著者

片岡 千賀之

出版者

鹿児島大学

雑誌

鹿児島大学水産学部紀要 (ISSN:0453087X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.31, pp.p57-80, 1982

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Due to progress in fisheries capitalization, boat fisheries had been realized through motorization in order to expand their fishing towards offshore, while in the coastal fishings, set net fisheries hadimproved with changes in the shape given to these art and the materials used.In case of yellowtail set net fisheries, such changes have evolved through four steps as follows:1) The traditional yellowtail catching methods were fixed gill net and triangular set net madeof rice straw. But a unique type so-called "yellowtail drift gill net" was used in MiyazakiPrefecture. This was invented by Kiemon Hidaka and his son Kameichi Hidaka in 1875.2) In 1892, the triangular set net made of hemp was invented by Kameichi Hidaka and his son Eizaburo Hidaka. This has been found effective and has been adopted in big-scale catch consequently contributing much to high productivity.3) In 1910, the same persons introduced for the first time the square set net made of hemp. Traditionally, it was made of rice straw used only for capture of tuna. With this new modification, it was possible to catch not only yellowtail but also tuna and was made popular throughout Japan.4) In 1919, Terushige Horinouchi in Kochi Prefecture introduced the trap set net. Thismethod, although effective, expanded slowly because the trap caught not only yellowtail, a prefered specie, but the miscellaneous fish caught in a big quantity. However, during the gainedpopularity especially with low-income fishermen due to its low cost and more stable capture compared to square set net method (3).The innovations have progressively contributed to high production on the national level.However in Miyazaki Prefecture as well as in the other places, fluctuations in catch had been experienced every now and then with peaks observed more or less every ten years.Such fluctuations in catch depend upon enviromental conditions such as natural cycles in water current andother man-made factors such as overfishing brought about by new innovation in fishing gears. Before these new innovations were introduced, no problem existed regarding utilization offishing grounds especially in undevelopment areas. This was due to the fact that only moving fishing gears were commonly utilized. When a shift from moving fishing gears to fixed gill net and eventually to set net occurred, several problems arose mainly; a) Claims on fishing groundareas which was of common use for all. b) Manpower, the set net methods require a number of people in the community for the operation.Due to the existence of such problems, it was necessary to create regulations for proper utilization of fishing grounds. In 1901, the "Meiji" Fisheries Law was established for the first time defining fishing rights were necessary to use the fishing ground. In 1910 and in 1933 at the hight of the "Showa" economic crisis, the law was revised in order to motivate establishment of fisheriesco-operative for the benefit of all. As a result, the set net fishing right were given more to theseco-operatives allowing them to engage in bisiness, nevertheless the fisheries law didn't discribe any precedence of its ownership and management.

著者

野中 健 片岡 千賀之

出版者

地域漁業学会

雑誌

地域漁業研究 (ISSN:13427857)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.1-20, 2009

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<p>長崎県は煮干加工業において全国屈指の産地である。まき網など地域の漁船漁業と密接な関係を保ち,設備投資や技術革新により生産性を向上させ,漁村加工業として地域経済に寄与している。小論では,長崎県の煮干加工業の体制と持続発展に係るシステムについて,生産体制と共販流通の両面から考察した。</p><p>生産体制では,長崎県では,煮干主原料のカタクチイワシなど前浜原料が中小型まき網を中心に比較的安定して漁獲され,施設整備や技術革新により生産が維持された。まき網と煮干加工の両者は歩合制に基づく委託加工制で結びつき,このシステムは生産性の向上,製品の高品質化,投資・経費の節減などに対するインセンティブが働き,生産を刺激している。地域ごとの条件に照らして,委託加工と自己採捕,量産型と品質重視型などの組み合わせで経営が構成されている。</p><p>流通体制に関しては,県漁連共販に大きく依存し,高い共販率が維持されている。県漁連共販出荷は年間を通して行われ,取扱量や入札参加者が多いため,価格形成において優位性があり,代金回収が確実であるなど,長崎県の地理的不利や小規模加工業者が多く販売力が乏しいなどの隘路を補っている。また,共販は,指定商社および付属商社制度をとることによって,煮干の全国販売,用途別利用配分を容易にし,そのことがまた,集荷力を高め,多様な煮干加工形態を支えている。</p>

