著者
岡本 兼佳
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.3, pp.182-194,248, 1955-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
8

For the approach to the reasons of dwelling dispersion, it is fundamentally necessary that the settled order should be made clear by tracing back to the early stage of the reclamation and throughout the progress. From this point, the writer researched into the dispersed settlement on the deltaic plain between two rivers, the Edo and the Furutone, Kanto lowland. The following conclusions were reached:1. The pioners located their homes apart from one another and rarely adjoined besides the line villages. This dispersion of the pioneers resulted from selecting the highest island-like embankment in order to secure their farmsteads from flood waters. When the embankment was too lower to avoid flood, the dweller still more raised up the ground artificially.2. The community in this region is chiefly organized with the relation of head and branch, so the reasons for the dispersed dwelling can be attainable through the branching of the families. Distinguishing the families in the same lineage and ranging them in settled order, and then drawing them on the map, the settlement growth and especially where the branch families select as the house sites are made clear. These distribution types are classified as follows; (A) scattering type of branch families, (B) adjoining type of a branch family to its head family, (C) adjoining type of a branch family to another.3. Classifying the own-fields of the dispersed branch families by distribution, two types are recognized; (a) concentrated type around the house site or stretched type in front of his house site, and (b) remote type. The latter is subdivided into three types; (1) scattered type, (2) distant and yet concentrated type, (3) two groups type in front and at a distance. Each of these types is exemplified in Fig. 3, 4 and 5. When the dwelling is located in the center of the own-fields the most convenience of farming is given. In this region, however, some of the dispersed branch families have the fields in type of remoteness and scattering, because they can not get at will the favorable elevated house site everywhere.4. The adjoining type of a branch family to its head family has also two distribution types of the own-fields; (a) stretched type in front of both families in their way, (b) remote type in the branch family's fields. The latter is classified into the same three types as the case of the dispersed branch families. The examples are given in Fig. 6 and 7.5. The adjoining type of a branch family to another makes the distribution types of the own-fields as follows; (a) contrated type adjacent to the house site in each family or stretched type in front of both families in their way, and (b) remote type in the later settler. This dwelling type and the distribution types of fields are based on taking the elevated dry lots for the house sites.6. Subsequently some farmers removed from other places and they also settled in the types of adjoining and scattering. In that case, the settlers mostly looked for the elevated dry lots and consequently the same dwelling types were shaped.7. The ruined sites were scarcely resettled and were usually changed to the fields and even the lots leaved to the overgrowth with trees and grasses turned out. The inhabitants seem to have evaded such ruined sites psychologically.8. In Tab. 3 the elevated island-like lots are classified by size and are compared with the existence of dwelling. Inspecting this, the greater the lot area becomes, the more dweller it stands, conversely, the smaller lots are entirely used as the fields. By every size of the elevated lots, averaging the area of the house sites possessing on each, the home site areas increase in proportion to the elevated lot areas. This proves that the locating of the dwelling is adapted for the elevated lots. The changes of the landuse follow even the artificial changes,
著者
籠瀬 良明
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, no.3, pp.36-47,96, 1950-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
18

In the plain of Takada can be traced an old watercourse of the Hokura about five kilometers in length. What characterize this old watercourse are free meandering and natural banks, running on both sides of it and higher than the level by one meter or two with fields and hamlets on them. A long succession of fine paddy-fields stretehes on this old course of the river, which were brought under cultivation in middle ages. (Especially, it is the case with the lower course of the river.)In the article two of those examples, Matsuhashi and Funatsu in the village of Honda are dealt.[The author made a lecture on other such examples, Honda-Enokii and Katatsu, at the autumnal meeting of Association of Japanese Geographers last year, and explained why the region should be supposed to have been cultivated in Middle Ages, also explaining its characteristics. The details are to be mentioned in next number.]
著者
Masataka SUZUKI
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
Japanese Journal of Human Geography (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.6, pp.541-554, 1978-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
53
被引用文献数
1 1

