著者
佐々木 史郎 Shiro Sasaki
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.22, no.4, pp.683-763, 1998-03-31

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the trade activity of theancestors of the indigenous peoples of the Lower Amur Basin in the 18thand 19th centuries and to reexamine the discourse of their society andculture in classical ethnography. They have usually been described ashunters, fishermen, or collectors of wild plants in much ethnographysince the late 19th century, and the primitiveness of their foraging lifestyle, fishing and hunting techniques, and social structure has often beenunderlined by anthropologists, ethnologists, and historians. Thepolicies of the former Soviet Union to rescue them from the poverty causedby their primitive level of production was based on such discourse ofthe scholars.However, were they really poor? Were their life style, culture, andsociety really primitive? Historical documents written by Japanese explorersand investigators in the 18th and 19th centuries, MogamiTokunai, Mamiya Rinzo, Nakamura Koichiro, and so on, indicate thatthey had a highly sophisticated culture and a complex society. For example,modern ethnologists often underline the fact that the peoples of theLower Amur were ichthyophagi, and that a piece of dried fish occupiedthe same position as a piece of bread in European meals. On the contrary,Japanese investigators said that their staple food was a cup of boiledmillet, usually put in a small bowl of china or lacquer ware. Thoughethnologists often described fish skin coats in detail, most of theirclothes were made of cotton, and their ritual costumes were even madeof silk. It is a fact that millet, cotton, silk, china, and lacquer ware werenot their original products, but Chinese or Japanese ones which theyobtained through trade with Chinese and Japanese. It is also a fact,however, that these things occupied an important position in theircultural complex. It is an injustice for researchers not to properlyevaluate them and not to pay any attention to the trade activity.The trade activity of the ancestors of the peoples of the Lower Amurin the 18th and 19th centuries was called "Santan trade" by Japanese investigatorsof the same centuries. "Santan" was an ethnonym of the peopleof the Lower Amur, which had often been used as a name of theancestors of the indigenous people of this region as a whole. It wasMamiya Rinzo who clarified who the Santan people were. In his investigationin 1809 and 1810 he found out that the Santan lived betweenthe villages of "Uruge" (bIppH, later Russian village "MaxcrMTojm cHA") and "Poru" Mon, later Ul'chi village "LlepxbIti Ap") , thatthey called themselves "Mango" (this is the same self denotation as"Mangguni") , and that their neighbors upstream along the river werecalled "Korudekke" (Goldok) and those downstream were called"Sumerenkuru". The range of habitation, the self denotation "Mango",and the linguistic materials indicate that the Santan people wereancestors of the Tungus-speaking peoples of the Lower Amur today,especially the Ul'chi (Olcha) and a part of the lower Nanai (Goldi) .The Santan trade has long been studied as a theme of historicalstudies of Northern Japan. However, though many facts have beenclarified from the historical point of view, historians have long overlookedan important one namely that it was trade that kept the levels of lifeand culture of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin in the 18thand 19th centuries higher than those described in ethnography. This isbecause the historians could not evaluate the function and role of tradeactivity in the society and culture of the indigenous peoples, becausetheir point of view was usually set not on the side of the indigenoustraders, but on that of authors or editors of literary sources, who wereoften government bureaucrats.This paper is one of my experiments, in which I try to describe thehistorical events of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin such asthe Santan trade from the point of view of those who were described inthe literary sources. The final end of the experiments is a diachronicreview of the society and culture of the peoples of this region, and Iwould like to sweep away such images as "primitive", "uncivilized" or"natural people", created by anthropologists and ethnologists since theend of the 19th century.As a result of an examination of the historical literature of Japaneseinvestigators, regional government archives of the Qing dynasty (the lastdynasty of China) , reports of ethnological researches by Russianethnologists, and my own field data, I can point out the followingcharacteristics of the trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amurand Sakhalin:1) The main peoples who were enthusiastically engaged in the Santantrade were the Santan and the Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the AmurNivkh) , and some differences were apparent in their trading styles. Forexample, the Santan people did their business on the main traffic route ofthis region, which went