著者

藤井 篤

出版者

日仏歴史学会

雑誌

日仏歴史学会会報 (ISSN:24344184)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, pp.31-37, 2022 (Released:2023-02-01)

著者

藤井 篤

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2013, no.173, pp.173_28-173_42, 2015-06-25 (Released:2015-06-09)

参考文献数

58

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This paper aims to analyze Anglo-French relations during the first half of the Algerian War (1954–1957) focusing on the perceptions and attitude of the British Foreign Office (BFO) toward the French Algerian problem. What did the British think of this colonial conflict? How did their attitude toward France change? What differences can be observed between BFO bureaucrats in London and the British Ambassador in Paris? France made efforts to ask her NATO allies to support her in order to defend her position in Algeria and fight against the Afro-Asian bloc, which demanded the independence of Algeria in the General Assembly of the United Nations. The British supported the French position formally but were careful not to go too far fearing that it would damage the dignity and interests of Britain in Africa and the Middle East. The African Department at the BFO thought that supporting the French position in Algeria was different from supporting the day-to-day French policy there another. The Western Organizations Department feared that deploying French troops under NATO to North Africa would make defense forces in the central sector of Europe vulnerable. On the other hand, Gladwyn Jebb, the British Ambassador in Paris then, tried to ardently express and promote British support to France by making good use of Cold War rhetoric, insisting that the triumph of Algerian nationalist movements and the retreat of France would bring about a vacuum of power and put not only Algeria but also the whole of North Africa in the orbit of Soviet communism. The British continued to formally support France hoping for a liberal solution to the Algerian conflict, which was regarded as a French internal problem by the British. As terrorism in Algeria worsened and the French Army continued to be unable to defeat the nationalist forces, the British began to discreetly shift their attitude. The African Department thought that it was essential to provide a political solution to the conflict, for which the autonomy or independence of Algeria was considered. Jebb’s Cold War rhetoric became less effective in the BFO. The British intended to cooperate with the Americans to realize a cease-fire in Algeria and keep North Africa on the Western side. They tried to exercise their prudent and informal influence on France to make more efforts to attain a liberal solution, while continuing to provide France their formal support in the United Nations. When the British and Americans were forced to comply with Tunisian requests of arms supply, which the Tunisians would otherwise order from Egypt or Soviet Union, Anglo-French relations became tense and entered a critical phase.

著者

藤井 篤之 中西 華子

出版者

一般社団法人 情報科学技術協会

雑誌

情報の科学と技術 (ISSN:09133801)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.11, pp.566-572, 2017-11-01 (Released:2017-11-01)

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福島県会津若松市はビッグデータ・アナリティクス産業創出を目的としたスマートシティに取り組んでいる。本記事では筆者が所属するアクセンチュア株式会社による取り組みを中心に,同市のスマートシティの特徴と経緯および展望を紹介する。同市のスマートシティの取り組みを支える構造は,ICT専門大学である会津大学を中心とした,組織,人,データ基盤であり,スマートシティの各テーマにおける実証を通じて,地域に企業が集まり,人が集まり,産業が集まっている。今後は,取り組みを進める中で直面している,オープン性,プライバシー,競合性の各論点についての議論を深め,同市での取り組みの深化,他地域への展開を目指している。

著者

藤井 篤

出版者

日仏歴史学会

雑誌

日仏歴史学会会報 (ISSN:21862060)

巻号頁・発行日

no.29, pp.46-52, 2014-06

著者

藤井 篤

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2022, no.206, pp.206_84-206_100, 2022-03-25 (Released:2022-03-31)

参考文献数

64

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The Algerian War (1954–1962) accomplished a series of decolonization of the French colonial empire after World War II. Both France and Belgium, tied to each other by a historical friendship, were in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) alliance, partners in the European integration, and imperial powers facing decolonization in their African territories. This study thus focuses on the Franco–Belgian relationships and analyzes the cooperation and its limits between both the parties around the issue of decolonization in Algeria.France tried in vain to make use of the NATO Council to gain international support just after the outbreak of the Algerian War. The United States refused the French proposal due to the fear that such an attempt would destroy NATO. France, on the contrary, continued to claim that the Algerian problem was an internal matter to avoid foreign intervention in the conflict during the war. France was fiercely opposed to submitting the problem to the agenda of the General Assembly of the United Nations, on the grounds that it was within the sphere of domestic jurisdiction as stipulated in Article 2(7) of the Charter of the United Nations (UN).Belgium firmly and consistently supported France in Algeria in the UN due to the fear that Belgian Congo might be debated there when it would be unstable and uncontrollable in the wave of nationalism. France was pleased to have Belgium on its side. While the Belgian UN delegation developed pro-French positions, the Belgian embassy in Paris implicitly had a pessimistic perspective in relation to French settlement of the conflict. Belgium sought diplomatic cooperation with France, and tried to avoid an increasing split of NATO that the prolonged war could bring about. When the French President Charles de Gaulle announced his new policy on September 16, 1959, allowing the Algerians the right of self-determination after peace had been restored, Belgium promptly decided to give this new position its unconditional support. That decision was due to an increasingly aggravated situation in Congo where Belgium nearly lost its administrative powers.While friction and discordance were not salient in the Franco–Belgian relations, Belgium’s vigorous pro-French attitudes could not help but cause Arabic countries to accuse it of being in collusion with French imperialism. Belgium therefore continued to struggle in achieving the three following incompatible goals, namely, cooperation with France, the continuing unity of NATO, and friendship with the Arab nations.

