著者

塩出 浩和

出版者

一般財団法人 アジア政経学会

雑誌

アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.1, pp.85-97, 2017-01-31 (Released:2017-03-24)

参考文献数

9

---

In Macau, on the 25th of May in 2014, more than 10,000 citizens marched in protest against government’s proposal to pay hefty amounts of retirement benefits to high-rank government officials. There were also citizens who supported the government’s proposal, about 1,000, marched through same route on the same day. Two hundred sixty police officers were dispatched. Despite the size of this political protest in the small Special Administrative Region, no violence took place. Between the night of 27th and the morning of 28th, 5,000 citizens sat-in surrounding the Legislative Committee Building. On the 29th, the government of Macau has submitted to the action of its citizens and withdrew its proposal. The movement was lead by non-communist labour union, anti-communist political parties and individual journalists. It was organized by SNS such as facebook. Why do this kind of non-violence movements succeed in Macau? One important factor is that the population at large in Macau forms a sort of ‘Intimate Sphere’ where people have little antagonistic or hostile feeling towards one another. Historically speaking, the police force of Macau has been reluctant to use physical power to control on-the-street political movements unless the movements are related to constitutional or ‘core interest of the nation’ matters. The court’s decision to support citizens’ freedom to express political opinions in public in 2013 has helped to reconfirm this tendency of police not to engage in political issues. In this small special administrative region, most of the community members have friends or relatives in both sides of political groups or in the police force. This sentiment inherently makes it difficult for political disputes escalate to physical violence. The representative system of Macau is not yet completely institutionalized. However, the several informal ways of soliciting public opinions are effective in this small administrative region. This can be taken as an example or experimental case of future democratization of entire China.

著者

塩出 浩和

出版者

一般財団法人 アジア政経学会

雑誌

アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.1, pp.85-97, 2017

---

<p>In Macau, on the 25th of May in 2014, more than 10,000 citizens marched in protest against government's proposal to pay hefty amounts of retirement benefits to high-rank government officials. There were also citizens who supported the government's proposal, about 1,000, marched through same route on the same day. Two hundred sixty police officers were dispatched. Despite the size of this political protest in the small Special Administrative Region, no violence took place. </p><p>Between the night of 27th and the morning of 28th, 5,000 citizens sat-in surrounding the Legislative Committee Building. On the 29th, the government of Macau has submitted to the action of its citizens and withdrew its proposal. The movement was lead by non-communist labour union, anti-communist political parties and individual journalists. It was organized by SNS such as facebook. </p><p>Why do this kind of non-violence movements succeed in Macau? One important factor is that the population at large in Macau forms a sort of 'Intimate Sphere' where people have little antagonistic or hostile feeling towards one another. </p><p>Historically speaking, the police force of Macau has been reluctant to use physical power to control on-the-street political movements unless the movements are related to constitutional or 'core interest of the nation' matters. The court's decision to support citizens' freedom to express political opinions in public in 2013 has helped to reconfirm this tendency of police not to engage in political issues. </p><p>In this small special administrative region, most of the community members have friends or relatives in both sides of political groups or in the police force. This sentiment inherently makes it difficult for political disputes escalate to physical violence. </p><p>The representative system of Macau is not yet completely institutionalized. However, the several informal ways of soliciting public opinions are effective in this small administrative region. This can be taken as an example or experimental case of future democratization of entire China. </p>

著者

WELFIELD John B. 細谷 千博 塩出 浩和 信田 智人 毛利 勝彦 大内 浩 細谷 千博 WELFIELD Joh

出版者

国際大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

1995

---

本研究では、歴史的経緯を踏まえた上で、政治・経済・防衛・パーセプション・経済援助という多岐にわたる側面から現状を分析した。冷戦後において中国の脅威論が日米両国内で議論されているが、軍事的に見て近い将来に中国は東アジアにおいて日米両国の脅威となる可能性は少ない。唯一の懸念は台湾海峡問題であるが、それに対して日米両国は中国に対して封じ込めなど敵対的な対応をするのではなく、積極的に中国が国際システムに参入することを支援していかなければならない。中国が東アジアの国際秩序形成に建設的な働きをするようになれば、台湾問題においても近い将来平和的な解決手段をみつけることができよう。言い換えれば、中国を孤立させない形で、日米両国が東アジアの新国際秩序形成にイニシアチブをとる必要がある。そのためには、防衛面だけでなく、最近の東アジアの金融不安に対する経済援助やマクロ経済調整、知的所有権問題といった面での経済政策での日米の協力や、環境問題や人口問題などのグローバルな問題においての日米両国の協力が重要になってくる。京都における環境問題国際会議に見られたように、これらの問題において日米両国は必ずしも同じ立場であるとは限らない。だが、たとえ立場が違ったとはいえ、日米両国が協力して中国を含めた新国際秩序形成のために最大限の努力をするのだということは忘れてはならない。

著者

谷垣 真理子 塩出 浩和 容 應萸 林 少陽 日野 みどり 神長 英輔 山本 博之 山本 博之 陳 広漢 毛 艶華 程 美宝 魏 志江 黄 紹倫 鄭 宇碩 ポール・バン ダイク 飯島 典子 小川 正樹 和仁 廉夫 崔 学松 内藤 理佳 八尾 祥平

出版者

東京大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2009

---

本プロジェクトは華南を起点とする華人ネットワークが北東アジアから東南アジアまでをどのように結びつけ、ヒト・モノ・金・情報の交流が行われているのかを検討した。本プロジェクトは北東アジアを視野に入れたことが特徴であり、現地調査を大きな柱とした。具体的には、北洋におけるコンブ貿易、北海道華僑社会、東南アジア華人の複合的アイデンティティ、広東省関元昌一族、マカオのハブ機能、珠江デルタにおける人材交流、台湾の客家文化運動、珠海の三竈島についての研究が実施された。この間、中国の厦門大学と中山大学、香港城市大学香港大学との研究交流が積極的に行われた。