from Lower Sungari to the southern end ofSakhalin through Amur and the western coast of Sakhalin, they played arole of mediator between Japanese and Chinese, and obtained a largeprofit from this business. On the contrary, the Sumerenkuru traders extendedtheir business area to the tributaries of the Lower Amur, the coastof the sea of Okhotsk and the eastern coast of Sakhalin, and played arole of distributor of Chinese and Japanese commodities among thepeoples of these areas.2) Usually the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders did not fix a businessplace but often went round their customers, being engaged in sable hunting.However, the temporary branch office of the Qing dynasty, whichwas constructed at Kiji or Deren and opened every summer, often playedthe role of a periodical market, in which the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders did their business not only with Manchu officials and merchantsbut also with other indigenous traders.3) The trading crew of Santan or Sumerenkuru traders consisted ofseveral persons from a village led by a hala i da (chief of a clan) orgashan da (head of village) nominated by the Qing dynasty.4) The conceptual classification of trade and tribute was recognized bythe Santan and Sumerenkuru peoples.5) Credit sale was the main custom of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders in the 18th and 19th centuries. They applied it to trade with allcustomers without exception. The business with the Ainu, who, it wassaid, suffered from their debt to the Santan traders, was not a special oneto cheat them of their property.6) The trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalinswung between trade and tribute (in other words, between economy andpolitics) , influenced by the change of political conditions of this regionand the location of each people.6-1) In the 18th century, when the administrative system of the Qingdynasty was under construction on the Lower Amur and Sakhalin,tribute was superior to trade, because the regional administration of thedynasty was enthusiastically intervening in the social life of the people toestablish the sovereignty of the dynasty among them. After the end ofthe 18th century, however, when the dynasty was losing its politicalpower over the people of this region, the position of trade and tributewas reversed.6-2) The relation between trade and tribute was different among the peopleaccording to their location. I can classify them into three groups.The first is the people who lived on the main route of the trade, comparativelyfar from the regional centers of the countries (China andJapan) , i.e. the Santan and Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the Ul'chiand Amur Nivkh) . They could take advantage of their location to intensivelyconduct their trading business without administrative intervention.The second group is those who lived on the main route of thetrade, near to the regional center of the countries, i.e. the Korudekke(the ancestors of the Nanai) and the Ainu. Their location was too closeto the center to be free from the governmental power of the countries,though their status was higher than that of the people of the first group.It was more important for them to accomplish various obligations thanto be engaged in free trade. The third group is those who lived far fromboth the main trade route and the regional center of the countries, i.e.the ancestors of the Sakhalin Nivkh, Uilta (Oroks) , Orochi, Negidars,and Evenki hunters. They were providers of fur and consumers ofChinese and Japanese products for the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders.7) The prosperity of the Santan trade from the end of 18th century to themiddle of the 19th century was held by the political and economicbalance between China and Japan on Sakhalin, and the profits of theSantan and Sumerenkuru traders were much dependent on the differencein demand and prices between China and Japan. For example, therewas a great demand for sable fur in China, and the Chinese and Manchupeople paid much for it, while the Japanese were not interested in it at alland sold it to the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders much cheaper than inChina. Therefore, their trade activity was fatally damaged by thedestruction of this balance by the third power, imperial Russia.Though I could not completely carry out the second purpose of thispaper, i.e. a reexamination of the ethnographic discourse of the societyand culture of the people of the Lower Amur basin, I could make a firststep in accomplishing it by clarifying the characteristics of their trade activity.I would like to make further steps in other papers, in which I willexamine such problems as the political background of the Santan trade,the quality and quantity of the profit of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders, methodological problems of historical studies of the indigenouspeople of this region, and so on.
著者
Yuko Iwase 岩瀬 裕子
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.1, pp.179-231, 2019-07-25

