著者
岡本 兼佳
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.3, pp.182-194,248, 1955-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
8

For the approach to the reasons of dwelling dispersion, it is fundamentally necessary that the settled order should be made clear by tracing back to the early stage of the reclamation and throughout the progress. From this point, the writer researched into the dispersed settlement on the deltaic plain between two rivers, the Edo and the Furutone, Kanto lowland. The following conclusions were reached:1. The pioners located their homes apart from one another and rarely adjoined besides the line villages. This dispersion of the pioneers resulted from selecting the highest island-like embankment in order to secure their farmsteads from flood waters. When the embankment was too lower to avoid flood, the dweller still more raised up the ground artificially.2. The community in this region is chiefly organized with the relation of head and branch, so the reasons for the dispersed dwelling can be attainable through the branching of the families. Distinguishing the families in the same lineage and ranging them in settled order, and then drawing them on the map, the settlement growth and especially where the branch families select as the house sites are made clear. These distribution types are classified as follows; (A) scattering type of branch families, (B) adjoining type of a branch family to its head family, (C) adjoining type of a branch family to another.3. Classifying the own-fields of the dispersed branch families by distribution, two types are recognized; (a) concentrated type around the house site or stretched type in front of his house site, and (b) remote type. The latter is subdivided into three types; (1) scattered type, (2) distant and yet concentrated type, (3) two groups type in front and at a distance. Each of these types is exemplified in Fig. 3, 4 and 5. When the dwelling is located in the center of the own-fields the most convenience of farming is given. In this region, however, some of the dispersed branch families have the fields in type of remoteness and scattering, because they can not get at will the favorable elevated house site everywhere.4. The adjoining type of a branch family to its head family has also two distribution types of the own-fields; (a) stretched type in front of both families in their way, (b) remote type in the branch family's fields. The latter is classified into the same three types as the case of the dispersed branch families. The examples are given in Fig. 6 and 7.5. The adjoining type of a branch family to another makes the distribution types of the own-fields as follows; (a) contrated type adjacent to the house site in each family or stretched type in front of both families in their way, and (b) remote type in the later settler. This dwelling type and the distribution types of fields are based on taking the elevated dry lots for the house sites.6. Subsequently some farmers removed from other places and they also settled in the types of adjoining and scattering. In that case, the settlers mostly looked for the elevated dry lots and consequently the same dwelling types were shaped.7. The ruined sites were scarcely resettled and were usually changed to the fields and even the lots leaved to the overgrowth with trees and grasses turned out. The inhabitants seem to have evaded such ruined sites psychologically.8. In Tab. 3 the elevated island-like lots are classified by size and are compared with the existence of dwelling. Inspecting this, the greater the lot area becomes, the more dweller it stands, conversely, the smaller lots are entirely used as the fields. By every size of the elevated lots, averaging the area of the house sites possessing on each, the home site areas increase in proportion to the elevated lot areas. This proves that the locating of the dwelling is adapted for the elevated lots. The changes of the landuse follow even the artificial changes,
著者
森川 洋
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, no.5, pp.377-395, 1962-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
31
被引用文献数
2 1

The purpose of this article is to classify the characteristics of the distribution of Japanese towns before the industrial revolution. To qualify such towns, the author uses “Kyomhseihyo” (1880), the national statistics on population and products, and limits as town the settlements with over 2, 000 persons, but some fishing villages may be exceptionally contained among them.The author thinks that the distribution of those towns is analogous to that “alten Kulturländer” called by G. Schwarz, which roughly speaking is related to the density of rural population (Fig. 1.) There was a dense net of towns with much urban populatin in coastal and basin regions (densely populated), where there were also large towns like Tokyo (725, 000), Osaka (363, 000), Kyoto (136, 000), Nagoya (117, 000), Kanazawa (108, 000) etc. (Fig. 2 and 3). Of course, the agglomeration of towns and urban population in those days were not in so large scale as in the present day.But the distribution of towns in those days can not be explained by population density only. The ratio of urban population per Kuni, regional division in those days (Fig. 4) and the hierarchical structure of towns were related more closely to scale of regional centres than to economic richness of the areas. For example, the large regional centre Toitori (36, 000) and some small towns (2-3, 000) lay in Inaba-Kuni, so that the ratio of urban population per Kuni was raised (exclusively) by the urban population of Tottori.Most of such regional contres were castle towns in feudal age, and their scale was in proportion to that of territories of “Daimyoes”, feudal lords. The origin of small towns was mosily market towns, coaching towns, and port-towns, which had grown in proportion to regional economic development.Therefore, the distribution of towns in early Meiji-era was related to hitstorical conditions in feudal age everywhere.
著者
籠瀬 良明
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, no.3, pp.36-47,96, 1950-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
18

