example, among the houses having three front rooms facing generally to the south of “folk orientation”, the male sides being the south and the east in “natural orientation” are superior to the female sides being the north and the west, but in religious affairs, the whole situation is reversed. Generally speaking, the pair of south-east relationship in “natural orientation” will be superior to the one of north-west relatioship. However, at the rituals on island level, cosmological concept based on a dualism that is characterized by superiority of ‘west’ and ‘female’ over ‘east’ and ‘male’, is found out. Though such value systems connected with spatial perception, are changed by the situation and the context, there are some principles formed by the indigenous concept of cosmology.In the above, we have examined spatial perception through the orientation. Lastly I will offer some interpretations of what might be called “Uyân” as it emerges in the “pan” (ritual invocations). In a passage of “pan”, “Uyân” (the deity) is praised. It runs as follows, “yuru nu isïma-ndô pïsu nu nana-ndê pïsê ôru bûyân pïsûyân” (great Uyân, Uyân looming large, who is always present during the five hours of the night and the seven hours of the day.)
著者
小野田 一幸 宮本 真二 藤田 裕嗣 米家 泰作 河原 典史 川口 洋
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.1-28, 2013 (Released:2018-01-26)
参考文献数
222

本稿では,1980年以降の日本における歴史地理学,地図史,および歴史GISに関する主要な研究成果について展望する。この30年間にわが国では,H. C.プリンスによって定義された現実的世界,イメージの世界,および抽象的世界を対象とした豊かな研究成果が生み出されてきた。現実的世界を対象とした研究では,景観や地域構造の復原が引き続き基礎的課題となっている。とりわけ,過去と現代をつなぐ役割を担う近代期の研究意義が注目されるようになった。最新の研究動向として,環境史と学際的研究の進展があげられる。後者については,地理学,歴史学,考古学の研究分野で史資料と研究方法の共有化が進み,歴史地理学の方法論が隣接分野に受け入れられて学際的研究に発展する動向がみとめられる。イメージの世界については,過去に生きた人々の世界観に関する理解を深めるために,1980年代から古地図・絵図研究が本格化した。抽象的世界に関する研究は,歴史GISを活用することにより,21世紀初頭から新たな段階を迎えた。歴史GISは,歴史地理学を含む人文・社会科学における個別研究の成果を統合する「しくみ」としても有用とみられる。
著者
寄藤 晶子
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.131-152, 2005-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
53
被引用文献数
3

In this paper, the author argues that gambling businesses managed by public authorities face issues regarding monopolization, regulation of space and socio-spatial exclusion.Since the end of the 19th century, informal private gambling has been strictly outlawed in Japan, while both the national and local governments have resorted to investing in the gambling business to secure revenue. At present, with the exception of lotteries, 120 gambling facilities such as keiba (horse race), keirin (bicycle race on a short track), autorace (motorcycle race on a short track), and kyotei (motorboat race on a square pond) are offered by 21 prefectures and 443 municipalities. These are called "public gambling".In his book The Production of Space, Henri Lefevre notes that non-productive expenses are made according to the neocapitalist's interest. Therefore, the author refers to the three elements that constitute space according to Lefevre: spatial practices, representations of space and space of representations. The author conducted field work in and around the motorboat gambling facility operated in Tokoname City, Aichi Prefecture, and the highlighted the "gambling space" using Lefevre's scheme mentioned above.From 1997-2000, the author interviewed: Tokoname motorboat officers, residents from the areas (sinkai-cho) around the motorboat facility, police officers, members of the "koie-sinkai crime prevention association", a security guard and ticket sales women employed at the motorboat office, shop managers in and around the motorboat facility, and the motorboat gambling fans. The author also conducted participant observation studies of more than 400 motorboat gambling fans. The author's findings are as follows:Firstly, while the public authority, the Tokoname motorboat office, adopts several measures to draw visitors to the motorboat facility and thus ensure income, this practice includes spatial separation, i.e., separating the Tokoname motorboat gambling fans from the public. This is partly because the nature of gambling itself threatens social order, therefore, the public authorities control and enclose gambling fans. These practices of exclusion are observed in their spatial practices.Secondly, shops and restaurants are located on the route taken by visitors from the Tokoname railway station to the motorboat facility. These shops and restaurants sell alcohol, low-priced light meals and magazines or newspapers regarding gambling. Fans regularly take the route from the Tokoname railway station to the motorboat facility and purchase these goods from these shops. Loitering fans and torn blank tickets visibly distinguish the "gambling space" from the rest of the city. Japanese public gambling fans are largely men over 60 years of age. However, in Tokoname motorboat facility, 60-70% of motorboat gambling fans are men, who are 60 years and over. Therefore, the "gambling space" is occupied by middle and old-aged men is littered with blank tickets.Thirdly, measures adopted by the local community, the "koie-sinkai crime prevention association", neighborhood residents and the police to regulate the behavior of visitors' create negative representations of Tokoname motorboat gambling facility and its fans. In 1970, as the number of visitors increased, a few residents living around the motorboat facility founded a crime prevention association in order to put a burglar alarm to their house. At this time, the Tokoname motorboat office began sending presents, such as handkerchiefs, rice, pans and soaps as compensation to residents. The activities of "koie-sinkai crime prevention association" provided subsidies by Tokoname City, although they are not strictly monitored. They unfairly claimed and represented the undesirable behavior of visitors in order to protect their interests.
著者
吉田 容子
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.6, pp.559-580, 1994-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
74
被引用文献数
7 1

