著者
岡本 兼佳
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.3, pp.182-194,248, 1955-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
8

For the approach to the reasons of dwelling dispersion, it is fundamentally necessary that the settled order should be made clear by tracing back to the early stage of the reclamation and throughout the progress. From this point, the writer researched into the dispersed settlement on the deltaic plain between two rivers, the Edo and the Furutone, Kanto lowland. The following conclusions were reached:1. The pioners located their homes apart from one another and rarely adjoined besides the line villages. This dispersion of the pioneers resulted from selecting the highest island-like embankment in order to secure their farmsteads from flood waters. When the embankment was too lower to avoid flood, the dweller still more raised up the ground artificially.2. The community in this region is chiefly organized with the relation of head and branch, so the reasons for the dispersed dwelling can be attainable through the branching of the families. Distinguishing the families in the same lineage and ranging them in settled order, and then drawing them on the map, the settlement growth and especially where the branch families select as the house sites are made clear. These distribution types are classified as follows; (A) scattering type of branch families, (B) adjoining type of a branch family to its head family, (C) adjoining type of a branch family to another.3. Classifying the own-fields of the dispersed branch families by distribution, two types are recognized; (a) concentrated type around the house site or stretched type in front of his house site, and (b) remote type. The latter is subdivided into three types; (1) scattered type, (2) distant and yet concentrated type, (3) two groups type in front and at a distance. Each of these types is exemplified in Fig. 3, 4 and 5. When the dwelling is located in the center of the own-fields the most convenience of farming is given. In this region, however, some of the dispersed branch families have the fields in type of remoteness and scattering, because they can not get at will the favorable elevated house site everywhere.4. The adjoining type of a branch family to its head family has also two distribution types of the own-fields; (a) stretched type in front of both families in their way, (b) remote type in the branch family's fields. The latter is classified into the same three types as the case of the dispersed branch families. The examples are given in Fig. 6 and 7.5. The adjoining type of a branch family to another makes the distribution types of the own-fields as follows; (a) contrated type adjacent to the house site in each family or stretched type in front of both families in their way, and (b) remote type in the later settler. This dwelling type and the distribution types of fields are based on taking the elevated dry lots for the house sites.6. Subsequently some farmers removed from other places and they also settled in the types of adjoining and scattering. In that case, the settlers mostly looked for the elevated dry lots and consequently the same dwelling types were shaped.7. The ruined sites were scarcely resettled and were usually changed to the fields and even the lots leaved to the overgrowth with trees and grasses turned out. The inhabitants seem to have evaded such ruined sites psychologically.8. In Tab. 3 the elevated island-like lots are classified by size and are compared with the existence of dwelling. Inspecting this, the greater the lot area becomes, the more dweller it stands, conversely, the smaller lots are entirely used as the fields. By every size of the elevated lots, averaging the area of the house sites possessing on each, the home site areas increase in proportion to the elevated lot areas. This proves that the locating of the dwelling is adapted for the elevated lots. The changes of the landuse follow even the artificial changes,
著者
籠瀬 良明
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, no.3, pp.36-47,96, 1950-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
18

In the plain of Takada can be traced an old watercourse of the Hokura about five kilometers in length. What characterize this old watercourse are free meandering and natural banks, running on both sides of it and higher than the level by one meter or two with fields and hamlets on them. A long succession of fine paddy-fields stretehes on this old course of the river, which were brought under cultivation in middle ages. (Especially, it is the case with the lower course of the river.)In the article two of those examples, Matsuhashi and Funatsu in the village of Honda are dealt.[The author made a lecture on other such examples, Honda-Enokii and Katatsu, at the autumnal meeting of Association of Japanese Geographers last year, and explained why the region should be supposed to have been cultivated in Middle Ages, also explaining its characteristics. The details are to be mentioned in next number.]
著者
Masataka SUZUKI
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
Japanese Journal of Human Geography (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.6, pp.541-554, 1978-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
53
被引用文献数
1 2