Spatial perception is the one of the most important problem to decide the behavior pattern in folk society where the people are living with nature. This paper proposes a study of spatial perception in folk society through the orientation in Yaeyama Islands, Okinawa prefecture of Japan. Yaeyama Islands is located in the southernmost part of Ryûkyû archipelago and therefore is the most southern of the whole Japanese area. These islands have been researched by many Japanese and foreign anthropologists, whose conclusions have had an important role in larger studies of Ryûkyûan culture. Using this anthropological approach, we will make clear up the indigenous concept of cosmology and find out the mode of spatial perception in this area.Through the analysis of myth and ritual, we may observe that Yaeyama islanders employ both the relative orientation shifting 30°-45° from the cardinal points and the absolute orientation of the cardinal points indicated by the twelve earthly branches _??__??__??_ . We call the former “folk orientation” and the latter “natural orientation”. It seems to me that “folk orientation” in Yaeyama Islands has been formed by the direction of monsoon because the term of ‘the north’ and ‘the south’ in “folk orientation” is the same as the names of wind. According to the meteorological data, the winter monsoon blows from northeast and the summer monsoon blows from southwest. Then, the pair of northeast-southwest relationship in “natural orientation” coinciding with the compass, is ‘the north-south’ relationship in “folk orientation” shifting 30°-45° from “natural orientation”. As for ‘the east-west’ relationship in “folk orientation”, the same shifting process is observed. For example, in Hateruma Island, one of the Yaeyama Islands, Simazasu in the north-western part of this island is in the islanders' conception very ‘west’ and as such connected with cape Takana in the southeastern edge of this island as the very ‘east’.On the folk village of Yaeyama Islands, these two systems of orientation are used for indicating the direction in ordinary life and make meaningful their spatial perception. For example, among the houses having three front rooms facing generally to the south of “folk orientation”, the male sides being the south and the east in “natural orientation” are superior to the female sides being the north and the west, but in religious affairs, the whole situation is reversed. Generally speaking, the pair of south-east relationship in “natural orientation” will be superior to the one of north-west relatioship. However, at the rituals on island level, cosmological concept based on a dualism that is characterized by superiority of ‘west’ and ‘female’ over ‘east’ and ‘male’, is found out. Though such value systems connected with spatial perception, are changed by the situation and the context, there are some principles formed by the indigenous concept of cosmology.In the above, we have examined spatial perception through the orientation. Lastly I will offer some interpretations of what might be called “Uyân” as it emerges in the “pan” (ritual invocations). In a passage of “pan”, “Uyân” (the deity) is praised. It runs as follows, “yuru nu isïma-ndô pïsu nu nana-ndê pïsê ôru bûyân pïsûyân” (great Uyân, Uyân looming large, who is always present during the five hours of the night and the seven hours of the day.)
著者
岡田 俊裕
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.5, pp.445-460, 1987-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
64
被引用文献数
4 2

The concepts of landscape (Landschaft, paysage) spread through the geographic world in Japan since the latter half of 1920's. The discipline of geography in Japan before the war's end was characterized by studies based on these concepts, the theory of man-land relationships, and geopolitics. This paper is the first historical review of studies of geographical landscape in Japan.Japanese geographers had tried to translate landscape (Landschaft, paysage) into Japanese since 1925, using such terms as“fukei (風景)”,“fudo (風土)”,“keiso (景相)”, “chiriteki keikan (地理的景観)”,“fukei keitai (風景形態)”,“keiiki (景域)”,“chisokei (地相景)”,“kansho (環象)”,“keikan (景観)”and others. Keikan was by far the most popularly used term. It is thought that Tsujimura Taro had a great influence on this state of affairs.The concepts of landscape can be classified into three major interpretations: (1) the synthetic contents of a (unit) region, (2) common regions as a type, (3) the visible and morphologic objects in a region. On the basis of this classification, the writer puts interpretations of these concepts before the war's end in the order stated above, number (1) being the most frequent interpretation. Other Japanese equivalents besides“keikan” were used frequently in interpretation number (1). However, it is said that interpretation number (3) came into wider use than number (1) in field studies.“Keikan”was used frequently in this case. Therefore, many theoretical studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (1), while most field studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (3). Interpretation number (2) appeared in a few cases, but it is not thought to have been used frequently.In the 1910's in Germany, the concept of landscape (Landschaft) was introduced to the system of geography, and the form or shape of landscape was treated as the object of landscape study. Studies which had some resemblance to those in Germany were seen before and after the 1930's in Japan. The studies of relations between landscape and social, economic and cultural conditions were deepened and developed later in Germany. However, research on form of landscape were, in Japan, still being carried out, and the function and phylogeny of landscape were not developed enough in Japan. But theoretical studies did develop some what. The development of landscapes was studied, and some researchers began to point out that it was necessary in landscape study to clarify the development mechanisms of human societies. Moreover the landscape was grasped from a view-point of social science, in that the landscape is thought to be determined by the mode of production.A problem that was little discussed throughout the pre-war and post-war days is the role of subjectivity in human societies in the formation of the cultural landscape. This is the main reason for the criticism that early studies of geographical landscape were not really connected to the contemporary world. In the first half of 1930's in Germany, O. Maull and H. Hassinger proposed that the nation state was the builder of landscape. Their propositions were soon introduced to Japan, but have not yet been really discussed. How are human societies including nation states related to the formation of the cultural landscape? The writer concludes that this discussion remains as an unsolved problem.
著者
滝波 章弘
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.4, pp.340-362, 1998-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
63
被引用文献数
2 2