An elucidation of the labor market's structure has been one issue under debate in textile industry studies in economic geography in Japan. Many reports explain socio-economic attributes including sex, age and pay from detailed investigation, and define the labor force in the labor market. It goes without saying that the textile industry is typically labor-oriented, in that it employs a younger female labor force which is placed at the bottom of the pay scale. And textile studies have pointed out the structure of the labor market, paying attention to this younger female labor force, however, but have not yet examined the discussion that labor quality, which is related to gender difference, is an important factor that places female labor force in such a position within the labor market. Moreover, there is a growing need for consideration of labor quality in the context of a new production system, that is ‘flexible production’, therefore it is thought that in the complicated and multiplied labor structure today, an examination from the standpoint of gender is important.This article attempts to examine the male and female labor force in the textile industry placed in the labor market, focusing on their labor quality. Currently, technological innovation and restructuring are also under way in the textile industry in Japan. There have, however, been few detailed reports of the topic of gender difference in the labor market, that is to say, about how these factors affect the supply structure of male and female workers in the labor market and the gender division of labor. The subject hitherto has received but scant attention even in foreign countries irrespective of differences in industrial sector. Worthy of note in our country is that since the 1980's, sociologists and economists have been engaged in exploring macro aspects such as nationwide trends of division of labor by sex. Nonetheless, they have neither dealt with the spatial dimensions of the trends nor have they made an exhaustive study of a particular industry or region. Thus it cannot be denied that their studies are far from satisfactory especially at meso or micro levels. Needless to say, these problems must be solved through geographical investigations.Keeping in mind the status quo of research, the second section of this paper examines spatial dimensions of gender difference in the local labor market of each manufacturing sector in Aichi Prefecture, which shows one of the highest rates of manufacturing workers in Japan. A difference of dependence on female labor force between manufacturing sectors, and the changing of dependence on their labor force from the transition period (1970) to recent years (1985) were clear. The following shows that concretely. A higher female employment rate (60∼68%) in the textile sector in both 1970 and 1985 suggests that this sector depends on female labor forces. However, contrasting to this sector, steel, general machinery and transportation machinery have a lower female employment rate (10∼30%). This suggests the existence of a sector-specific gender division of labor. Moreover, a remarkable reduction of the female employment rate in the textile sectors observed in two regions, both the western part of Owari and the southwestern part of Mikawa. The former region, which is a traditional textile district and has a high rate of industrial added-value, is selected as the study area here.The third section is devoted to exploring a changing source of labor force supply in this region. Examination is made for two separate periods: from the special procurement boom of the Korean War (1950∼53) to the first oil crisis in 1973, young female workers (especially new school leavers) were dominant, while, after the crisis, middle-aged and old workers have played a major role.
著者
浮田 典良
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.4, pp.266-283,330, 1955-10-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
57
被引用文献数
2 1

