著者
須藤 健一 Ken'ichi Sudo
出版者
小学館
雑誌
創造の世界
巻号頁・発行日
vol.109, pp.60-85, 1999-02-01
著者
須藤 健一 Ken'ichi Sudo
出版者
弘文堂
雑誌
合田濤編 (弘文堂入門双書)
巻号頁・発行日
pp.50-73, 1989-12-20

現代社会人類学
著者
須藤 健一 スドウ ケンイチ Ken’ichi Sudo Sauchomal Sabino
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, no.4, pp.639-766, 1982-03-30

The texts of the three folktales presented here form part of thelong story of Panziwnap (Great Navigator) and his family on SatawalIsland, a small coral island in Micronesia. Although the GreatNavigator theme is widespread in the Caroline Islands (e.g., onUlithi Atoll [LESSA1 961], Lamotrek Atoll [KRAMER1 937], PuluwatAtoll [ELBERT1 971], and Pulap Atoll [KRAMER1 9 35] ), its motifvaries from island to island. This article presents the folktale ofPantiwnap and his family as a text, and then clarifies the "Navigator'sWay" by examining the motif suggested in these tales. Fieldworkon which this paper is based was conducted on Satawal fromJune to September, 1978 and from May, 1979 to March, 1980.Our informant was the late Isidore Namonur, a renowned Satawalesecanoe builder and navigator.In summary, the texts of the three folktales are as follows:TEXT 1: Pangwnap lived on Uman Island with his sons,Rongonap, Rongolik, Yatiniman, and Pause. When Rongonap andRongohk trapped fish, Rongohk's trap caught more than Rongonap's.When they were felling breadfruit trees to make canoes, Rongohk'swork was completed without trouble whereas Rongonap's tree didnot fall, since, unlike Rongohk, he failed to make an offering to thetree's spirit. Rongonap became angry with his father because hethought that the father had taught more knowledge to Rongohkthan he taught him. And he killed his brother, Yatiniman, whowas expert in making weather forecasts in the morning.This murder prompted Panavnap to use the name of some ofRongonap's actions in the killing as terms for parts of the canoe thatthey were making. He told Rongonap that the canoe float would becalled "taam" (lit. "raising"), implying Rongonap's raising of thestick with which he hit his brother. The sail would be called "yggw"(lit. "neck"), signifying Yatiniman's neck to which Rongonap tied arope when he dragged him into the sea. In all the names of seventeencanoes parts were derived from Yatiniman's murder.TEXT 2: Pangwnap lived on Uman with his sons Rongonapand Rongohk. One day Rongonap decided to sail to Wuung's island.On the way he met and chased away Pangwnap's nieces. He failedto prepare spear to harvest taro and coconut and therefore could notobtain any. Knowing little about Wuung's island, he did notinstruct his crew to remove their hats and coats when they nearedthe island. Further, he disobeyed his father's teaching by notpresenting a gift to the islanders who came to welcome him. Onthe island, Rongonap and his crew bathed in a clear pond, whichmade them sleepy. At night, he disobeyed Wuung's request to tellstory, and instead Rongonap and his crew fell asleep. They werethen eaten by Wuung.Sailing in search of his brother, Rongoiik met Pangwnap's niecesand gave them food. He could obtain taro and coconut because hehad brought along a spear. He instructed his men to remove theirhats and coats when they neared the island, and he obeyed hisfather's teaching by giving food to the people who welcomed him.Of the two ponds, he chose the dirty one for his men to bathe in,and this pond had the power to repel sleep. In advance, Rongohkhad woven a net which was used to catch the fish sent to destroyhis canoe. At night he put pieces of copra on the eyes of his menand recounted stories to Wuung until dawn broke. He set fire toWuung's house when Wuung fell asleep and departed the islandafter collecting his brother's and his crew's bones. Wuung's peopletried to destroy the canoe but failed. Wuung was also killed in theattempt and Rongohk, Rongonap and the crews returned safely toUman.TEXT3:Pαnuwnap lived in Uman with his sons Rongonap and Rongorik.Coming back from their sister's island, Rongonap lied to his father, contending that the inhabitants of that island had ill-treated him, so Pαnuwnap went to make war on the islanders. He scolded his son severely after learning from his daugherthat Rongonap had told a lie. Rongonap and Rongorik were further in-structed bytheir father to give food to Yanunuwayi, their younger brother, while on a voyage.Rongorik complied but Rongonap gave only empty coconuts and food wrappers.He payed for his mis-behavior when his canoe was destroyed by a typhoon during a latervoyage. He drifted alone in the sea and was rescued by Yaneinawayi,who took him to his own sand islet. Rongonap became hungryand Yanitnetwitygia ve him empty coconuts and food wrappers, justas Rongonap had done to Yaneznezwayi.Yantinziwayci aused him to suffer more by making him staylonger on the islet after he was overcome by homesickness. FinallyYanfinizwaytio ok Rongonapb ack to his home in Uman.Examination of the three folktales reveals the following mainpoints as fundamental to the etiquette of canoe builders and navigators:(1) Supernatural beings play an important role in the processof canoe-making. Before felling a breadfruit tree to build a canoe,the builder must make an offering to the spirit of the tree;(2) Navigators must learn and obey many rules. They mustreceive properly people encountered while on a voyage; they mustobserve the customs of other islands, such as removing hats andcoats when approaching it; and they must tell stories about the tripto their hosts when requested to do so; and(3) While on a voyage, navigators are obliged to offer food tothe Spirit of Navigation before they themselves eat. Failure to doso would inevitably lead to difficulties during the voyage.
著者
本間 香貴 岡井 仁志 黒瀬 義孝 須藤 健一 尾崎 耕二 白岩 立彦 田中 朋之
出版者
近畿作物・育種研究会
雑誌
作物研究 (ISSN:1882885X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, pp.27-32, 2010
被引用文献数
1