Spatial perception is the one of the most important problem to decide the behavior pattern in folk society where the people are living with nature. This paper proposes a study of spatial perception in folk society through the orientation in Yaeyama Islands, Okinawa prefecture of Japan. Yaeyama Islands is located in the southernmost part of Ryûkyû archipelago and therefore is the most southern of the whole Japanese area. These islands have been researched by many Japanese and foreign anthropologists, whose conclusions have had an important role in larger studies of Ryûkyûan culture. Using this anthropological approach, we will make clear up the indigenous concept of cosmology and find out the mode of spatial perception in this area.Through the analysis of myth and ritual, we may observe that Yaeyama islanders employ both the relative orientation shifting 30°-45° from the cardinal points and the absolute orientation of the cardinal points indicated by the twelve earthly branches _??__??__??_ . We call the former “folk orientation” and the latter “natural orientation”. It seems to me that “folk orientation” in Yaeyama Islands has been formed by the direction of monsoon because the term of ‘the north’ and ‘the south’ in “folk orientation” is the same as the names of wind. According to the meteorological data, the winter monsoon blows from northeast and the summer monsoon blows from southwest. Then, the pair of northeast-southwest relationship in “natural orientation” coinciding with the compass, is ‘the north-south’ relationship in “folk orientation” shifting 30°-45° from “natural orientation”. As for ‘the east-west’ relationship in “folk orientation”, the same shifting process is observed. For example, in Hateruma Island, one of the Yaeyama Islands, Simazasu in the north-western part of this island is in the islanders' conception very ‘west’ and as such connected with cape Takana in the southeastern edge of this island as the very ‘east’.On the folk village of Yaeyama Islands, these two systems of orientation are used for indicating the direction in ordinary life and make meaningful their spatial perception. For example, among the houses having three front rooms facing generally to the south of “folk orientation”, the male sides being the south and the east in “natural orientation” are superior to the female sides being the north and the west, but in religious affairs, the whole situation is reversed. Generally speaking, the pair of south-east relationship in “natural orientation” will be superior to the one of north-west relatioship. However, at the rituals on island level, cosmological concept based on a dualism that is characterized by superiority of ‘west’ and ‘female’ over ‘east’ and ‘male’, is found out. Though such value systems connected with spatial perception, are changed by the situation and the context, there are some principles formed by the indigenous concept of cosmology.In the above, we have examined spatial perception through the orientation. Lastly I will offer some interpretations of what might be called “Uyân” as it emerges in the “pan” (ritual invocations). In a passage of “pan”, “Uyân” (the deity) is praised. It runs as follows, “yuru nu isïma-ndô pïsu nu nana-ndê pïsê ôru bûyân pïsûyân” (great Uyân, Uyân looming large, who is always present during the five hours of the night and the seven hours of the day.)
著者
野澤 秀樹
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.1, pp.47-67, 1992-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
145
被引用文献数
4 1
著者
菊池 万雄
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.5, pp.447-461, 1978-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
30

It is said that in the Edo Era cholera prevailed in Bunsei 5 (1822), Ansei 5 (1858) and Bunkyu 2 (1862). In considering the actual substance of each epidemic from the number of the deaths recorded in the necrologies of temples, the following became clear.1) The epidemic in Bunsei 5 was the first big incident of this in Japan. As for the invasion route of cholera to our country, although there are several opinions, it can be established that invasion came through Nagasaki.Cholera prevailed in south-west Japan, especially in the San'in and San'yo areas, but it did not reach north-east Japan or Edo.2) The Ansei epidemic started from Nagasaki, and became quite widespread all over the country in Ansei 5 and 6, spreading as far as Edo and Mutsu.The Ansei 5 epidemic was the first one in Edo and it was particularly serious but as regards the country as a whole, there seem to have been more places where the epidemic broke out in Ansei 6 rather than Ansei 5.Because there was so much recorded concerning the epidemic in Edo, it was wrongly thought to be the biggest epidemic of cholera in modern age in our country.3) Cholera also prevailed on a great scale over the whole country in Bunkyu 2. To consider this as a continuation of the epidemic in the Ansei period is wrong, for it is established fact that in the first year of Bunkyu, matters were completely back to normal and that the epidemic in the second year of Bunkyu came in from Nagasaki and spread from there.It is possible to say that the cholera epidemic in Bunkyu 2 was substantially the worst in the Edo Era, because it was widespread throughout the country and the number of victims was so great.As the record of deaths in the necrologies show pronounced peaks coinciding with the sudden infection of cholera and high death rate, and as the peaks occur at different times depending on the district, it is easy to trace the infection route of cholera.Furthermore, based on various old records of public government offices, villages and temples, we can endorse the following points concerning the prevalence of cholera at that time.* That the invasion route of cholera started in Nagasaki.* That the theory of the big three epidemics in Bunsei, Ansei and Bunkyu stands, rather than the theory of the big two in Bunsei and Ansei.* That the Ansei 5 epidemic occurred in Edo only, and that as regards the whole country the theory that the worst epidemic was in Bunkyu 2 stands rather than the theory that it was in Ansei 5.
著者
山野 正彦
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, no.1, pp.46-68, 1979-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
114
被引用文献数
17 5
著者
小野田 一幸 宮本 真二 藤田 裕嗣 米家 泰作 河原 典史 川口 洋
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.1-28, 2013 (Released:2018-01-26)
参考文献数
222