What do tourists experience in travel? What is the meaning of contemporary tourism? These questions have been proposed since the mid 1970's by geographers, anthropologists, and psychologists of tourism in the English-speaking world. Most of the studies attempt to verify MacCanell's theory of authenticity, Turner's process of communitas or Cohen's systematic typology of tourist experience. Are these hypothesis also applicable to the Japanese contemporary tourist experience?The popular travel monthly“Tabi”proves an indispensable source concerning Japanese tourism. Each edition contains travel essays contributed by readers. I compared 155 travel writings in“Tabi”from 1992 to 1995 with the contributors ranging from the young to the aged.In the first analysis, I examined three hypothesis. Turner's communitas was verified only in 3 essays; MacCanell's authenticity in 25 essays; and Cohen's typology in 47 essays. These results show that the existing models are insufficient to explain the Japanese tourist experience.In the second analysis, I tried to treat the 155 travel narratives without hypothesis. Based upon the structuralist textual analysis, I extracted six main subjects: encounter of people, perception of panorama or landscape, discovery of another world, observation of culture and history, solution of problem which arise during travel, and recognition of ones life.The relations between the demographic category and the subjects of tourist experience are summarized as follows. The younger writers emphasize the spatial contrast: they often compare their chosen destination with their everyday environment, and the smaller places they explored with popular tourist sites. The comparison is not neutral: what is unknown or idyllic is evaluated positively, while what is popular or metropolitan is portrayed negatively. The older writers are likely to underline the spatio-temporal contrast: they frequently speak of a spiritual experience following an ordeal, e.g., reverence of a panoramic view after a painful ascent. In terms of encounter, the nuance between age-groups is also clear. The younger tend to analyze systematically the encounter: they underline the contrast between the fragile tourist from the city and the kind and tough local people. For the older, the encounter is more realistic: there exists mutual communication between the local and the tourist.Regarding gender, more of the men observe the culture, history, and life style of the destination than women. Observation often leads to comprehension by accompanying the discourse of cultural comparison between native country and destination. On the other hand, women are more concerned with the solution of problems which may happen in their travel. In some cases, they write about the aid given by a local person in an encountered difficult situation; and in other cases they stress their sense of accomplishment after surmounting difficulties. Women are more concerned with self-presentation than men.Under divers tourist experiences, we can find out one common structure the spatiotemporal contrast. Men seek the spatial contrast between life-space and tourist space, between famous place and little place, and so on. Women pursue temporal contrast between difficult situation and accomplishment, between assisted tourist and assisting local person, and so on.The structure of contrast in the tourist experience resembles the system of objects proposed by Baudrillard. Both try to contrast some elements with others: goods in Baudrillard, and spatio-temporal experiences in travel writings. In this respect, we can say that travel writing is a part of a contemporary semiotic world. But we can also remark that there is a considerable difference: the contrast is symmetric in the system of goods and asymmetric in the narrative of travel. The asymmetry of the latter is the result of the real space.
著者
山口 泰代
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.2, pp.159-174, 1997-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
47
被引用文献数
2

The aim of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of a landscape at the sacred place paying attention to landscape scenery.This aim is dealt with in humanistic geography. But, there are still many complicating problems in the process of study. Especially, the translation of the word landscape is problem: all geographers ought to use the word keikan as meaning landscape, although the landscape study with which humanistic geographer are concerned is differnt from that of other geographers. Humanistic geographers are interested in how felt landscape is looked at by a person. On the other hand, most geographers have been interested in how a landscape is made, not how it is felt. Despite these different interests in landscape study, all geographers ought to use a same word. Therefore, landscape study with which humanistic geographers are concerned often has difficulty being understood by many geographers on other fields.So, I use the term word landscape scenery as a key word in this paper. The term landscape scenery is used by landscape gardeners. A humanistic geographer's concern is how a landscape is felt when looked at by a person, so this concern is close to the gardener's. If I carelessly use the word keikan as meaning landscape, my aim may not be properly understood by many other geographers.By the way, a sacred place can in the considered by context of history or society. Indeed, it is important to consider a sacred place from such contexts. But even if the focus goes further than history or society, it may be possible that such a place attracting all human beings exists. I want to deal with such a place that has been attracting all human beings beyond history or society as sacred place.I take up Muro as a sacred place in this papaer. Muro is a village between mountains. It has attracted many people as a sacred place for 1200 years. I make a study through researching Muro's landscape scenery. By the way, landscape scenery changes according to season or weather. Therefore, I mainly focus on the form of landscape scenery in this papaer.Muro's landscape scenery is mainly formed by 3 main structures.1: Very long path that has very bad visibility.2: A basin scenery looking from a place where the field of vision suddenly opens up.3: Changing scenery when a person gradually descends to the sacred villageThis landscape structure looks like a form combin a tunnel with earthenware mortar. Moreover, this landscape scenery looks like the scenery when we go back to mother's womb, if we wish. Is it exaggerated that this landscape scenery is possibily attractive for all human beings?The way of feeling for landscape when pepole look at it may be different for each person or each time. But there may exist a landscape scenery attracting all human beings. At least, this paper may be able to suggest that Muro's landscape scenery is very attractive, and the landscape structure of Muro may apply to a landscape scenery attracting all human beings.The aim of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of landscape at a sacred place paying attention to landscape scenery in geography.
著者
米田 巖 潟山 健一
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.6, pp.546-565, 1991-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
132
被引用文献数
4

