著者
金 慧昇
出版者
政治経済学・経済史学会
雑誌
歴史と経済 (ISSN:13479660)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.1-16, 2018-01-30 (Released:2020-01-30)
参考文献数
34

The primary aim of this paper is to re‒evaluate female labourers' participation in the Preston strike of 1853. This paper also explores how and why those female labourers came to demand the withdrawal of married women from the labour market, despite the fact that they had been obvious participants in labour movements. Much of the research on the Preston strike of 1853 has not give sufficient attention to women’s roles in the strike, so this study seeks to compensate for that neglect through an examination of local newspapers such as the Preston Chronicle and contemporary pamphlets. The investigation shows that women were important supporters of the strike through their attendance at operatives’ meetings, subscription to strike funds, and criticism of blacklegs.This paper discusses the fact that the demand by females that married women leave the factories was the result of the influence of the Chartist and factory reform movements of the 1830s. Female labourers actively participated in the 1853 strike having already forged their identity as wage labourers, but they were affected by the shared perspective of the two movements regarding female wage labour, and especially the view that married women’s wage labor constituted a social problem and that women’s duty as wives and mothers should be emphaslzed. The evidence suggests that by expressing sympathy with the resolution calling on all married women to withdraw from the labour market, female labourers expected the following results : first, an increase in wages(especially for males) due to the restricted supply of labour ; second, the alleviation of the double burden on married women who were responsible for both wage labour and housework ; and finally, maintenance of the economic independence of single women labourers.The agreement with the prohibition of married women's wage labour shows that married and unmarried women had different identities, and that they differed not only in social status but also in their own awareness of themselves. This paper concludes that this divergence in identities was a product of the gap between the working‒class ideal of family‒wage/male breadwinner ideology and the reality of English society, which relied on a female labour force. Nevertheless, though confronted with opposition to women’s wage labour, female labourers maintained their position as wage‒earners and did not cease to support labour movements in the nineteenth century. And their experiences as important actors in labour agitations can be understood as a pard of the prehistory of the female labour movements that flourished after the 1870s.
著者
網谷 壮介 稲村 一隆 金 慧 斎藤 拓也
出版者
北海道大学大学院メディア・コミュニケーション研究院
雑誌
メディア・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:18825303)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.74, pp.59-83, 2021-03-30

本稿は、2019年10月29日に早稲田大学政治経済学術院で開催された斎藤拓也『カントにおける倫理と政治:思考様式・市民社会・共和制』(晃洋書房、2019年7月30日)の書評会の記録である。書評会では、著者による内容紹介のあと、網谷、金、稲村の順で書評(コメントと質問)を発表し、その後著者が質問に応答し、最後に会場の参加者との質疑応答を行った。以下では当日とほぼ同じ内容を同じ順序で掲載し、全体で3時間30分以上に及んだ書評会での議論を紹介する(ただし、紙幅の都合上冒頭の著者による内容紹介は短縮し、最後の参加者との質疑応答は残念ながら割愛した)。
著者
西澤 由隆 河野 勝 荒井 紀一郎 中條 美和 村上 剛 金 慧 広瀬 健太郎
出版者
同志社大学
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2017-07-18

本研究の目的は、現行のいわゆるヘイトスピーチ対策法(正式名称:本邦外出身者に対する不当な差別的言動の解消に向けた取組の推進に関する法律)を超える新しい法規範形成の可能性を視野に入れつつ、現代日本のヘイトスピーチに関する心的基盤を実証的に明らかにすることであった。より具体的には、いかなる条件のもとでこのような差別や言葉の暴力を一般の日本人が許容するのか、またその理由は何か、といったヘイトスピーチに関わる心的メカニズムについて、サーベイ実験の手法を用いつつ検討した。
著者
金 慧
出版者
早稲田大学
巻号頁・発行日
2013

終了ページ : 113