本稿は,スペイン・カタルーニャ州の祭りで220 年以上にわたって行われている人間の塔における計測を主題にして,どのようなデジタル・テクノロジーが用いられ,それに対して人びとがいかに対応しているのかを民族誌的調査を通して明らかにするものである。人間の塔は,人が人の肩の上に上り下りして造られ,その高さや構造の複雑さで競われるものである。筆者が調査する最古参のグループでは,塔造りに必要な参加者を把握するためにテクノロジーを利用する動きはあるが,人間を正確に測り塔の構造に反映させるためにテクノロジーは利用していない。人びとが用いるのは,経験的に獲得,定着させてきた主として身体感覚に依拠したテクノロジーである。こうしてデジタル・テクノロジーの受け入れに伴う領域に差異がみられる背景には,身体ひとつで塔を造る人びとの「人間とは正確には測れないもの」という直観的な感覚と,「測ること」で失われてしまうことを危惧する二者関係があることを考察する。
著者
伊東 一郎 イトウ イチロウ Ichiro Ito
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, no.4, pp.767-796, 1982-03-30

This article presents a comparative-historical analysis of thewerewolf belief among the Slavic peoples. It concludes by advancingthe following hypothesis: that among the Slays there existed aritual transformation into wolves by the young warriors society andthat from the 10th century, after this ritual had disappeared, it wasrecalled via folkloric and ethnographic motifs, viz: (1) the werewolfbelief connected with the cult of magician and spread chiefly amongthe Western and Eastern Slays; (2) the folkloric motif of the"Shepherd of Wolves" occurred mainly among the Southern Slays;and (3) disguising as wolves by groups of young people during theWinter Ritual, which was a characteristic chiefly of the SouthernSlavs.
著者
近藤 雅樹 Masaki Kondo
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, no.3, pp.395-407, 2012-02-27

火葬後,近親者が集まり,遺骨を粉にして服用する。あるいはこれに類する行為をおこなう。そのような習俗が日本のいくつかの地域で近年までおこなわれていた。公然とではないが点在していた。 この原稿では,何人かのインフォーマントから聞いた話と,近年の報告を紹介する。そして,こうした習俗が行われていた理由について考えてみる。 主要な事例報告対象とした地域は,以下のとおりである。 兵庫県淡路島南部,愛媛県越智郡大島,愛知県三河地方西部,新潟県糸魚川市。 近親者による食屍は,アブノーマルなことに思われる。しかし,長寿を全うした者,崇敬を集めていた人物が被食対象となっていることからは,死者の卓越した生命力や能力にあやかろうとする素朴な思いが反映していることを認めることができる。最愛の妻などの遺骨をかむことに対しても,哀惜の感情が表明されている。これらの行為は,素朴な人間感情の表出であると考えてよい。
著者
周 達生 Dasheng Zhou
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.1, pp.58-138, 1982-03-31

This paper reports on a study of the culture of the Hakkas,based on the surveys made in Mei Prefectural District (Guangdong[Kwangtung] Province) in 1979 and 1980, and in Longyan District(Fujian [Fukien] Province) in 1980.The Hakka (lit. "the Guest Family") people began migratingsouthwards from the Central Plains (i.e., the middle and lowerreaches of the Huanghe or Yellow River) at approximately the timeof the disruptions and great migrations, starting in the Three Kingdomsera (220-280 A.D.), continuing through the Jin [Chin]Dynasty (265-420 A.D.) and ending in the Northern and SouthernDynasties (420-589 A.D.). After several group migrations theHakkas arrived in their present-day main areas of residence, insouthern Jiangxi [Kiangsi] Province, northeastern GuangdongProvince, and western Fujian Province. Smaller groups of Hakkareside in other districts of Guangdong Province, Guangxi [Kwangsi],Zhuang [Chuang] Autonomous Region, Sichuan [Szechwan]Province, and Taiwan Province, among other areas.My fieldwork on Hakka culture, together with the research ofother scholars, in addition to demonstrating that the forms of pronunciationof the language spoken in the ancient Central Plains arestill used in the present-day Hakka language, also revealed that,for example, some characteristics of the Northern culture are continuedin the structure of the traditional Hakka house, and that besidestheir strong preference for rice, the "Mountain Songs" of the Hakkashave been influenced by the Southern culture of the districts intowhich they migrated.The mixture of Northern and Southern Chinese cultural elementsis a characteristic feature of Hakka culture. However, thecultural elements shared between the Hakkas and the Han exceedthose peculiar to the Hakka alone, thus permitting the conclusionthat Hakka culture is just one of many local cultures which composethe Han culture. There are few cultural characteristics that canbe used to distinguish the Hakkas as a nationality independent ofthe Han.NOTES :1. Chinese proper nouns are Romanized according to thePinyin system.2. Romanization in the Wade system is given in brackets.
著者
江口 重幸 エグチ シゲユキ Shigeyuki Eguchi
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.12, no.4, pp.1113-1179, 1988-03-26