本稿では,1980年以降の日本における歴史地理学,地図史,および歴史GISに関する主要な研究成果について展望する。この30年間にわが国では,H. C.プリンスによって定義された現実的世界,イメージの世界,および抽象的世界を対象とした豊かな研究成果が生み出されてきた。現実的世界を対象とした研究では,景観や地域構造の復原が引き続き基礎的課題となっている。とりわけ,過去と現代をつなぐ役割を担う近代期の研究意義が注目されるようになった。最新の研究動向として,環境史と学際的研究の進展があげられる。後者については,地理学,歴史学,考古学の研究分野で史資料と研究方法の共有化が進み,歴史地理学の方法論が隣接分野に受け入れられて学際的研究に発展する動向がみとめられる。イメージの世界については,過去に生きた人々の世界観に関する理解を深めるために,1980年代から古地図・絵図研究が本格化した。抽象的世界に関する研究は,歴史GISを活用することにより,21世紀初頭から新たな段階を迎えた。歴史GISは,歴史地理学を含む人文・社会科学における個別研究の成果を統合する「しくみ」としても有用とみられる。
著者
岡田 俊裕
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.5, pp.445-460, 1987-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
64
被引用文献数
4 2

The concepts of landscape (Landschaft, paysage) spread through the geographic world in Japan since the latter half of 1920's. The discipline of geography in Japan before the war's end was characterized by studies based on these concepts, the theory of man-land relationships, and geopolitics. This paper is the first historical review of studies of geographical landscape in Japan.Japanese geographers had tried to translate landscape (Landschaft, paysage) into Japanese since 1925, using such terms as“fukei (風景)”,“fudo (風土)”,“keiso (景相)”, “chiriteki keikan (地理的景観)”,“fukei keitai (風景形態)”,“keiiki (景域)”,“chisokei (地相景)”,“kansho (環象)”,“keikan (景観)”and others. Keikan was by far the most popularly used term. It is thought that Tsujimura Taro had a great influence on this state of affairs.The concepts of landscape can be classified into three major interpretations: (1) the synthetic contents of a (unit) region, (2) common regions as a type, (3) the visible and morphologic objects in a region. On the basis of this classification, the writer puts interpretations of these concepts before the war's end in the order stated above, number (1) being the most frequent interpretation. Other Japanese equivalents besides“keikan” were used frequently in interpretation number (1). However, it is said that interpretation number (3) came into wider use than number (1) in field studies.“Keikan”was used frequently in this case. Therefore, many theoretical studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (1), while most field studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (3). Interpretation number (2) appeared in a few cases, but it is not thought to have been used frequently.In the 1910's in Germany, the concept of landscape (Landschaft) was introduced to the system of geography, and the form or shape of landscape was treated as the object of landscape study. Studies which had some resemblance to those in Germany were seen before and after the 1930's in Japan. The studies of relations between landscape and social, economic and cultural conditions were deepened and developed later in Germany. However, research on form of landscape were, in Japan, still being carried out, and the function and phylogeny of landscape were not developed enough in Japan. But theoretical studies did develop some what. The development of landscapes was studied, and some researchers began to point out that it was necessary in landscape study to clarify the development mechanisms of human societies. Moreover the landscape was grasped from a view-point of social science, in that the landscape is thought to be determined by the mode of production.A problem that was little discussed throughout the pre-war and post-war days is the role of subjectivity in human societies in the formation of the cultural landscape. This is the main reason for the criticism that early studies of geographical landscape were not really connected to the contemporary world. In the first half of 1930's in Germany, O. Maull and H. Hassinger proposed that the nation state was the builder of landscape. Their propositions were soon introduced to Japan, but have not yet been really discussed. How are human societies including nation states related to the formation of the cultural landscape? The writer concludes that this discussion remains as an unsolved problem.
著者
木下 良
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.21, no.4, pp.370-405, 1969-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
247
被引用文献数
2 1
著者
滝波 章弘
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.4, pp.340-362, 1998-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
63
被引用文献数
2 2