In the plain of Takada can be traced an old watercourse of the Hokura about five kilometers in length. What characterize this old watercourse are free meandering and natural banks, running on both sides of it and higher than the level by one meter or two with fields and hamlets on them. A long succession of fine paddy-fields stretehes on this old course of the river, which were brought under cultivation in middle ages. (Especially, it is the case with the lower course of the river.)In the article two of those examples, Matsuhashi and Funatsu in the village of Honda are dealt.[The author made a lecture on other such examples, Honda-Enokii and Katatsu, at the autumnal meeting of Association of Japanese Geographers last year, and explained why the region should be supposed to have been cultivated in Middle Ages, also explaining its characteristics. The details are to be mentioned in next number.]
著者
山野 正彦
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, no.1, pp.46-68, 1979-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
114
被引用文献数
17 5
著者
野澤 秀樹
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.1, pp.47-67, 1992-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
145
被引用文献数
4 1
著者
Masataka SUZUKI
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
Japanese Journal of Human Geography (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.6, pp.541-554, 1978-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
53
被引用文献数
1 2

Spatial perception is the one of the most important problem to decide the behavior pattern in folk society where the people are living with nature. This paper proposes a study of spatial perception in folk society through the orientation in Yaeyama Islands, Okinawa prefecture of Japan. Yaeyama Islands is located in the southernmost part of Ryûkyû archipelago and therefore is the most southern of the whole Japanese area. These islands have been researched by many Japanese and foreign anthropologists, whose conclusions have had an important role in larger studies of Ryûkyûan culture. Using this anthropological approach, we will make clear up the indigenous concept of cosmology and find out the mode of spatial perception in this area.Through the analysis of myth and ritual, we may observe that Yaeyama islanders employ both the relative orientation shifting 30°-45° from the cardinal points and the absolute orientation of the cardinal points indicated by the twelve earthly branches _??__??__??_ . We call the former “folk orientation” and the latter “natural orientation”. It seems to me that “folk orientation” in Yaeyama Islands has been formed by the direction of monsoon because the term of ‘the north’ and ‘the south’ in “folk orientation” is the same as the names of wind. According to the meteorological data, the winter monsoon blows from northeast and the summer monsoon blows from southwest. Then, the pair of northeast-southwest relationship in “natural orientation” coinciding with the compass, is ‘the north-south’ relationship in “folk orientation” shifting 30°-45° from “natural orientation”. As for ‘the east-west’ relationship in “folk orientation”, the same shifting process is observed. For example, in Hateruma Island, one of the Yaeyama Islands, Simazasu in the north-western part of this island is in the islanders' conception very ‘west’ and as such connected with cape Takana in the southeastern edge of this island as the very ‘east’.On the folk village of Yaeyama Islands, these two systems of orientation are used for indicating the direction in ordinary life and make meaningful their spatial perception. For example, among the houses having three front rooms facing generally to the south of “folk orientation”, the male sides being the south and the east in “natural orientation” are superior to the female sides being the north and the west, but in religious affairs, the whole situation is reversed. Generally speaking, the pair of south-east relationship in “natural orientation” will be superior to the one of north-west relatioship. However, at the rituals on island level, cosmological concept based on a dualism that is characterized by superiority of ‘west’ and ‘female’ over ‘east’ and ‘male’, is found out. Though such value systems connected with spatial perception, are changed by the situation and the context, there are some principles formed by the indigenous concept of cosmology.In the above, we have examined spatial perception through the orientation. Lastly I will offer some interpretations of what might be called “Uyân” as it emerges in the “pan” (ritual invocations). In a passage of “pan”, “Uyân” (the deity) is praised. It runs as follows, “yuru nu isïma-ndô pïsu nu nana-ndê pïsê ôru bûyân pïsûyân” (great Uyân, Uyân looming large, who is always present during the five hours of the night and the seven hours of the day.)
著者
小野田 一幸 宮本 真二 藤田 裕嗣 米家 泰作 河原 典史 川口 洋
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.1-28, 2013 (Released:2018-01-26)
参考文献数
222