Nearly half a century has passed since Trewartha pointed out in his presidential address to the 49th annual assembly of A. A. G., that geography is fundamentally anthropocentric.Generally speaking, recent trends in geographical researches in Japan and abroad as well seem to have remained unchanged. However, something must have changed in those two decades. The main aim of this article is to evaluate some new underlying currents in recent geographical research work from a humanistic point of view. Just as D. Porteous has pointed out in his essay, the reason why geography is so dull and boring is closely connected not only to ways of explanation, but to presentation in geographical works. In most cases, human contents are lacking.Authors have tried to make clear other factors responsible for this present situation. Most of geographical research work in Japan and abroad has been so far made with special emphasis on“seeing”through eyes. Little attention has been paid to other human senses. It can be said that most geographers have tended to heavily depend on visual organs, suffering from auditory, tactile, olfactory, and taste disorder.In our minds, we instantly create images in a more configurative and unified way by using five senses at the same time. What is mostly urgently needed is how to reconstruct all the things we have sensed in geographical content. Some new underlying currents in humanistic geography seem to be deeply concerned with this hidden aspect as described above, and have come up as the emerging new geography. The 1980's has witnessed tremendous progress, leading surely to a so-called sensuous geography, which is not fully developed at the present time.D. C. Pocock, D. Porteous, Yi-Fu Tuan and A. Buttimer are preeminent among the sensuous geographers. Authors see that the holistic point of view can be basically traced back to J. G. von Herder. Along with these new currents, Michael Polanyi has also come to realize the importance of tacit knowing, from epistemological and ontological view points. In addition, A. Berque has also greatly contributed to opening up a new era in humanistic geography and paved the way to clear elucidiation of the complicated multi-dimensional structure of climate by applying a new concept, médiance.In Japan, T. Watsuji was the first to systematize the significance of human existence with special reference to climate (Fûdo). He often refers to the works of Herder, because the Herderian way of interpretation of our world should be properly treated. Authors are also contending that all the geographical observation so far made must be reviewed and reevaluated in these respects. Holism runs against reductionism.Thick description of geographical phenomenon is thus to be made. Fuller attention should be paid again to Herderian holism in this respect in order to humanize human geography.The objectivity-oriented scientific movement seems to have been believed to be true up to the present time. However, authors understand that objectivity-oriented reductionism is far from being complete in the sense that this methodology is based on one-sided observation and reasoning, neglecting the five human senses to the sacrifice of the richness of the lively world. Well balanced observation and reasoning can only be realized through close contact with the five human senses.
著者
于 亜
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.4, pp.396-413, 2005-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
33

Every traditional society has its own particular regional food culture. The dumplings examined in this article are one example. In northern China, the dumpling has played an important role in food culture, not only materially but also spiritually. Dumplings even have meaning as ceremonial foods, and they form one of the chief elements of traditional food culture. Due to the liberal reform policies carried out in the 1980s, the Chinese economy has developed remarkably, and daily life, especially the food culture of the Chinese people, has changed radically. The aim of this paper is to examine the changing nature of the traditional food culture by focusing on the dumpling, and also to examine the changing meaning and function of the dumpling itself.The region discussed in this paper is Shandong in the lower Yellow River valley. The present state of dumpling food culture was investigated in seven districts within this region. In each district I distributed questionnaires, interviewed local people, and consulted historical records concerning food culture.The Shandong region is the birthplace of the dumpling and we can trace the historical development of it by using local documents. People consume dumplings in various settings, not only in daily life, but on formal occasions as well. The latter category includes annual celebrations and ceremonial events such as weddings, funerals, ancestor-worship rituals, and coming-of-age ceremonies. People still recognize dumplings as a vital dish. Moreover, on formal occasions, the opportunity for consumption, the reason for consumption, the place of consumption, and the group preparing the dumplings differs from place to place. Thus, the dumpling in Shandong is a daily food staple made out of wheat, and, at the same time, is a part of the local food culture that is valued socially and ritually.Since every local area has its own natural environment and historical and social background, types of dumplings differ by locality. However, people's respect for the dumpling is universal. By observing variations in the form of dumplings and by interviewing cooks, it becomes clear that knowledge about dumplings-their different types, forms, and functions-is a sort of folk wisdom that has spread widely.
著者
Shimpei SEGAWA
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
Japanese Journal of Human Geography (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.3, pp.215-236, 1995-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
94
被引用文献数
4 2 8