What do tourists experience in travel? What is the meaning of contemporary tourism? These questions have been proposed since the mid 1970's by geographers, anthropologists, and psychologists of tourism in the English-speaking world. Most of the studies attempt to verify MacCanell's theory of authenticity, Turner's process of communitas or Cohen's systematic typology of tourist experience. Are these hypothesis also applicable to the Japanese contemporary tourist experience?The popular travel monthly“Tabi”proves an indispensable source concerning Japanese tourism. Each edition contains travel essays contributed by readers. I compared 155 travel writings in“Tabi”from 1992 to 1995 with the contributors ranging from the young to the aged.In the first analysis, I examined three hypothesis. Turner's communitas was verified only in 3 essays; MacCanell's authenticity in 25 essays; and Cohen's typology in 47 essays. These results show that the existing models are insufficient to explain the Japanese tourist experience.In the second analysis, I tried to treat the 155 travel narratives without hypothesis. Based upon the structuralist textual analysis, I extracted six main subjects: encounter of people, perception of panorama or landscape, discovery of another world, observation of culture and history, solution of problem which arise during travel, and recognition of ones life.The relations between the demographic category and the subjects of tourist experience are summarized as follows. The younger writers emphasize the spatial contrast: they often compare their chosen destination with their everyday environment, and the smaller places they explored with popular tourist sites. The comparison is not neutral: what is unknown or idyllic is evaluated positively, while what is popular or metropolitan is portrayed negatively. The older writers are likely to underline the spatio-temporal contrast: they frequently speak of a spiritual experience following an ordeal, e.g., reverence of a panoramic view after a painful ascent. In terms of encounter, the nuance between age-groups is also clear. The younger tend to analyze systematically the encounter: they underline the contrast between the fragile tourist from the city and the kind and tough local people. For the older, the encounter is more realistic: there exists mutual communication between the local and the tourist.Regarding gender, more of the men observe the culture, history, and life style of the destination than women. Observation often leads to comprehension by accompanying the discourse of cultural comparison between native country and destination. On the other hand, women are more concerned with the solution of problems which may happen in their travel. In some cases, they write about the aid given by a local person in an encountered difficult situation; and in other cases they stress their sense of accomplishment after surmounting difficulties. Women are more concerned with self-presentation than men.Under divers tourist experiences, we can find out one common structure the spatiotemporal contrast. Men seek the spatial contrast between life-space and tourist space, between famous place and little place, and so on. Women pursue temporal contrast between difficult situation and accomplishment, between assisted tourist and assisting local person, and so on.The structure of contrast in the tourist experience resembles the system of objects proposed by Baudrillard. Both try to contrast some elements with others: goods in Baudrillard, and spatio-temporal experiences in travel writings. In this respect, we can say that travel writing is a part of a contemporary semiotic world. But we can also remark that there is a considerable difference: the contrast is symmetric in the system of goods and asymmetric in the narrative of travel. The asymmetry of the latter is the result of the real space.
著者
エドモンズ リチャード
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.33, no.3, pp.193-209, 1981-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
74
被引用文献数
1

Between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, Japan's northern island, Hokkaido, was divided into a Wajin-Japanese settlement exclave, called Wajinchi or Wajinland, and an area in which only Ainu were allowed to reside permanently, known as Ezochi. This paper looks at changes in the location of the boundary and in the function of guardhouses located near it as one way to analyze Tokugawa frontier policy. Sources include diaries of travelers, government documents, old maps, and sketches.Results show that the Wajinchi expanded in five stages. From the thirteenth to the mid-sixteenth century, Wajin-Japanese settlement remained in a punctiform pattern with forts spaced along the extreme southern coast of the Oshima Peninsula. This initial stage is characterized by a lack of unity among Wajin and relative strength of the Ainu.Next, an accord reached around 1550 between the strongest Wajin-Japanese leader and two Ainu chieftains delimited a conterminous zone on the southwestern tip of the Oshima Peninsula. This second phase suggest the unification of Hokkaido's Wajin was well underway.The Matsumae clan formed in the early seventeenth century, expanded the exclave, demarcated the boundary with poles, and established guardhouses. During the following two centuries, these efforts to partition the Wajin-Japanese and Ainu continued. It is of special note that the distance between Matsumae castle and the eastern and western boundaries was roughly equivalent.A major policy transformation occurred at the beginning of the nineteenth century when the Tokugawa government took over control of Ezochi, installed a magistrate in Hakodate, and extended the eastern portion of the Wajinchi. The concern of the Tokugawa government in the affairs of Ezochi was apparent since the new eastern guardhouse was located on the Ezochi side of the boundary, a condition. which had never previously existed.In the mid-nineteenth century, the Wajinchi was enlarged again. However, the absence of boundary guardhouses along with the lack of contiguity marked this as a transitional stage prior to the opening of the whole island for colonization in 1869.These Wajinchi expansions can be conceived of as concentric zones. The second and third stages surround Matsumae castle while the fourth and fifth have double foci, Hakodate and Matsumae, and generally encircle Hakodate. The lack of guardhouses in the second and fifth stages illustrates their transitional character in contrast to the third and fourth stages of Matsumae and subsequent Tokugawa direct control.
著者
村田 陽平
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.5, pp.532-548, 2005-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
56
被引用文献数
1