本稿では,1980年以降の日本における歴史地理学,地図史,および歴史GISに関する主要な研究成果について展望する。この30年間にわが国では,H. C.プリンスによって定義された現実的世界,イメージの世界,および抽象的世界を対象とした豊かな研究成果が生み出されてきた。現実的世界を対象とした研究では,景観や地域構造の復原が引き続き基礎的課題となっている。とりわけ,過去と現代をつなぐ役割を担う近代期の研究意義が注目されるようになった。最新の研究動向として,環境史と学際的研究の進展があげられる。後者については,地理学,歴史学,考古学の研究分野で史資料と研究方法の共有化が進み,歴史地理学の方法論が隣接分野に受け入れられて学際的研究に発展する動向がみとめられる。イメージの世界については,過去に生きた人々の世界観に関する理解を深めるために,1980年代から古地図・絵図研究が本格化した。抽象的世界に関する研究は,歴史GISを活用することにより,21世紀初頭から新たな段階を迎えた。歴史GISは,歴史地理学を含む人文・社会科学における個別研究の成果を統合する「しくみ」としても有用とみられる。
著者
岡田 俊裕
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.5, pp.445-460, 1987-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
64
被引用文献数
4 2

The concepts of landscape (Landschaft, paysage) spread through the geographic world in Japan since the latter half of 1920's. The discipline of geography in Japan before the war's end was characterized by studies based on these concepts, the theory of man-land relationships, and geopolitics. This paper is the first historical review of studies of geographical landscape in Japan.Japanese geographers had tried to translate landscape (Landschaft, paysage) into Japanese since 1925, using such terms as“fukei (風景)”,“fudo (風土)”,“keiso (景相)”, “chiriteki keikan (地理的景観)”,“fukei keitai (風景形態)”,“keiiki (景域)”,“chisokei (地相景)”,“kansho (環象)”,“keikan (景観)”and others. Keikan was by far the most popularly used term. It is thought that Tsujimura Taro had a great influence on this state of affairs.The concepts of landscape can be classified into three major interpretations: (1) the synthetic contents of a (unit) region, (2) common regions as a type, (3) the visible and morphologic objects in a region. On the basis of this classification, the writer puts interpretations of these concepts before the war's end in the order stated above, number (1) being the most frequent interpretation. Other Japanese equivalents besides“keikan” were used frequently in interpretation number (1). However, it is said that interpretation number (3) came into wider use than number (1) in field studies.“Keikan”was used frequently in this case. Therefore, many theoretical studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (1), while most field studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (3). Interpretation number (2) appeared in a few cases, but it is not thought to have been used frequently.In the 1910's in Germany, the concept of landscape (Landschaft) was introduced to the system of geography, and the form or shape of landscape was treated as the object of landscape study. Studies which had some resemblance to those in Germany were seen before and after the 1930's in Japan. The studies of relations between landscape and social, economic and cultural conditions were deepened and developed later in Germany. However, research on form of landscape were, in Japan, still being carried out, and the function and phylogeny of landscape were not developed enough in Japan. But theoretical studies did develop some what. The development of landscapes was studied, and some researchers began to point out that it was necessary in landscape study to clarify the development mechanisms of human societies. Moreover the landscape was grasped from a view-point of social science, in that the landscape is thought to be determined by the mode of production.A problem that was little discussed throughout the pre-war and post-war days is the role of subjectivity in human societies in the formation of the cultural landscape. This is the main reason for the criticism that early studies of geographical landscape were not really connected to the contemporary world. In the first half of 1930's in Germany, O. Maull and H. Hassinger proposed that the nation state was the builder of landscape. Their propositions were soon introduced to Japan, but have not yet been really discussed. How are human societies including nation states related to the formation of the cultural landscape? The writer concludes that this discussion remains as an unsolved problem.
著者
菊池 万雄
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.5, pp.447-461, 1978-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
30