This paper examines two cases of fox possession (kitsunetsuki)in a mountain village in eastern Shiga Prefecture. The studyfocuses on the socio-religious and clinical context of the expressionof possession.In Japan, kitsunetsuki has long been one of the most familiarexpressions of indigenous "madness". Nevertheless, psychiatricresearch on the phenomenon, including those from folkloristicand religious perspectives, have been conducted only since the1960s. Hitherto, kitsunetsuki had been regarded as a vestige ofsuperstition.The first part of the paper deals with some methodologicalproblems encountered when spirit possession is defined as a"culture-bound syndrome". The features of this phenomenonchange according to various approaches used to understand it.In the second part, two cases are examined from psychiatricrecords. In the first a 18-year-old male became psychoticallyexcited after fatigue and a traffic accident. During his severeconfusion he manifested fox-like jumping actions. His familyregarded him as being possessed by local gods, and so left himunattended for a month. He was hospitalized and was incomplete remission after three months of treatment. Hisillness is diagnosed as "atypical psychosis" [MITSUDA 1979:121-124].In the second case a 34-year-old housewife (an aunt of themale in the first case), entered a psychiatric hospital as a resultof illness induced by conjugal discord. After undergoing a seriesof religious rituals to evict the fox that possessed her, she came tohear the voices of three foxes. Her illness is diagnosed as typical"invocations psychosis" [MORITA (森田) 1915: 286-287].These two cases reveal a discrepancy between traditionaltherapeutic ritual and modern psychiatric treatment.In the third part of this paper, Kitsunetsuki is re-examinedfrom the socio-religious viewpoint, based on interviews withvillagers. The reasons for the occurrence in this village ofsymptoms of fox possession are considered in their cultural andreligious contexts. Kitsunetsuki of this district can be traced backto folkloristic and religious lines. Among other phenomena thisis attested to by many folktales of foxes, public religious ritualspracticed by the folkpriest, occasional visits of a man of the"mountain religion" and his furious performances under godpossession,and the famous kyogen play, which contains themetamorphosis of fox, derived from the family temple of thevillagers. A major factor was acute social change in 1950s (e.g.,in the marriage system, in traditional forestry, etc.). Onetherapeutic religious cult which came to exert considerableinfluence over the traditional religious order of this village wasfinally absorbed into a large sect of Buddhism. Typically,spirit possession in this village seemed to be formed in accordancewith the god-possessing seances of this cult. From this standpointthe two cases examined expressed themselves through the symbolicrepresentation of "fox", when they reached psychologicalcrises. The other curious disease, "K village disease", is avariant product of this process. These acts of performance aremolded upon the complicated socio-cultural background;"possession complex" .The last part of this paper presents some complementaldiscussions on the expression of fox-possession. The folkloristicand "symptomatic" peculiarity of this mountainous district, andits tendency to combine with spirit possession, is analysed andcompared with that in the plain district. Two different types ofshamanism, spirit possession and ecstacy, are reconsidered,based on the analogy of schizophrenic symptoms and othermystical thoughts. The body in a state of possession and theassociated healing process are reviewed from theatrical andpolitical points of view.After examining kitsunetsuki as a performed expression, it ispointed out that the Westernized psychiatric nomenclature only
著者
前川 真由子
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.1, pp.71-118, 2017-09-29