著者

片岡 千賀之

出版者

長崎大学水産学部

雑誌

長崎大学水産学部研究報告 (ISSN:05471427)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.81, pp.117-159, 2000-03

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This paper describes the development process and reorganization of Nagasaki Fish Market during 1945-1964 that followed "Modern History of Fresh Fish Distribution and Fish Market in Nagasaki" on No.80 of this bulletin. In this paper,the period has been divided into three. (1) 1945-1949: With rapid fisheries revival such as trawl and purse-seine fisheries after the war, Nagasaki Fish Wholesale Company and its facilities were reorganized and rebuilt. Influential fisheries members were appointed to lead the investment and direct the company. While their handling were increasing in both volume and value, fish landing and distribution were pursued under the government control the same as that in fishing activity. (2) 1951-1954: By resolving govenment control system, free fish trade in the market were revived. Middle-wholesalers and fish retailers came back to the previous jobs where they were dealing with the real demand. Fish handling were increasing continuously due to the increase of fish landings. Nagasaki Prefectural Fisheries Co-operative Association tried to establish another fish market in Nagasaki, but it was failed later due to the lack of capital and the irregularity of poor catch of purse-seine fisheries which supposed to be their main support. (3) 1955-1964: With expansion of fishing ground and fish consumption, Nagasaki Fish Market was further growing. The displacement of the market location encouraged this situation and therefore, their handling in volume reached a peack in 1960. However it turned to decrease because of the variation of resources and use of alternative fish handling ports besides Nagasaki. Finally this paper examines the comparison of Nagasaki Fish Market with other nearby fish markets. As there was a wide range of fisheries and expansion of fishing ground, the fishermen began to choose the fish landing place. Nagasaki Fish Market has advantage and disadvantage in location as it is near fishing grounds but far away from big consuming areas, resulting in low price formation. Another characteristics of Nagasaki Fish Market is that more than half of landed fish are sent directly to big cities without auction within its market.

著者

片岡 千賀之

出版者

長崎大学水産学部

雑誌

長崎大学水産学部研究報告 (ISSN:05471427)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, pp.15-36, 2008-03

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To establish a fisheries particular La-11k, a national-wide fisheries economic survey concerning fisheries finance and management was conducted in 1905. Based on the survey document for Nagasaki prefecture, this paper describes fisheries finance, the necessity of a fisheries bank, fisheries capital investment and its components as well as income and expenditures, We will also compare it to the national average. The fisheries of that time including the fish processing industry corresponded to the final stage of the non-motorized era and required much more convenient fisheries finance for further industrial development. Due to a weak economic basis, the fisheries finance was finally subsidized by state bank finance instead of the establishing a separate fisheries bank. This process was legislated by means of the amendment of the fisheries law and the governmental ba.l1k law in 1910. Fisheries finance wa.s characterized in pre-capitalistic ways such as short-time loans with high interest, liquidated debt from fish jobbers or leeches with marine products. On the other hand, bank finance was rare even in a documentary bill and especially for canning factories and modern industry. The capital investment of Nagasaki which was composed of equity capital, jobber loans, bank loans, and leech loans was almost equal to that of other prefectures. However a number of Nagasaki fisheries had the advantage of whaling, coral collection, canning, and fishing in Korea. By district, Tsushima Island tended to carry a loan of floating capital from outsiders because fishermen came from other districts. By commodity, export items like dried squid producers relied on loans from traders in Nagasaki port and coral collection from jobbers in other prefectures. This paper also analyzes the capital, income and expenditures of representative fisheries in Nagasaki prefecture such as the beach-seine and lift-net for sardine, set-net for tuna, gill-net for yellowtail, pole and line for skipjack as well as dried skipjack processing, canning, and dried squid processmg.