It is said that in the Edo Era cholera prevailed in Bunsei 5 (1822), Ansei 5 (1858) and Bunkyu 2 (1862). In considering the actual substance of each epidemic from the number of the deaths recorded in the necrologies of temples, the following became clear.1) The epidemic in Bunsei 5 was the first big incident of this in Japan. As for the invasion route of cholera to our country, although there are several opinions, it can be established that invasion came through Nagasaki.Cholera prevailed in south-west Japan, especially in the San'in and San'yo areas, but it did not reach north-east Japan or Edo.2) The Ansei epidemic started from Nagasaki, and became quite widespread all over the country in Ansei 5 and 6, spreading as far as Edo and Mutsu.The Ansei 5 epidemic was the first one in Edo and it was particularly serious but as regards the country as a whole, there seem to have been more places where the epidemic broke out in Ansei 6 rather than Ansei 5.Because there was so much recorded concerning the epidemic in Edo, it was wrongly thought to be the biggest epidemic of cholera in modern age in our country.3) Cholera also prevailed on a great scale over the whole country in Bunkyu 2. To consider this as a continuation of the epidemic in the Ansei period is wrong, for it is established fact that in the first year of Bunkyu, matters were completely back to normal and that the epidemic in the second year of Bunkyu came in from Nagasaki and spread from there.It is possible to say that the cholera epidemic in Bunkyu 2 was substantially the worst in the Edo Era, because it was widespread throughout the country and the number of victims was so great.As the record of deaths in the necrologies show pronounced peaks coinciding with the sudden infection of cholera and high death rate, and as the peaks occur at different times depending on the district, it is easy to trace the infection route of cholera.Furthermore, based on various old records of public government offices, villages and temples, we can endorse the following points concerning the prevalence of cholera at that time.* That the invasion route of cholera started in Nagasaki.* That the theory of the big three epidemics in Bunsei, Ansei and Bunkyu stands, rather than the theory of the big two in Bunsei and Ansei.* That the Ansei 5 epidemic occurred in Edo only, and that as regards the whole country the theory that the worst epidemic was in Bunkyu 2 stands rather than the theory that it was in Ansei 5.
著者
于 亜
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.4, pp.396-413, 2005-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
33

Every traditional society has its own particular regional food culture. The dumplings examined in this article are one example. In northern China, the dumpling has played an important role in food culture, not only materially but also spiritually. Dumplings even have meaning as ceremonial foods, and they form one of the chief elements of traditional food culture. Due to the liberal reform policies carried out in the 1980s, the Chinese economy has developed remarkably, and daily life, especially the food culture of the Chinese people, has changed radically. The aim of this paper is to examine the changing nature of the traditional food culture by focusing on the dumpling, and also to examine the changing meaning and function of the dumpling itself.The region discussed in this paper is Shandong in the lower Yellow River valley. The present state of dumpling food culture was investigated in seven districts within this region. In each district I distributed questionnaires, interviewed local people, and consulted historical records concerning food culture.The Shandong region is the birthplace of the dumpling and we can trace the historical development of it by using local documents. People consume dumplings in various settings, not only in daily life, but on formal occasions as well. The latter category includes annual celebrations and ceremonial events such as weddings, funerals, ancestor-worship rituals, and coming-of-age ceremonies. People still recognize dumplings as a vital dish. Moreover, on formal occasions, the opportunity for consumption, the reason for consumption, the place of consumption, and the group preparing the dumplings differs from place to place. Thus, the dumpling in Shandong is a daily food staple made out of wheat, and, at the same time, is a part of the local food culture that is valued socially and ritually.Since every local area has its own natural environment and historical and social background, types of dumplings differ by locality. However, people's respect for the dumpling is universal. By observing variations in the form of dumplings and by interviewing cooks, it becomes clear that knowledge about dumplings-their different types, forms, and functions-is a sort of folk wisdom that has spread widely.
著者
木下 良
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.21, no.4, pp.370-405, 1969-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
247
被引用文献数
2 1
著者
滝波 章弘
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.4, pp.340-362, 1998-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
63
被引用文献数
2 2