本論は人々が考える「理想的なオーストラリア」を同国の反捕鯨思想の中から考察していくものである。長らくオーストラリアでは反捕鯨思想が広く支持されており,鯨に対する人道主義的な立場が取られてきた。先行研究では鯨に対する人道主義を,モラル・キャピタルといったトランスナショナルな反捕鯨思想の広がりの中で展開されてきた概念と共に考察し,動物との関係性から西洋近代的な人間像を追求していく人々の様子を明らかにしている。一方で本論は先行研究に依拠しながらも,これまでの議論では言及されることの少なかったオーストラリアに特有の歴史的,政治的,地理的な文脈から,同国で高まる反捕鯨の社会的背景を紐解いていく作業を試みたい。特に,「われわれのオーストラリア」や「われわれオーストラリア人」といった人々が想像する理想的なオーストラリアが,鯨を含む自然を媒介にして描かれる様子を彼らの語りから分析していく。
著者
三尾 稔
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.41, no.3, pp.215-281, 2017

インド西部の都市ウダイプルでは,かつての支配者であるラージプートの貴族が不遇の死を遂げた後に霊となった存在サガスジーを神として崇拝する信仰が近年人気となっている。この信仰においては,聖典やそれに関する言説は重視されず,神霊の像としての現れに働きかけ,五感を通じて神格と交流するという実践こそが最重要とされる。神像は「ラージプートらしさ」を信者たちが意思を働かせあう形でこの世に具現させたものだが,像を現出させる究極的な行為主体はサガスジー本体であることが強調され,人間の意思の主体性は否定されるところにこの信仰の特性があった。しかし,中間層の信者が中心となるある社では,神像の現れに関わる信者側の個性や主体性が強調される傾向がある。この傾向はサイバー空間に現れたサガスジーにおいては一層顕著となっている。 本論文は図像優位的な神霊信仰に関わる宗教実践の特性を,神像と人,人と人の社会関係を総体的に捉える視点から解明し,その特性の変化の要因を現代インドの社会変化と関連づけて考察する。Recently, religious cults centered on Sagasjī—spirits originated from exnobleRajputs who died unfortunate deaths—have become popular among thecitizens of Udaipur in western India. Lacking any sacred texts or discourse,the cults treat religious practices as crucially important, working on theimages of the spirits and interacting with them through the corporeal senses.The images of the spirits take concrete 'Rajput-like' form through thecollaboration of followers' imaginations about 'Rajput-ness.' However, theytraditionally negate human individuality and the intention for spirits' embodimentin the images, with the supreme agency being ascribed to the spiritsthemselves. However, at one shrine for a certain spirit, where the bulk of followerscome from the urban middle class, the emphasis tends to be on thehuman intention for the materialization of the spirits. Moreover, that tendencyis even more conspicuous as the Sagasjī appears in cyberspace.This paper elucidates the characteristics of the religious practice of figurity,particularly that of spirit cults, considering the social relationshipsbetween the images and human beings as well as those among followers. Italso explores why those characteristics have changed against the backgroundof contemporary Indian social change.
著者
福岡 まどか Madoka Fukuoka
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.40, no.2, pp.349-367, 2015-11-27

The Indian epic poem the Ramayana has become widespread throughoutmany regions of Southeast Asia, being adopted as the main theme in variousperforming art forms such as theatre, dance drama, and mask dance upto the present day. In Indonesia, the art forms include wayang kulit (shadowpuppets), wayang golek (rod puppets) and sendratari (dance drama).This study takes up the subject of the Ramayana epic poem in Indonesiancomic works, indicating their characteristic structures and plots. Amongthe Indonesian comic books, the works of R. A. Kosasih (1919–2012) arethe best-known and most successful. His comic style is called komik wayangbecause of its close relationship to wayang theatre. Kosasih adopted manyepisodes from the wayang tradition, but dealt with them in his own way. Heintentionally changed the episodes and developed his own adaptation of theRamayana tale. In the process he created a new version that is not peculiar toany specific region such as Java, Sunda or Bali. Through the production ofcomic books, Kosasih succeeded in presenting the entire plot of Ramayanain a unique manner.
著者
関 剣平 Jinping Guan
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.2, pp.283-314, 2002-11-20