著者

藤井 篤

出版者

日仏歴史学会

雑誌

日仏歴史学会会報 (ISSN:24344184)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.46-52, 2014 (Released:2020-04-02)

著者

藤井 篤

出版者

日本西洋史学会

雑誌

西洋史学 (ISSN:03869253)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.225, pp.1, 2007 (Released:2022-04-01)

著者

藤井 篤

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.193, pp.193_123-193_139, 2018-09-10 (Released:2018-12-19)

参考文献数

67

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This article examines how the International Committee of the Red Cross, (ICRC) struggled to perform its humanitarian mission in responding to the Algerian War, of 1954-1962. The Geneva Conventions of 1949 define rules concerning the protection of wounded and sick soldiers, prisoners of war, and civilians in armed conflicts of an international character, and their Common Article 3 stipulates that these parties should be equally protected during armed conflicts not of an international character. In the 1950’s and 1960’s, it was not clear whether or how this measure could be applied to a colonial conflict, yet from the beginning of the conflict, the ICRC made efforts to offer its humanitarian services to all involved parties in the spirit of the Conventions, trying to preserve its principle of neutrality in the midst of antagonistic politics among parties with an extreme imbalance of power and resources. In order to achieve its mission on the battlefields of Algeria, the ICRC had to approach both the French government, which was determined to defend French Algeria, and the Front of National Liberation, (FLN), which sought the abolition of colonialism and Algerian independence. On the one hand, many Algerians suspected to be terrorists came to be arrested by police or were forced by local governors to live in “accommodation camps,” and with the consent of the French authorities, the ICRC was able to dispatch a total of 10 missions during the war to visit accommodation camps for Algerian prisoners of war and civilians, and investigate the living conditions and treatment of the detainees. As the result of the ICRC’s repeated investigations and reports, considerable improvements were made to the material aspects of living conditions of these facilities, although torture and other violence to Algerians continued in and out of the camps throughout of the conflict. However, the ICRC encountered extreme difficulties in offering the same service to the FLN, which was waging a guerrilla war and so lacked stable camps for French captives in Algeria, and the achievement of its mission to the FLN was therefore very limited compared with their services at the French facilities.

著者

藤井 篤

出版者

香川大学

雑誌

基盤研究(C)

巻号頁・発行日

2013-04-01

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フランス植民地帝国主義の崩壊局面に位置するアルジェリア戦争(1954-1962年)に対して、民族解放戦線FLNとフランス共産党PCFがどのように対応したのかについて研究した。FLNは米ソ冷戦対決構造を利用しつつ、当初は米国に支持を求めながら、ソ連・東欧圏にも1960年以降には接近していった。PCFは反植民地主義的立場を鮮明にしつつも、1956年のハンガリー事件によって孤立を深め、社会党を含む広範な植民地主義戦争への反対活動を展開できなかった。

著者

藤井 篤

出版者

中央大学

雑誌

法學新報 (ISSN:00096296)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.11, pp.715-728, 2015-03

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平成一一年に始まった司法制度改革は、裁判員裁判制度の創設をはじめ司法制度の全般にかかわる大改革となった。弁護士制度の改革の内容は多岐にわたるが、弁護士懲戒制度はその根幹を維持しつつも、大きな変容をとげた。懲戒手続の第一段階となる綱紀委員会の手続に綱紀審査会を設け法曹でない学識経験者が審査する制度としたこと、従来弁護士のみが委員となっていた綱紀委員会に裁判官、検察官、学識経験者からなる外部委員を加えたこと、懲戒手続開始の時期を綱紀委員化の手続にふしたときとし明確にしたこと、懲戒請求権者の異議申出の制度が明確になったことなどがある。制度改正により弁護士に対する懲戒の制度は透明性を増したとされているが、その後、弁護士の不祥事は減少せず、増加している。特に依頼者から預かった金銭の横領に関する事件は、高齢化した弁護士、経営状態が悪化した弁護士などにより度々に引き起こされている。 弁護士の懲戒制度の位置づけをとらえ直しその制度を実効性のあるものとし、国民の信頼に応えられる弁護士をどのように形成して行くのかを模索する論考である。

著者

藤井 篤

出版者

香川大学

雑誌

香川法学 (ISSN:02869705)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.2, pp.85-136, 2007-09

著者

藤井 篤

出版者

日仏歴史学会

雑誌

日仏歴史学会会報 (ISSN:21862060)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.46-52, 2014

著者

秋葉 鐐二郎 青木 嘉範 加勇田 清勇 藤井 篤之 永田 晴紀 佐鳥 新

出版者

一般社団法人 日本航空宇宙学会

雑誌

日本航空宇宙学会論文集 = Journal of the Japan Society for Aeronautical and Space Sciences (ISSN:13446460)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.591, pp.141-150, 2003-04-05

参考文献数

11

被引用文献数

1 2

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The staged combustion hybrid rocket is under development by our research group since 1999. This hybrid rocket engine consists of two combustion chambers. The primary combustion chamber is the fuel tank itself filled with granular solid fuels. The fuel rich gas generated by the first stage combustion flows into the secondary combustion chamber, which is located in the bottom of the primary combustion chamber. The additional oxidizer is injected to the secondary combustion chamber in order to attain an optimal specific impulse by completing combustion. There are two types of the primary combustion. One is nicknamed as the incinerator type; the other is called the multi-grain type. This new type engine is featured with a wide range throttling capability and an extensive freedom in selecting the fuel material. This paper deals with the incinerator type. Presented are preliminary experiments as well as the systems description.