Although the cotton production in Japan rapidly fell into decay after the middle of the Meiji period under the pressure of imported raw cotton, it once flourished remarkably during the Edo era and the first half of the Meiji period as one of the most advanced fields of agriculture in Japan.The writer tried to trace back and see the geographical distribution of the cotton production in Japan in the Edo era, and further, made research for its location in the regions of dense distribution. As a result of the research, the following points were made plain:1, Raw cotton was cultivated chiefly on the sandy upland-field, especially old sand bar and reclaimed land, on the delta of big rivers.2. On the other hand, in the Kinai (Osaka, Kyoto, Nara and their neighbourhood), the district which advanced in civilization from old times, raw cotton was cultivated, as well as rice plants, in a paddy-field in alternate years.3. These are the two types of location for the cotton production in the Edo era. The latter was started from comparatively early years, but the part it played dwindled toward the closing years of the Edo era, while the former has gradually come to play a dominant part. That is to say the location for cotton production shifted from the paddy-field to the sandy upland-field. The reasons for this were (1) sandy soil of the upland-field was suitable for the cotton production, (2) no other suitable crops could not be cultivated on the sandy soil, and (3) the upland-field being a new land, taxes on it were rather low.
著者
岡田 俊裕
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.5, pp.445-460, 1987-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
64
被引用文献数
4 2

The concepts of landscape (Landschaft, paysage) spread through the geographic world in Japan since the latter half of 1920's. The discipline of geography in Japan before the war's end was characterized by studies based on these concepts, the theory of man-land relationships, and geopolitics. This paper is the first historical review of studies of geographical landscape in Japan.Japanese geographers had tried to translate landscape (Landschaft, paysage) into Japanese since 1925, using such terms as“fukei (風景)”,“fudo (風土)”,“keiso (景相)”, “chiriteki keikan (地理的景観)”,“fukei keitai (風景形態)”,“keiiki (景域)”,“chisokei (地相景)”,“kansho (環象)”,“keikan (景観)”and others. Keikan was by far the most popularly used term. It is thought that Tsujimura Taro had a great influence on this state of affairs.The concepts of landscape can be classified into three major interpretations: (1) the synthetic contents of a (unit) region, (2) common regions as a type, (3) the visible and morphologic objects in a region. On the basis of this classification, the writer puts interpretations of these concepts before the war's end in the order stated above, number (1) being the most frequent interpretation. Other Japanese equivalents besides“keikan” were used frequently in interpretation number (1). However, it is said that interpretation number (3) came into wider use than number (1) in field studies.“Keikan”was used frequently in this case. Therefore, many theoretical studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (1), while most field studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (3). Interpretation number (2) appeared in a few cases, but it is not thought to have been used frequently.In the 1910's in Germany, the concept of landscape (Landschaft) was introduced to the system of geography, and the form or shape of landscape was treated as the object of landscape study. Studies which had some resemblance to those in Germany were seen before and after the 1930's in Japan. The studies of relations between landscape and social, economic and cultural conditions were deepened and developed later in Germany. However, research on form of landscape were, in Japan, still being carried out, and the function and phylogeny of landscape were not developed enough in Japan. But theoretical studies did develop some what. The development of landscapes was studied, and some researchers began to point out that it was necessary in landscape study to clarify the development mechanisms of human societies. Moreover the landscape was grasped from a view-point of social science, in that the landscape is thought to be determined by the mode of production.A problem that was little discussed throughout the pre-war and post-war days is the role of subjectivity in human societies in the formation of the cultural landscape. This is the main reason for the criticism that early studies of geographical landscape were not really connected to the contemporary world. In the first half of 1930's in Germany, O. Maull and H. Hassinger proposed that the nation state was the builder of landscape. Their propositions were soon introduced to Japan, but have not yet been really discussed. How are human societies including nation states related to the formation of the cultural landscape? The writer concludes that this discussion remains as an unsolved problem.