What do tourists experience in travel? What is the meaning of contemporary tourism? These questions have been proposed since the mid 1970's by geographers, anthropologists, and psychologists of tourism in the English-speaking world. Most of the studies attempt to verify MacCanell's theory of authenticity, Turner's process of communitas or Cohen's systematic typology of tourist experience. Are these hypothesis also applicable to the Japanese contemporary tourist experience?The popular travel monthly“Tabi”proves an indispensable source concerning Japanese tourism. Each edition contains travel essays contributed by readers. I compared 155 travel writings in“Tabi”from 1992 to 1995 with the contributors ranging from the young to the aged.In the first analysis, I examined three hypothesis. Turner's communitas was verified only in 3 essays; MacCanell's authenticity in 25 essays; and Cohen's typology in 47 essays. These results show that the existing models are insufficient to explain the Japanese tourist experience.In the second analysis, I tried to treat the 155 travel narratives without hypothesis. Based upon the structuralist textual analysis, I extracted six main subjects: encounter of people, perception of panorama or landscape, discovery of another world, observation of culture and history, solution of problem which arise during travel, and recognition of ones life.The relations between the demographic category and the subjects of tourist experience are summarized as follows. The younger writers emphasize the spatial contrast: they often compare their chosen destination with their everyday environment, and the smaller places they explored with popular tourist sites. The comparison is not neutral: what is unknown or idyllic is evaluated positively, while what is popular or metropolitan is portrayed negatively. The older writers are likely to underline the spatio-temporal contrast: they frequently speak of a spiritual experience following an ordeal, e.g., reverence of a panoramic view after a painful ascent. In terms of encounter, the nuance between age-groups is also clear. The younger tend to analyze systematically the encounter: they underline the contrast between the fragile tourist from the city and the kind and tough local people. For the older, the encounter is more realistic: there exists mutual communication between the local and the tourist.Regarding gender, more of the men observe the culture, history, and life style of the destination than women. Observation often leads to comprehension by accompanying the discourse of cultural comparison between native country and destination. On the other hand, women are more concerned with the solution of problems which may happen in their travel. In some cases, they write about the aid given by a local person in an encountered difficult situation; and in other cases they stress their sense of accomplishment after surmounting difficulties. Women are more concerned with self-presentation than men.Under divers tourist experiences, we can find out one common structure the spatiotemporal contrast. Men seek the spatial contrast between life-space and tourist space, between famous place and little place, and so on. Women pursue temporal contrast between difficult situation and accomplishment, between assisted tourist and assisting local person, and so on.The structure of contrast in the tourist experience resembles the system of objects proposed by Baudrillard. Both try to contrast some elements with others: goods in Baudrillard, and spatio-temporal experiences in travel writings. In this respect, we can say that travel writing is a part of a contemporary semiotic world. But we can also remark that there is a considerable difference: the contrast is symmetric in the system of goods and asymmetric in the narrative of travel. The asymmetry of the latter is the result of the real space.
著者
水内 俊雄
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, no.4, pp.289-311, 1984-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
40
被引用文献数
3