著者

片岡 千賀之 亀田 和彦

出版者

長崎大学

雑誌

長崎大學水産學部研究報告 (ISSN:05471427)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, pp.29-55, 2013-03

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汽船トロールはその発祥から第二次大戦までの40年弱の期間を,社会経済情勢や許可隻数と漁獲高の推移から4期に分けることができる。(1)明治41年から第一次大戦まで 明治41年に汽船トロールが英国から導入されて確立する。それ以前の木造船はもとより,同時に国内で建造された鋼船もその性能において大きく劣っていた。漁獲成績が良かったことから漁船数が急増し,国産技術として確立するのも早かった。参入してきたのは,漁業と無縁な投機家や造船所,汽船捕鯨の関係者などであった。造船所は日露戦後の沈滞を打破する業種として,汽船捕鯨は隻数が制限されて新たな投資先として同じ汽船漁業のトロールに注目したのである。投資規模,漁業技術ともに在来漁業とは隔絶しており,経営方法も会社組織による資本制経営がとられた。トロール漁業者は大きく九州勢と阪神勢に分かれ,互いに反目し,統一行動が出来なかった。トロール経営は漁労中心主義で経営を考えない粗略なものが多かった。初期の汽船トロールは規制がなく,沿岸域で操業したことから沿岸漁民・団体の猛反対を受け,政府も該漁業を大臣許可漁業とし,沿岸域を禁止漁区にするとともに遠洋漁業奨励法による奨励を廃止した。禁止漁区の設定で,漁場は朝鮮近海に移るが,新漁場が次々発見されて漁獲量が増大し,魚価も維持されたので明治42・43年には早くも黄金期を迎えた。トロール漁業の根拠地は,漁場に近く,漁港施設,漁獲物の鉄道出荷に便利な下関港を中心に,長崎港,博多港に収斂した。トロール漁業誘致のため,漁港施設・魚市場の整備が進められ,魚問屋の中からトロール漁獲物を扱う業者が現れた。トロール船の急増で漁場が狭くなり,禁止漁区の侵犯が頻発すると,禁止区域が拡大され,漁場は東シナ海・黄海へ移った。漁場が遠くなって経費が嵩む一方,魚価が低下するようになってトロール経営は一転して不振となった。ただ,漁船は惰性で増加を続け,大正2年には最大となる139隻に達した。苦境を脱する方法として,多くの経営体は合同して経営刷新を目指した。その代表が阪神勢を中心とした共同漁業(株)である。これら業者は第一次大戦が勃発して船価が急騰すると欧州などへ売却してトロール漁業から退散する。一方,生産力を高めてトロール漁業に留まった田村市郎率いる田村汽船漁業部は第一次大戦中の魚価の暴騰による利益を独り享受しつつ共同漁業を掌中に収める。

著者

片岡 千賀之 亀田 和彦

出版者

長崎大学

雑誌

長崎大學水産學部研究報告 (ISSN:05471427)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, pp.1-27, 2014-03

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かつて「あぐり王国」と称された長崎県のまき網漁業,とくに沿岸まき網漁業の展開過程を主産地の野母崎地区を事例に検証した。対象時期は,漁船動力化が本格化する昭和恐慌期から大きな盛衰を経て小康状態に至る昭和40年代・50年代までとした。(1) 動力化以前のまき網漁業 野母崎地区にイワシ揚繰網,巾着網が導入されたのは明治30年代で,縫切網に代わってイワシ漁業の中心漁法となった。明治末から大正初期にかけてカツオ漁業及びカツオ節製造が衰退すると,イワシ漁業は同地区の主幹漁業となり,大正期に煮干しが大衆に広まってイワシ加工も盛んとなった。同じ野母崎地区でも村によって対応が分かれ,野母村はカツオ漁業からイワシ漁業への転換があり,脇岬村はカツオ漁業がサンゴ採捕に転換してイワシ漁業の発達が遅れた。樺島村は外来船が水揚げするイワシを使った目刺し加工に特化し,製品は汽船で大阪方面に販売された。イワシ加工は家庭内副業から専業経営が台頭してきた。第一次大戦後にまき網経営が悪化すると,大正末に長崎県水産試験場が漁船の動力化,電気集魚灯の利用,網地のコールタール染めを試み,省力化,生産性の向上を図った。

著者

片岡 千賀之

出版者

地域農林経済学会

雑誌

農林業問題研究 (ISSN:03888525)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.2, pp.71-77, 1974-09-25 (Released:2011-03-18)

参考文献数

24