Buildings are moulded by and reflect order, social relations and ideas. However, how people build not only results from but also exerts influences upon how they think: order, social relations and ideas find expressions in actual buildings.As a message any building has to be decoded by those who use or observe it. But while it is composed of a multiplicity of signs, it also invites a plurality of readings and meanings. It must thus be considered on the basis of whose beliefs or whose view of the world a particular reading and meaning circulated in society is made up.The powerful in society often bring up unintentionaly as well as deliberately a certain reading and meaning of a building. Rather, the dominant are those who manage to present them that may be taken in as unquestioned and thus “natural”. Buildings are major arenas where reading and meaning publicly unfold.The material of my discussion is the Taman Mini Indonesia Indah (Beautiful Indonesia in Miniature Park), popularly known as Taman Mini, located in a suburb of Jakarta, the capital city of Indonesia. It is both a recreation park and a cultural theme park containing examples of traditional architecture, museums, religious buildings, movie theaters, gardens, and other cultural and historical exhibitions and facilities alike. It is designed to provide visitors with an overall insight into Indonesia's people, arts, social customs, history and living environment.My purpose is to reveal the use of the Taman Mini by investigating its design, location and way of representing, considering the socio-political setting of which it is a part. Both in the selectivity of its content and in the signs and style of representation the Taman Mini works to support the order favorable to those who have built it.In November, 1971, when the government was shifting to pro-capitalistic development policies, the President's wife first announced an idea to build a museum-park complex aiming at making Indonesia known to international tourists and raising national consciousness. A few years before, the republic saw the most crucial time in its post-colonial history. Late on the evening of 30 September 1965, army units launched a limited coup in Jakarta ostensibly to remove a group of generals said to be plotting against the then (and first) president. They killed six leading generals, the corpses of whom were later discovered in a well near the present site of the Taman Mini. The coup was crushed in twenty-four hours by special forces commanded by Major General Suharto. These events laid basis for a gradual seizure of power by him and the installation of the so-called New Order.Mrs Suharto's idea immediately came under attack by intellectuals and students, for being for her prestige and a waste of domestic funds, and for the compulsory clearing of small-holder farmlands at the site at a low rate of compensation. She insisted on fighting for her project and declared it was of service to the people to deepen their love for the fatherland. At last the President uttered a statement affirming his full back-up to his wife's project. Construction of the vast park began in 1972, and the opening by the President occurred on April 20, 1975.Some facilities and exhibitions of the Taman Mini are precise replicas with more perfection than their originals. Others are drained from immediate functions and actual life by being replanted regardless of the backgrounds on which they should be. They are all signs of“Indonesian-ness”, and the Park serves as a sketch map showing in public space how Indonesia is organized.The Taman Mini conveys a set of values. The juxtaposition of provincial architectures, houses of worship, folk ways of life, handicrafts, and performing arts visualize the cultural diversity and relativism of Indonesian society.
著者
大城 直樹
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.3, pp.220-238, 1990-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
75
被引用文献数
4

This study aims at presenting some concrete features of Kohama, a Ryukyuan traditional settlement, in order to illustrate“Personality”of place, which may be considered as the whole dynamic relation of life and land. Attempts have been made to grasp their interrelations, namely“genre de vie”in Buttimer's sense, which includes not only material-social aspects but also mental-cultural phases in the analysis of a place. It should be understood, however, that the physical and socio-cultural matters examined here are quite selective, and limited to only the essential ones.The physical aspects are analyzed applying the concept of“high and low island”(by W.L. Thomas, Jr.). The basic physical features of the survey field, Kohama, can be defined as a“high island”, but since the island is relatively small, the characteristics of “high island”are not very apparent. However, the island's peculiar geologic formation, that is, the Quaternary limestone on a terrace and its unconforming position between the underlying surfaces, is favorable to hydrographic process of accumulation-drainage, and is better equipped with water supply for multiple agriculture (mainly sugar cane and rice cropping). For these aspects of the island's ecosystem, the relation between the physical aspects and subsistence form on this island is explicit. However, it is also a fact that the island's small area is a weak base for diversity. On the other hand, the siting of settlements was not necessarily disadvantageous under the medieval policy of giving preference to cultivated land. Rather, given the hydrological characteristics of the island, they can be said to be as appropriately located as the agricultural land.Regarding social matters, vertical relations, which specifically mean the relations between the upper and lower parts of social structure as suggested by hierarchies in kinship and the landlord/tenant system within the settlement, are not dominant, but equal or horizontal relations are noticeable. For instance, as for rice field possession, it is unusual for the main families to occupy well-watered rice fields. Spatial arrangement of residences also shows such a tendency: the houses of the main and branch families are not remarkably segregated. Generally speaking, in the Yaeyama Islands including Kohama, we can find no socially hierarchical system in rural communities such as that peculiar to the main island of Okinawa. It is safe to say that the horizontal social relations in the settlement have reflected a multi-centered and multi-phased rather than a centripetal and vertical social structure.Calling attention to cultural matters, particularly agricultural rites, which enable us to catch a picture of an unusual world and a hidden meaning of place, we are able to understand that, as a cultural apparatus, they embody ties of interdependence among the matters of“genre de vie”. The above-mentioned multiphased structure in the social context is ascertained not only from the different participants in those rites, but also sacred/profane territory and places implying boundaries. Besides, in the physical context, such a structure no doubt makes good use of the landscape surrounding the settlement under investigation.
著者
矢部 直人
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.3, pp.277-292, 2003-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
67
被引用文献数
3 2