The consideration of male bodies is a significant issue for gender studies in geography since they are an influential factor in constructing gendered spaces. Few studies, however, have paid attention to male bodies, a fact that contrasts starkly with the amount of attention directed toward female bodies. Thus, the objective of this study is to clarify how male bodies contribute to the construction of gender-differentiated spaces by investigating the representation of tobacco advertisements in Japan.In Japan, smoking is primarily a male behavior; the smoking rate for men is about 47%, whereas that for women is about 12%. This is because Japanese tobacco advertisements tend to represent male bodies and their spaces around them.This study uses Japanese tobacco advertisements in Japanese magazines during 1987-2000. Surveying these advertisements, the following five characteristics were more significantly associated with represented male bodies than with female bodies.First, male bodies are represented with natural scenery whereas female bodies are represented in artificial environments. This implies that male bodies are intended to challenge nature. The images also emphasize the vastness of their space.Second, male bodies are represented with few words, while female bodies are accompanied by many words. This means that male space is emphasized by quiet, dignified male bodies through the elimination of words.Third, male bodies are accompanied by women's eyes. This representation of women gazing deeply at smoking men leads to the acknowledgement of male smoking space. This also means that male space is supported by female bodies.Fourth, male bodies are represented with the gesture of exhaling smoke, whereas such representation of female bodies is controlled. This difference indicates that only males are allowed to control their space by breathing out smoke.Fifth, male bodies are represented with distance between each other, contrary to women's bodies. Male relationships are defined only by their work, women, and smoking in order to bridge the distance.In conclusion, Japanese tobacco advertisements represent male bodies and contribute to the construction of male space as well as suggesting how men's personal space is associated with the wide open spaces. On the other hand, this finding also means the advertisements are prejudiced and biased toward men and the spaces they occupy. Therefore, it follows that we need to elucidate the meanings of "ordinary" male bodies in daily spaces.
著者
大城 直樹
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.3, pp.220-238, 1990-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
75
被引用文献数
4

This study aims at presenting some concrete features of Kohama, a Ryukyuan traditional settlement, in order to illustrate“Personality”of place, which may be considered as the whole dynamic relation of life and land. Attempts have been made to grasp their interrelations, namely“genre de vie”in Buttimer's sense, which includes not only material-social aspects but also mental-cultural phases in the analysis of a place. It should be understood, however, that the physical and socio-cultural matters examined here are quite selective, and limited to only the essential ones.The physical aspects are analyzed applying the concept of“high and low island”(by W.L. Thomas, Jr.). The basic physical features of the survey field, Kohama, can be defined as a“high island”, but since the island is relatively small, the characteristics of “high island”are not very apparent. However, the island's peculiar geologic formation, that is, the Quaternary limestone on a terrace and its unconforming position between the underlying surfaces, is favorable to hydrographic process of accumulation-drainage, and is better equipped with water supply for multiple agriculture (mainly sugar cane and rice cropping). For these aspects of the island's ecosystem, the relation between the physical aspects and subsistence form on this island is explicit. However, it is also a fact that the island's small area is a weak base for diversity. On the other hand, the siting of settlements was not necessarily disadvantageous under the medieval policy of giving preference to cultivated land. Rather, given the hydrological characteristics of the island, they can be said to be as appropriately located as the agricultural land.Regarding social matters, vertical relations, which specifically mean the relations between the upper and lower parts of social structure as suggested by hierarchies in kinship and the landlord/tenant system within the settlement, are not dominant, but equal or horizontal relations are noticeable. For instance, as for rice field possession, it is unusual for the main families to occupy well-watered rice fields. Spatial arrangement of residences also shows such a tendency: the houses of the main and branch families are not remarkably segregated. Generally speaking, in the Yaeyama Islands including Kohama, we can find no socially hierarchical system in rural communities such as that peculiar to the main island of Okinawa. It is safe to say that the horizontal social relations in the settlement have reflected a multi-centered and multi-phased rather than a centripetal and vertical social structure.Calling attention to cultural matters, particularly agricultural rites, which enable us to catch a picture of an unusual world and a hidden meaning of place, we are able to understand that, as a cultural apparatus, they embody ties of interdependence among the matters of“genre de vie”. The above-mentioned multiphased structure in the social context is ascertained not only from the different participants in those rites, but also sacred/profane territory and places implying boundaries. Besides, in the physical context, such a structure no doubt makes good use of the landscape surrounding the settlement under investigation.
著者
山口 泰代
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.2, pp.159-174, 1997-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
47
被引用文献数
2