農家圃場における潅水適期診断の一助として開発した水収支モデルを,実農家圃場に適用した.2圃場においてモデルの出力値である有効土壌水分量(<i>Aw</i>)を土壌体積含水率(<i>SMC</i>)に変換し最適化を行ったところ,実測<i>SMC</i>とR<sup>2</sup>=0.75および0.53で一致し,モデルは農家圃場における水分変動を評価しうると考えられた.モデルを実際に運用するに当たっては,各農家圃場に固有のパラメータである有効土壌水分保持能力(AWHC)を推定する必要がある.本研究では黒瀬(2007)による簡易土壌水分計を用いた推定方法について検討を行った.データ数が少ないものの,簡易土壌水分計における1日当たりの指示値の変化量(<i>&Delta;IR</i>)とモデルによる有効土壌水分比(<i>Aw</i>/AWHC)との間には直線関係がみられたため,その関係を解析に用いた.AWHCは3期間における水分計の指示値(<i>IR</i>)の変化量を用いることにより推定でき,圃場間で24〜73mmの範囲を示した.さらに推定したAWHCの値を用いることにより,<i>IR</i>の推移を予測することが出来た.今後,さらに観測数を増やし,信頼性を高めていくことが重要と考えられた.
著者
光末 紀子 宗像 惠 曽根 ひろみ 須藤 健一 山崎 康仕 三浦 伸夫
出版者
神戸大学
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2000

平成12年度には、各研究領域に内在するジェンダー問題の摘出と分析が行われ、平成13年度には、研究会の開催と討議によってジェンダーに関する本格的な共同研究が進められた。平成14年度はこれをさらに推し進め、「現代社会における文化的性差を支える価値観と諸規範を根底から問い直す」という共通テーマに対する各人の研究成果を持ち寄って数回の研究会で意見交換を行い、共同討議を通じて研究の成果を統合することがめざされた。この研究計画にもとづき、3年間に合計9回の研究集会が開かれた。それぞれの報告者とテーマは以下のとおりである。第1回 曽根ひろみ「公娼制と梅毒」、桜井徹「『女としての自然』の収奪」。第2回 ブライディ・アンドリュース(ハーバード大学科学史・科学哲学科助教授)「アメリカにおけるジェンダー研究」。第3回 藤目ゆき(大阪外国語大学助教授)「公娼制度と日本軍慰安婦制度」。第4回 ロバート・フローデマン(コロラド鉱業大学教授)"Corrosive Effects : Environmental Ethics, Eco-feminism, and the Metaphysics of Acid-mine Drainage"。第5回 カリーム・ベナマル"Theory of Abundance and Scarcity"、土佐桂子「ミャンマーにおけるトランスヴェスタイト-男装者(ヤウチャシャー)のジェンダー論」。第6回 金野美奈子「性別職務分離研究再考-ジェンダー分析の方法論的リスク」。第7回 三浦伸夫「『レディーズ・ダイアリー』にみる18世紀英国の女性と数学」。第8回 光末紀子「B.パッペンハイムの思想と行動-ドイツにおける第一波フェミニズムの一動向」。第9回 曽根ひろみ「日本近世の法制とジェンダー」。いずれの研究集会においても、濃密な内容の報告をめぐって活発な討論が交わされ、本科研の共通テーマに関する研究分担者間の共通認識はいっそう深められた。その結果、新たな性差規範に基づく個々人のジェンダー・アイデンティティの確立と、あるべき「両性の共同性」への展望とを獲得するための基礎が築かれたと言えよう。さらに、各々の研究分担者における研究の進展の一部を紹介すれば、以下のごとくである。(1)光末は、19世紀末から20世紀初頭にわたるフェミニズム第一波の時代に、多くのフェミニストたちがジェンダーをめぐる様々な論争に参加したが、それらの論争を「母性」というキーワードのもとに検証した。(2)曽根は売買春についての歴史学、民俗学、社会学の研究史を批判的に検討し、それを一冊の単著にまとめた。(3)阪野は、ブレア政権の家族政策が、就労促進型給付の拡大や選別主義の強化といった点で保守党政権との連続性が強いことを明らかにした。(4)宗像は、フロイトのセクシュアリティ論を再検討し、男根中心主義とされるフロイト理論に伏在する、女性的セクシュアリティの始原性の契機を探求した。(5)土佐は、90年代のミャンマーの主要な雑誌に見られるジェンダー関係の記事を収集調査した。(6)上野はフランクフルト学派にみられる家父長制批判の論理とその逼塞を検討し、塚原はハーディングとハラウェイの観点観測論および強い客観性の概念を吟味した。