It was not until the late 1990s That inner Tokyo started to regain population. This paper explores the extent of that shift and it is argued that population recovery in Minato Ward in inner Tokyo differs from the nature of 'gentrification' observed in Western countries.The 'bubble era' of the late 1980s resulted in rapid land price inflation, land speculation on inner city plots and involved a considerable area of land while displacing former residents. The idea that Tokyo was becoming a 'global city' supported land speculation for office and commercial demands. Inner Tokyo continued to lose population in the late 1980s as a consequence of competition with business and commercial land use. Tokyo Wards implemented various policies to prevent the further outflow of residents, which included rent subsidies to renters and the substitution of mortgage interests exceeding 2%. The Wards also leased rented housing to household renters, and issued guidelines to locate rental family-sized housing in newly-built office buildings.After the collapse of the 'bubble', however, office and commercial demands suddenly disappeared and land prices fell rapidly. The financial crisis induced firms to sell or utilize their land for housing. By the late 1990s, high rise apartments were built on such speculated land. GIS-based mapping analysis revealed that the construction of public and private housing mainly contributed to population recovery, followed by the opening of new subway stations.A questionnaire survey was conducted to examine who had moved into the newly-provided housing in the inner city. Data were collected on household type, occupation, former residential location and reasons for the move.The survey revealed that single female households and double income couples with no children predominated in the private housing sector. The main reason for the move was proximity to workplace. This reflects the fact that movers into the inner city mainly consist of households placing a higher priority on employment than on nurturing children. Couples with children would move into the inner city if they secured low cost (public) housing. Many constraints still prevent the inflow of households with children, such as high housing cost in both private rented housing and owner occupied housing, and limited nursery school capacity.The provision of public housing, which is a counter policy to the population decline, results in relatively low income households returning to the inner city. Subsequent private housing construction which was caused by the collapse of the 'bubble' attracts different types of households from a wider area. Population recovery in inner Tokyo differs from gentrification in the West in that it is not limited only to more affluent people relocating to the inner city.
著者
作野 広和
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.6, pp.527-549, 1996-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
61
被引用文献数
3

This paper aims to identify the changes in the structure of surviving lower order centers in rural-mountain regions where the population continues to decrease as a process of increasing control by cities over lower order centers; and to clarify the mechanisms of the control. A case study was made of site development of retail businesses, manufacturing industries, and branch establishments of the service industry in Maniwa district of Okayama Prefecture. What follows is a brief overview of this paper and its conclusions.Local shopping areas, composed of independent retail stores whose operations depended on local demand, have lost their economic role to large-scale retail stores with local capital. In addition, large-scale retail stores with outside capital, whose head offices are located in Okayama or cities in other prefectures, have recently entered Maniwa district. The development pattern of these stores is in accord with the level of the centers. It can, therefore, be assumed that, in the same way as chain stores have spread, capital from higher-ranked cities has been gradually spreading to lower-ranked centers; and, this phenomenon started affecting lower order centers in the 1990s.With manufacturing industries, the establishment of factories by major firms or their subcontractors has significant meaning for lower order centers in that it produces great employment opportunities. These factories, however, are controlled and managed by outside regions.This pattern can also be seen in the site development of branch establishments which have the function of office work for the service industry. That is, there is a hierarchical control structure in which business establishments in nearby cities or prefectural capital areas locate branch offices in lower-ranked centers. At the same time, a pattern in which business establishments that have their main offices in a metropolitan region locate branch offices directly in lower order centers in depopulated rural-mountain regions was also observed.Thus, it can be concluded that lower order centers function not just as relatively decentralized lower-ranked centers. Rather, they also function as a medium of direct control over rural-mountain regions by metropolitan regions, through the connections between main offices located in national centers and the branch offices.In conclusion, the power of higher-ranked cities to control lower order centers through various channels is growing. These channels include large-scale retail stores and chain stores, the factories of manufacturing industries and subcontractors, and branch establishments which have the function of office work. Consequently, the autonomous nature of these centers, which is based on serving local needs, is being lost; and in its stead, a heteronomous control by higher-ranked cities can increasingly be observed.
著者
中山 昭則
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.4, pp.372-384, 2000-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
37
被引用文献数
1

In this paper, the author attempts to discuss the function of 'Shizenkyuyouson' (a farm village as it is best known in English) established for the purpose of regional tourism promotion in the Nakatsugawa district, Iide town, Yamagata prefecture.'Shizenkyuyouson' was founded in 1971 by the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry in order to encourage regional promotion by using agricultural resources in tourism. Nakatsugawa district is characterized by the management of 'Shizenkyuyouson' by its local residents.'Shizenkyuyouson' was not hampered by a decline in the local population. The utilization of available regional resources, however, paved the way for tourism to flourish.The results of this study are summarized as follows:1) Some parts of the Nakatsugawa district faced a decline in local population during the construction of the Shirakawa dam. The residents of each settlement proposed a regional promotion plan. This led to the creation of a regional promotion policy by the community leaders for the entire Nakatsugawa district. In 1971, a residents' organization was founded and this served as a catalyst for regional promotion.2) The residents focused on regional promotion through agricultural development. As a result, 'Shizenkyuyouson' was introduced as a supplementary industry in 1980.3) 'Shizenkyuyouson' was then facilitated with accommodation, bracken gardens and fishing ponds. It attracted about 80, 000 tourists in 1998.4) The area around Shirakawa Lake has also developed into a tourist resort due to the introduction of 'Shizenkyuyouson'. Today, eight public facilities have been erected around this area. The total amount of investment has so far reached about 8 billion yen. The residents manage some portions of the project.5) The local government now manages many tourist public facilities. As a result, the local residents believe that the development of agricultural parks is too large compared with 'Shizenkyuyouson'. There are also concerns as to whether these agricultural parks are profitable to manage and whether they cause environmental deterioration.
著者
櫛谷 圭司
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, no.3, pp.266-277, 1984-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
54
被引用文献数
3
著者
福本 拓
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.154-169, 2004-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
79
被引用文献数
1 1