The aim of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of a landscape at the sacred place paying attention to landscape scenery.This aim is dealt with in humanistic geography. But, there are still many complicating problems in the process of study. Especially, the translation of the word landscape is problem: all geographers ought to use the word keikan as meaning landscape, although the landscape study with which humanistic geographer are concerned is differnt from that of other geographers. Humanistic geographers are interested in how felt landscape is looked at by a person. On the other hand, most geographers have been interested in how a landscape is made, not how it is felt. Despite these different interests in landscape study, all geographers ought to use a same word. Therefore, landscape study with which humanistic geographers are concerned often has difficulty being understood by many geographers on other fields.So, I use the term word landscape scenery as a key word in this paper. The term landscape scenery is used by landscape gardeners. A humanistic geographer's concern is how a landscape is felt when looked at by a person, so this concern is close to the gardener's. If I carelessly use the word keikan as meaning landscape, my aim may not be properly understood by many other geographers.By the way, a sacred place can in the considered by context of history or society. Indeed, it is important to consider a sacred place from such contexts. But even if the focus goes further than history or society, it may be possible that such a place attracting all human beings exists. I want to deal with such a place that has been attracting all human beings beyond history or society as sacred place.I take up Muro as a sacred place in this papaer. Muro is a village between mountains. It has attracted many people as a sacred place for 1200 years. I make a study through researching Muro's landscape scenery. By the way, landscape scenery changes according to season or weather. Therefore, I mainly focus on the form of landscape scenery in this papaer.Muro's landscape scenery is mainly formed by 3 main structures.1: Very long path that has very bad visibility.2: A basin scenery looking from a place where the field of vision suddenly opens up.3: Changing scenery when a person gradually descends to the sacred villageThis landscape structure looks like a form combin a tunnel with earthenware mortar. Moreover, this landscape scenery looks like the scenery when we go back to mother's womb, if we wish. Is it exaggerated that this landscape scenery is possibily attractive for all human beings?The way of feeling for landscape when pepole look at it may be different for each person or each time. But there may exist a landscape scenery attracting all human beings. At least, this paper may be able to suggest that Muro's landscape scenery is very attractive, and the landscape structure of Muro may apply to a landscape scenery attracting all human beings.The aim of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of landscape at a sacred place paying attention to landscape scenery in geography.
著者
米田 巖 潟山 健一
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.6, pp.546-565, 1991-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
132
被引用文献数
4

Nearly half a century has passed since Trewartha pointed out in his presidential address to the 49th annual assembly of A. A. G., that geography is fundamentally anthropocentric.Generally speaking, recent trends in geographical researches in Japan and abroad as well seem to have remained unchanged. However, something must have changed in those two decades. The main aim of this article is to evaluate some new underlying currents in recent geographical research work from a humanistic point of view. Just as D. Porteous has pointed out in his essay, the reason why geography is so dull and boring is closely connected not only to ways of explanation, but to presentation in geographical works. In most cases, human contents are lacking.Authors have tried to make clear other factors responsible for this present situation. Most of geographical research work in Japan and abroad has been so far made with special emphasis on“seeing”through eyes. Little attention has been paid to other human senses. It can be said that most geographers have tended to heavily depend on visual organs, suffering from auditory, tactile, olfactory, and taste disorder.In our minds, we instantly create images in a more configurative and unified way by using five senses at the same time. What is mostly urgently needed is how to reconstruct all the things we have sensed in geographical content. Some new underlying currents in humanistic geography seem to be deeply concerned with this hidden aspect as described above, and have come up as the emerging new geography. The 1980's has witnessed tremendous progress, leading surely to a so-called sensuous geography, which is not fully developed at the present time.D. C. Pocock, D. Porteous, Yi-Fu Tuan and A. Buttimer are preeminent among the sensuous geographers. Authors see that the holistic point of view can be basically traced back to J. G. von Herder. Along with these new currents, Michael Polanyi has also come to realize the importance of tacit knowing, from epistemological and ontological view points. In addition, A. Berque has also greatly contributed to opening up a new era in humanistic geography and paved the way to clear elucidiation of the complicated multi-dimensional structure of climate by applying a new concept, médiance.In Japan, T. Watsuji was the first to systematize the significance of human existence with special reference to climate (Fûdo). He often refers to the works of Herder, because the Herderian way of interpretation of our world should be properly treated. Authors are also contending that all the geographical observation so far made must be reviewed and reevaluated in these respects. Holism runs against reductionism.Thick description of geographical phenomenon is thus to be made. Fuller attention should be paid again to Herderian holism in this respect in order to humanize human geography.The objectivity-oriented scientific movement seems to have been believed to be true up to the present time. However, authors understand that objectivity-oriented reductionism is far from being complete in the sense that this methodology is based on one-sided observation and reasoning, neglecting the five human senses to the sacrifice of the richness of the lively world. Well balanced observation and reasoning can only be realized through close contact with the five human senses.
著者
于 亜
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.4, pp.396-413, 2005-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
33