中国茶史上,陸羽の『茶経』があまりにも重要な文献であるため,宋代以降の茶史は唐代の陸羽をもって茶の始源として叙述する傾向が強く,その前代の魏晋南北朝時代への注目が少なかった。しかし,『茶経』が説くように魏晋南北朝時代は喫茶風習の成立期として非常に重要である。そこで同時代の史料を精査し,「風流」と「倹」の思想を軸に喫茶文化の動向を考え,さらに同時代の各社会階層における喫茶風習の受容の状況を明らかにした。あわせて『茶経』の記事を再検討し,史料批判を行った。
著者
崎山 理 Osamu Sakiyama
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.4, pp.465-485, 2001-03-30

本論は,筆者が手掛けてきたオーストロネシア語比較言語学のわくを,日本語の系統論にまで拡大しようとするものである。日本語の系統は,現在も,南イソドあたりまでルーツを求めにゆくなど,けっして安定した研究期にはいったとは言えない側面がある。筆者は,このような異常な状況を生み出してきたのは,縄文時代以降,日本語が形成されるにさいして経過した長い歴史,またそれと関連するが,日本列島に居住していた異なる民族間で発生した言語混合による結果であるととらえ,すでに幾本かの論文を発表してきた。さいわい,昨秋,日本言語学会におけるシソポジウムで,これまでの論拠を集大成する機会が与えられたのを機に,会の限られた時間内で十分報告できなかったこと,またそのときのコメントにも答える形で,本論を仕上げている。
著者
崎山 理 Osamu Sakiyama
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, no.3, pp.353-393, 2012-02-27

日本語は,北方のツングース諸語および南方のオーストロネシア語族の両文法要素を継承する混合言語である。日本語の系統もこの視点から見直そうとする動きがすでに始まっている。これまでに発表したいくつかの拙稿では日本語におけるオーストロネシア系語源の結論部分だけを述べたものが多かったが,本稿では音法則を中心とした記述に重点を置き,意味変化についても民俗知識に基づいた説明を行った。引用語例は筆者がすでに述べたものも含まれるが,多くは本稿で初めて提示するものである。他者によって言及されている語源説についてはその妥当性を検討した。また,論述の過程において,日本語音韻史でこれまで隔靴掻痒の感が否めなかったハ行・ワ行歴史的仮名遣いの表記上の問題点を摘出した。
著者
Andrew McWilliam アンドリュー マクウィリアム
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.3, pp.301-315, 2019-01-25

Historically, the diverse ethno-linguistic communities of Timor-Leste havedefined themselves through local ancestral resource jurisdictions and mythichistories of exchange, alliance, and settlement. Central to this conception ofplace and belonging is the idea of the rai na’in, a Tetun language term withlocal language variants that refers to ‘custodians of the land’. However, thebrutal, generation-long struggle for independence promoted new forms ofimaginative connection and belonging encapsulated in the concept of RaiTimor, or ‘homeland’. The notion of Rai Timor is not merely a moreencompassing ‘homeland’ than the landed inheritance of locally embeddedcommunities; it is imagined as a territory shaped from below and collectivelyby the ordeals of ‘the people’, who become the active originators ofthe nation. If the constitutive act of a subject in the traditional ideology ofrule is to recognise and defer to authority vested in ritual and political leaders(the rai na’in), the constitutive act of belonging to the nation is to sufferand sacrifice for it (the Rai Timor) (McWilliam and Traube 2011). This presentationconsiders the contemporary force of this expansive sense of theimagined community in Timor-Leste, a notion that Anderson described as‘aggregated nativeness’ (2003), in the light of the well-documented resurgenceof custom and traditional authority. How do these different scales ofallegiance and belonging contribute to the shaping of contemporary societyin post-independence Timor-Leste? In this chapter, I discuss these and otherquestions with reference to the Fataluku ethnography.
著者
Andrew McWilliam アンドリュー マクウィリアム
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.3, pp.301-315, 2019-01-25