The importance of improvement in living condition in urban areas recently has been stressed in Japan. We can point out three issues in this trend. First, blighted areas have already appeared in suburban areas of densely built “bunka” apartment house. Second, revitalization of the inner city is being watched with keen interest. Third, criticism of existing urban policy which is busy pursuing construction of urban infrastructure is developing new ideas for improvement of urban living condition. From these viewpoints, we can see only two examples of improvement in poor housing distrcts. In fact, Japan has a long tradition of renewal of poor housing districts. Unfortunately, these kinds of districts, i.e. minority group ghettoes, we call “dowa” districts, have not been properly analysed. There are two reasons for this lack of research. First is the tendency for Japanese scholars to avoid topics and ignore groups that are the object of majority prejudice. Second is the record of heavy-handed political intervention in the conduct and findings of such research.This paper at first clarifies the historical formation of poor housing districts in prewar Japan. Second, we focus on the “Renewal of Poor Housing Districts Act” of 1927, making clear how this act was created and put in force. This research also attempts to put “dowa” districts in their proper place among all kinds of poor housing districts in Japan. In addition, we set value on this housing act as the the first public project to improve living conditions in Japan, and reveal the counter-responses of the people concerned.In post-war Japan, especially after 1960, the pace of renewal projects quickened and many projects attained good results. These results were achieved mainly by minority-group peoples' movements, and such movements were linked to political influence. The historical approach adopted in this paper aims to pursue the origin of these movements and their political attitudes in pre-war Japan.The “Renewal of Poor Housing Districts Act” was authorized by the Department of Social Welfare of the Ministry of Interior. Before the enactment of this act, the Department of Social Welfare conducted many investigations of poorer peoples' living and housing conditions. These investigations not only helped in the enactment, but also added special characteristics to this act. One such characteristic is observance in principle of rehousing people in the same location, and the other is omission of concrete standards in selection of renewal areas. The former is the result of imitating the housing acts in England. The latter is explained by the fact that the Department of Social Welfare had no need to define selection standards since they had already gained information about location of the poor housing districts.Projects in accordance with this act began in 1928, rehousing nearly 4000 households by 1942 in 6 big cities: Tokyo, Osaka, Kyoto, Nagoya, Kobe and Yokohama. The 16 districts selected or planned for selection were divided into three types. This selection reflected the existing three types of poorer peoples' districts at that time. The first type were those of minority groups, i.e. “dowa” districts originating in the pre-modern era. The second type were residential districts of urban miscellaneous laborers centering around flophouse, and the last one was residential districts of lower factory workers. The latter two emerged in modern era after 1868. Seven of the selections were of the first type, and these cases became a precedent for post-war projects. From the viewpoint of the people concerned, Nagoya and Kyoto showed special responses toward the renewal projects. Considering the historical conditions in pre-war Japan, people at that time did not possess any legal ways of opposition and had limited opportunities for achieving their demands for improvement.
著者
エドモンズ リチャード
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.33, no.3, pp.193-209, 1981-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
74
被引用文献数
1

Between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, Japan's northern island, Hokkaido, was divided into a Wajin-Japanese settlement exclave, called Wajinchi or Wajinland, and an area in which only Ainu were allowed to reside permanently, known as Ezochi. This paper looks at changes in the location of the boundary and in the function of guardhouses located near it as one way to analyze Tokugawa frontier policy. Sources include diaries of travelers, government documents, old maps, and sketches.Results show that the Wajinchi expanded in five stages. From the thirteenth to the mid-sixteenth century, Wajin-Japanese settlement remained in a punctiform pattern with forts spaced along the extreme southern coast of the Oshima Peninsula. This initial stage is characterized by a lack of unity among Wajin and relative strength of the Ainu.Next, an accord reached around 1550 between the strongest Wajin-Japanese leader and two Ainu chieftains delimited a conterminous zone on the southwestern tip of the Oshima Peninsula. This second phase suggest the unification of Hokkaido's Wajin was well underway.The Matsumae clan formed in the early seventeenth century, expanded the exclave, demarcated the boundary with poles, and established guardhouses. During the following two centuries, these efforts to partition the Wajin-Japanese and Ainu continued. It is of special note that the distance between Matsumae castle and the eastern and western boundaries was roughly equivalent.A major policy transformation occurred at the beginning of the nineteenth century when the Tokugawa government took over control of Ezochi, installed a magistrate in Hakodate, and extended the eastern portion of the Wajinchi. The concern of the Tokugawa government in the affairs of Ezochi was apparent since the new eastern guardhouse was located on the Ezochi side of the boundary, a condition. which had never previously existed.In the mid-nineteenth century, the Wajinchi was enlarged again. However, the absence of boundary guardhouses along with the lack of contiguity marked this as a transitional stage prior to the opening of the whole island for colonization in 1869.These Wajinchi expansions can be conceived of as concentric zones. The second and third stages surround Matsumae castle while the fourth and fifth have double foci, Hakodate and Matsumae, and generally encircle Hakodate. The lack of guardhouses in the second and fifth stages illustrates their transitional character in contrast to the third and fourth stages of Matsumae and subsequent Tokugawa direct control.
著者
川久保 篤志
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.1, pp.28-47, 1996-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
42
被引用文献数
3