Every traditional society has its own particular regional food culture. The dumplings examined in this article are one example. In northern China, the dumpling has played an important role in food culture, not only materially but also spiritually. Dumplings even have meaning as ceremonial foods, and they form one of the chief elements of traditional food culture. Due to the liberal reform policies carried out in the 1980s, the Chinese economy has developed remarkably, and daily life, especially the food culture of the Chinese people, has changed radically. The aim of this paper is to examine the changing nature of the traditional food culture by focusing on the dumpling, and also to examine the changing meaning and function of the dumpling itself.The region discussed in this paper is Shandong in the lower Yellow River valley. The present state of dumpling food culture was investigated in seven districts within this region. In each district I distributed questionnaires, interviewed local people, and consulted historical records concerning food culture.The Shandong region is the birthplace of the dumpling and we can trace the historical development of it by using local documents. People consume dumplings in various settings, not only in daily life, but on formal occasions as well. The latter category includes annual celebrations and ceremonial events such as weddings, funerals, ancestor-worship rituals, and coming-of-age ceremonies. People still recognize dumplings as a vital dish. Moreover, on formal occasions, the opportunity for consumption, the reason for consumption, the place of consumption, and the group preparing the dumplings differs from place to place. Thus, the dumpling in Shandong is a daily food staple made out of wheat, and, at the same time, is a part of the local food culture that is valued socially and ritually.Since every local area has its own natural environment and historical and social background, types of dumplings differ by locality. However, people's respect for the dumpling is universal. By observing variations in the form of dumplings and by interviewing cooks, it becomes clear that knowledge about dumplings-their different types, forms, and functions-is a sort of folk wisdom that has spread widely.
著者
Shimpei SEGAWA
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
Japanese Journal of Human Geography (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.3, pp.215-236, 1995-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
94
被引用文献数
4 2 8

Buildings are moulded by and reflect order, social relations and ideas. However, how people build not only results from but also exerts influences upon how they think: order, social relations and ideas find expressions in actual buildings.As a message any building has to be decoded by those who use or observe it. But while it is composed of a multiplicity of signs, it also invites a plurality of readings and meanings. It must thus be considered on the basis of whose beliefs or whose view of the world a particular reading and meaning circulated in society is made up.The powerful in society often bring up unintentionaly as well as deliberately a certain reading and meaning of a building. Rather, the dominant are those who manage to present them that may be taken in as unquestioned and thus “natural”. Buildings are major arenas where reading and meaning publicly unfold.The material of my discussion is the Taman Mini Indonesia Indah (Beautiful Indonesia in Miniature Park), popularly known as Taman Mini, located in a suburb of Jakarta, the capital city of Indonesia. It is both a recreation park and a cultural theme park containing examples of traditional architecture, museums, religious buildings, movie theaters, gardens, and other cultural and historical exhibitions and facilities alike. It is designed to provide visitors with an overall insight into Indonesia's people, arts, social customs, history and living environment.My purpose is to reveal the use of the Taman Mini by investigating its design, location and way of representing, considering the socio-political setting of which it is a part. Both in the selectivity of its content and in the signs and style of representation the Taman Mini works to support the order favorable to those who have built it.In November, 1971, when the government was shifting to pro-capitalistic development policies, the President's wife first announced an idea to build a museum-park complex aiming at making Indonesia known to international tourists and raising national consciousness. A few years before, the republic saw the most crucial time in its post-colonial history. Late on the evening of 30 September 1965, army units launched a limited coup in Jakarta ostensibly to remove a group of generals said to be plotting against the then (and first) president. They killed six leading generals, the corpses of whom were later discovered in a well near the present site of the Taman Mini. The coup was crushed in twenty-four hours by special forces commanded by Major General Suharto. These events laid basis for a gradual seizure of power by him and the installation of the so-called New Order.Mrs Suharto's idea immediately came under attack by intellectuals and students, for being for her prestige and a waste of domestic funds, and for the compulsory clearing of small-holder farmlands at the site at a low rate of compensation. She insisted on fighting for her project and declared it was of service to the people to deepen their love for the fatherland. At last the President uttered a statement affirming his full back-up to his wife's project. Construction of the vast park began in 1972, and the opening by the President occurred on April 20, 1975.Some facilities and exhibitions of the Taman Mini are precise replicas with more perfection than their originals. Others are drained from immediate functions and actual life by being replanted regardless of the backgrounds on which they should be. They are all signs of“Indonesian-ness”, and the Park serves as a sketch map showing in public space how Indonesia is organized.The Taman Mini conveys a set of values. The juxtaposition of provincial architectures, houses of worship, folk ways of life, handicrafts, and performing arts visualize the cultural diversity and relativism of Indonesian society.
著者
山田 安彦
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.24, no.4, pp.369-403, 1972-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
157