This paper analyzes the residential concentrations of Korean people in Osaka city and its changes from the end of the 1920s to the beginning of the 1950s. The statistical data and documents on Korean people in the city and their living conditions were obtained from the National Census, Police Survey and local administrative researches. Korean concentrations changed spatially and socially, and the economical and historical factors associated with these changes can be described as follows:(1) The formation of Korean concentrations during the 1920s.Since the beginning of the 1920s, a great number of Korean people migrated into Osaka city, and most of them were composed of single male workers. During this period, three concentrations were formed: (a) the southeastern ward, which was the biggest concentration of Korean workers who were employed in small factories; (b) the southwestern ward, where industrial, constructional, and odd-job workers were dominant, and (c) the ward south of the Yodo River, where most Koreans worked at medium-size glass and textile factories.(2) The expansion of the Korean concentrations during the 1930s to the end of World War II.During this period, the Korean population increased rapidly and was four times larger than it was at the end of the 1920s. Newly-arriving Korean people tended to settle into already-established Korean concentrations and surrounding areas. The actual Korean population distribution pattern and its occupational characteristics did not change. On the other hand, social differentiation within Korean communities became distinctive during this period. The most important development was that a few Korean entrepreneurs managed to establish their own businesses in the southeastern and southwestern concentrations.(3) The disappearance and remnants of the Korean concentrations in the US occupation period (1945-52).Shortly after World War II, many Korean people left Japan for their mother country. The number of Koreans in Osaka drastically and quickly decreased. Because most of the wards in central Osaka had been seriously damaged by the US forces' air attacks in WWII, the Koreans in those destroyed districts lost everything and had no reason to continue their residence in Japan. This situation resulted in the disappearance of the concentration on the south side of the Yodo River. On the other hand, the other Korean concentrations survived in the southwestern and southeastern areas due to less destruction from the air attacks. Fortunately, many Koreans in these areas did not lose their residences and workplaces. Moreover, Koreans who owned a property found it difficult to return to their home country because Korean repatriates were permitted to carry back only a limited amount of money and goods with them. In the remaining concentrations, most Koreans who owned their own business chose to stay in Osaka.Based on the above analyses, the following concluding remarks can be made: (a) Since the establishment of the Korean population concentrations in these three areas, local industrial activities were a major influential factor in determining the employment status of the Korean population; (b) During the US occupation period, residents whose homes were destroyed by the bombing in WWII tended to leave Osaka and their concentrations disappeared. The Korean people who were business-owners and who lived in the less-damaged areas remained in Osaka. Consequently, the southeastern and southwestern Korean concentrations still exist even until today.
著者
福田 新一
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.3, pp.326-343, 1973-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
62
著者
安田 順惠
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.1, pp.68-83, 2005-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
57

The author checked the full routes traveled by monk Xuanzang 玄奘 between Ch'ang-an 長安 and India during the period from the end of the Sui 隋 dynasty to the early Tang 唐 dynasty.Three routes from Lanzhou 蘭州 to Ch'ang-an, on the way return, are noted with special remarks as a highlight of this study on the monk's seventeen years journey to India. Although no final conclusion was made from my study, I indicate, however, one of them as a target to be seriously considered.I found descriptions of the geographical location of the ancient town of Xiaoguan Xincheng 蕭関新城 in two old books, XIN TANG SHU『新唐書』and YUAN HE JUN XIA ZHI『元和郡縣志』by which three routes could possibly be verified.These routes are important Tang dynasty traffic routes from Ch'ang-an to Lanzhou via Guyuan 固原 that follow the Qingshui River 清水河 northward along the eastern side of the Liuban Mountain Range 六盤山脈. As for the location of Xiaoguan Xincheng fortified town, historians like Prof. Yan Gengwang 嚴耕望 in his book, TANG DAI JIAO TONG TU KAO『唐代交通圖考』(RESEARCH ON TRANSPORTATION ROUTES OF THE TANG DYNASTY) specify the location to be at Liwangpu 李旺堡 at the northern part of Guyuan District in Ningxia Hui Autonomous Province 寧夏回族自治区.Although he also used the aforementioned old book that state that Xiaoguan Xincheng is on the east side of the river, he declared Liwangpu to be the site of ancient Xiaoguan Xincheng despite the fact that, in actuality, Liwangpu is located on the western bank. Therefore, the author checked Corona Satellite Photographs in detail and found three other sites, located Guanqiaopu 関橋堡, both north (Honggucheng 紅古城) and south (Caochenggucheng 草城古城) of Gao'ai Township 高崖郷.The relic site located some 20 kilometers north of Liwangpu in the area north Geo'ai is of a remarkable large scale with walledcity. And these are, as written in the two old books, on the eastern bank of the river, proving the information to be true. Having succeeded in reading the Corona Satellite Photographs, the author took an field investigation to the area in February 2004. When, by good luck, the area north of Gao'ai was being excavated for highway construction since December 2003.At the site known as Honggucheng, they found ruins from three periods from the Han 漢 dynasty, the Tang and the Sung 宋. Based on the above mentioned, the author finally considered that this Honggucheng site is the Xiaoguan Xincheng fortified town of Tang, and dismissed Liwangpu.Fragments dating from the Tang dynasty found in various ruins in the area, told the author that the area had been a very important place for traffic in Tang times. Information produced from research of Corona Satellite Photographs and on the field investigation of the site, pushed this study forward and shall be carried on by similar attempts in the future.
著者
阿部 和夫
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, no.4, pp.283-296,362, 1961-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
14