This paper investigates the impact of liberalization of the orange trade on Japanese mandarin-producing which is one of the major sectors of Japanese agriculture.The problem about liberalization of the orange trade, which was a long-pending problem between Japan and the U.S., came to a conclusion in 1988. This conclusion gave rise to two big changes in mandarin agriculture in Japan.First was the conversion of agricultural policy after 1988. The main purpose of previous policy was promoting mandarin-areas. But after 1988, its purpose changed to promote strong agricultural management which could overcome international competition with foreign oranges in the Japanese market. Concretely, for fresh oranges, the Japanese government distributed subsidies for famers who discontinued their own mandarin orchards in bad location. As a result, mandarin growing decreased greatly and the quality of mandarins was improved. Therefore, though the liberalization of the orange trade was enforced in 1991, the quantity of imports didn't increase greatly and the Japanese mandarin market wasn't taken away by foreign oranges. For orange juice, government decreased the conpensation money for industrial mandarins. This measure discouraged farmers from producing primarily industrial mandarins.Second were the financial difficulties of juice factories established by agricultural cooperrative associations, after 1991. This was a result of the quantity of import orange juice increased rapidly and took away mandarin juice to market in Japan. Therefore, juice factories reduced the purchase quantity of industrial mandarins from farmers and caused the price of industrial mandarins to fall year after year, because the stocks of mandarin juice increased at the factory. Consequently, the liberalization of the orange juice trade exerted more impacts on Japanese mandarin-producing areas than the fresh orange trade.These problems clearly appeared in Tanbara Town, in Ehime Prefecture, which is the example district in this paper. In Tanbara Town, the production of industrial mandarins account for more than 50per cent of all mandarins. Tanbara Town has one of the highest rates in Japan. The industrial mandarins were roughly grown by farmers who have other jobs or only by the aged. In these conditions, the liberalization of the orange juice trade was enforced. The price of industrial mandarins fell and the purchase quantity of industrial mandarins decreased at the factory more than previously. So the farmers' profits decreased more and more, and they gave up harvesting mandarins. Therefore, many abandoned orchards have appeared one after another in recent years. The growth of abandoned orchards made the growing environment worse and full-time farmers lost their will to produce mandarins. This is the most important problem in Tanbara Town.
著者
西田 博嘉
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, no.2, pp.217-231, 1974-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
19
被引用文献数
3
著者
村田 陽平
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.5, pp.532-548, 2005-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
56
被引用文献数
1

The consideration of male bodies is a significant issue for gender studies in geography since they are an influential factor in constructing gendered spaces. Few studies, however, have paid attention to male bodies, a fact that contrasts starkly with the amount of attention directed toward female bodies. Thus, the objective of this study is to clarify how male bodies contribute to the construction of gender-differentiated spaces by investigating the representation of tobacco advertisements in Japan.In Japan, smoking is primarily a male behavior; the smoking rate for men is about 47%, whereas that for women is about 12%. This is because Japanese tobacco advertisements tend to represent male bodies and their spaces around them.This study uses Japanese tobacco advertisements in Japanese magazines during 1987-2000. Surveying these advertisements, the following five characteristics were more significantly associated with represented male bodies than with female bodies.First, male bodies are represented with natural scenery whereas female bodies are represented in artificial environments. This implies that male bodies are intended to challenge nature. The images also emphasize the vastness of their space.Second, male bodies are represented with few words, while female bodies are accompanied by many words. This means that male space is emphasized by quiet, dignified male bodies through the elimination of words.Third, male bodies are accompanied by women's eyes. This representation of women gazing deeply at smoking men leads to the acknowledgement of male smoking space. This also means that male space is supported by female bodies.Fourth, male bodies are represented with the gesture of exhaling smoke, whereas such representation of female bodies is controlled. This difference indicates that only males are allowed to control their space by breathing out smoke.Fifth, male bodies are represented with distance between each other, contrary to women's bodies. Male relationships are defined only by their work, women, and smoking in order to bridge the distance.In conclusion, Japanese tobacco advertisements represent male bodies and contribute to the construction of male space as well as suggesting how men's personal space is associated with the wide open spaces. On the other hand, this finding also means the advertisements are prejudiced and biased toward men and the spaces they occupy. Therefore, it follows that we need to elucidate the meanings of "ordinary" male bodies in daily spaces.