At its extention to the North-eastern part of Japan, the Japanese Ancient State came into contact with the power of Ezo (a tribe in the ancient history of Japan). The auther would like to call the region, where both powers met with, as the transitional zone of the Ritsuryô State or the State ruled by the Code. The purpose of this treatise is to analyse the regional structure at the transitional zone, related to the Shinto shrine and the settlement.Before the Ritsuryô State started to wield its authority to promote reclamation, the Yaoi culture, which was based on paddy farming in Western Japan, had already penetrated into the northern part of North-eastern Japan; the Kofun (the ancient tomb) culture, which originally had its central domain in Kinai provinces (Yamato, Yamashiro, Kawachi and Izumi), had propagated to the Sendai plain.In examing the Kofun cultural sphere in the Sendai plain, it turned out that Takatsuka Kofun (the great tomb of ancient mould) culture had attained to the basins of the River Naruse and the River Eai. Its succeeding Gunshufun (ancient gathered tomb) culture had been at a standstill in the lower reaches of the River Abukuma. But the Yokoana-kofun (the tunnel tomb of ancient mould) culture had advanced to the basin of the River Hazama, which runs through the northern fringe of the Sempoku zone (northern half part of the Sendai plain). Some Yokoana-Kofun culture were still for a while to be seen in this zone even in the Nara Era.The author has an intention to analyse the regional structure of the Sendai plain which located in the transitional zone of the Rtisuryô State, in following after the integrating process of the Ezo district into its organization. At the same time he would like to grasp the shifting aspects of regional structure at the Sendai plain from the Pre-Nara Era to the Nara Era at the angle of the authoritative penetration from the Ancient State's side.Geographical feature of the Sempoku plain is its alternative range of hill and plain. At the plain there were found a lot of low and damp spots which infiltrated from the coast to the innermost of the land. At the places where are above more than 10m. of contour line, their abrupt and sharp inclination often brought deluge to the low land at rainfalls. Thus there were supposed to be confirmed flood areas. Promotion of developing policy of the Ancient State had been greatly affected by this natural condition.In consideration of village organization, now, it is to be pointed out that administrative villages, which were incorporated in the provincial system of the Ritsuryô State, were far more fully established in the Sen'nan zone (southern part of Sendai plain) than in the Sempoku zone.In ancient times a Shinto shrine was usually built at each village, so it is natural to suppose that there should had been more Shinto shrines in the Sen'nan zone than in the Sempoku zone. On the contrary, in fact there were more of Shikinai shrines in the Sempoku zone than in the sen'nan zone, in taking note of the village organization ratio. To confirm the Shinto shrines of ancient times, it seems there is no other way but studying of the Shikinai Shinto shrines: i.e. the legalized ones in the Ancient Japanese Law “Engishiki”. They had been usually set up around the forts at the frontiers or along the relaying route linking them with each other.Most of Shikinai Shinto shrines were ordinarily located at the position above more than 10m. contour line, facing down the low lying land or low marshy ground. Broad spread of Grey soil were to be found at such low plains.