In this research and investigation, by using labour force as indication, the author analysed the located factors of sericultural industry in Iwate Prefecture, situated in north-eastern Japan.1) Research of the region has been classified into three areal groups: (A) Northern dry-field farming area, where extensive agriculture is carried on, and spring cocoon crops are the main production. (B) Southern dry-field farming area, where intensive agriculture is carried on and spring cocoon crops are the main production. (C) Paddy-field farming area of Kitakami Basin, where the ratio of sericulturists is rather low and summer-autumn cocoon crops occupy more than half of the whole year cocoon production.2) The common characteristic in the each area of sericultural industry, classified into three group types, showed that most of the inhabitants in these areas can still get a decent livelihood from their own silkworm raising income, though cash income has fairly decreased compared with prewar days.3) On the position of management: there are a few dominant differences in these three areas, in respect to the basis and structure of productions.As the inhabitants keep on with the management, acting self-sufficiently, in the northern dry-field farming areas, there is no relation of competition that comes into existence between the sericultural industry and the cropped rotation of cereals (the order cropped cereals) and seasonal distribution of labour forces.The sericultural management, in the southern dry-field farming area, Iwate Prefecture, has been formed parallel with the commercial crops, ensuring a direct profit to the inhabitants and the rice-culture as a countermeasure in preparation for industrial fluctuation. A downward movement of the postwar boom, however, brought a change in the position of sericultural management. By the connection between arable land and labour force; on the other hand, the introduction of new efficient management is not easy. So, traditional silkworm raising is compelled to be carried on between the former, and a newly risen management methods, for the sake of increasing the cash income in the family budget.The sericultural management, in the paddy-field farming area, Kitakami Basin, is kept by the surplus labour of rice-culture. Because introduction of a new management method is difficult, in this area, with the exception of the normal rice-culture. This is a far cry from the pattern of dry-field farming areas.
著者
小田 匡保
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, no.4, pp.347-361, 1984-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
61
被引用文献数
1 1

In Japan there have been many utsushi-reijô (imitative pilgrimage courses) patterned after Shikoku-hachijûhakkasho-reijô (Shikoku's 88 pilgrimage sites) and they are called shin-shikoku (‘new shikoku’pilgrimage courses) or mini-shikoku (miniature shikoku pilgrimage courses). These shin-shikoku can be regarded as pilgrim courses in which the Honshikoku (Shikoku pilgrimage course) model spread to various parts of the country and were transformed under local conditions. Meanwhile shin-shikoku have been transformed historically since their establishment. In this paper the author focuses on the former regional transformation.The area of the case study is Shôdoshima-hachijûhakkasho-reijô (Shodoshima's 88 pilgrimage sites) on Shodoshima Island in Kagawa Prefecture. The procedure is first to compare Shima-shikoku (the Shodoshima course) with Hon-shikoku at the time of its establishment and find out what was imitated; next to determine how points differing from Hon-shikoku originated in Shima-shikoku. Results are as follows:1. Similarities between Shima-shikoku and Hon-shikoku are that fudasho (each pilgrim place) were placed at the periphery of the island so that pilgrims could go around it, and the direction of numbering from 1 to 88 was clockwise.2. Fudasho in Shima-shikoku included all the Shingon-shû (Shingon sect of Buddhism) temples in Shodoshima Island and all the highest-status shrines which later became gôsha (district shrines). The rests were selected from priests' meeting halls, oku-no-in (inner temples), wayside small temples, small temples at cemeteries, historic small temples, small temples at strange site features, and so on.3. Fudasho in Shima-shikoku were placed in every village in Shodoshima. The number 1 is supposed to have been assigned to the nearest fudasho to Koyasan-Temple.Historical transformations include allocations of fudasho, changes of fudasho-numbers, rise and fall of bangai-fudasho (extra pilgrimage places) and so forth. Even during these transformations Shima-shikoku have tended to copy Hon-shikoku in that the former have adopted the sekisho (spritual barrier to sinners) found in the latter at an earler time.