Historically, the diverse ethno-linguistic communities of Timor-Leste havedefined themselves through local ancestral resource jurisdictions and mythichistories of exchange, alliance, and settlement. Central to this conception ofplace and belonging is the idea of the rai na'in, a Tetun language term withlocal language variants that refers to 'custodians of the land'. However, thebrutal, generation-long struggle for independence promoted new forms ofimaginative connection and belonging encapsulated in the concept of RaiTimor, or 'homeland'. The notion of Rai Timor is not merely a moreencompassing 'homeland' than the landed inheritance of locally embeddedcommunities; it is imagined as a territory shaped from below and collectivelyby the ordeals of 'the people', who become the active originators ofthe nation. If the constitutive act of a subject in the traditional ideology ofrule is to recognise and defer to authority vested in ritual and political leaders(the rai na'in), the constitutive act of belonging to the nation is to sufferand sacrifice for it (the Rai Timor) (McWilliam and Traube 2011). This presentationconsiders the contemporary force of this expansive sense of theimagined community in Timor-Leste, a notion that Anderson described as'aggregated nativeness' (2003), in the light of the well-documented resurgenceof custom and traditional authority. How do these different scales ofallegiance and belonging contribute to the shaping of contemporary societyin post-independence Timor-Leste? In this chapter, I discuss these and otherquestions with reference to the Fataluku ethnography. 歴史的にティモール・レステのさまざまな民族はローカルな伝統(先祖からの取り決めによる資源の裁定,交換・縁組・居住に関する神話的歴史)を通して自らを定義してきた。土地と所属に関するこの考え方に中心的な位置を占めているのがライ・ナインである。「ライ・ナイン」はテトゥン語で「土地の守護者」を指す。しかしながら,暴力的で一世代にわたる独立への闘争は,想像上の連帯と所属の新しい形,「ライ・ティモール」あるいは「祖国」の概念を産みだした。ライ・ティモールの考え方は,単にローカルな共同体の土地にむすびつきながら継承されたものをより包括的にしただけではない。それは全く違った仕方で想像されているのだ。それは下から,集団によって,「民衆」(彼らこそが国家の作り手となるのだが)の試練から作られた領土なのである。伝統的な統治のイデオロギーの中での主体の重要な行為が儀礼的・政治的リーダー(ライ・ナイン)の権威を認め・それに従うことだとすれば,国家に属するという中での重要な行為は国家(ライ・ティモール)のために殉教し犠牲になることである(McWilliam and Trauve 2011)。この論文はティモール・レステにおける想像された共同体(「ネイティブの集合体」(Anderson 2003))の,このような意味での拡張された意味の力を,慣習や伝統的権威の復活というよく知られた動きと対照させながら,考察する。いかにしてこれらの様々なスケールをもった忠誠と所属の意識が,今日の独立以降のティモール・レステの社会を形作っているのだろうか?わたしはこれらの問題をファタルクの民族誌に基いて議論する。
著者
Michael Leach マイケル リーチ
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.3, pp.283-300, 2019-01-25

This chapter examines some the evolving characteristics of East Timoresenationalism. It starts by examining the distinctive features of East Timoresenationalism, including its rapid transition from a conventional anti-colonialistnarrative, mobilised against Portuguese colonialism, to one contestingIndonesia’s looming forced integration of the decolonising territory in1975; and the way in which the East Timorese resistance employed ideas ofan inner ‘spiritual domain’ (Chatterjee 1993) of identity. It then focusses onmore recent shifts in ‘official’ East Timorese nationalism, in the way governmentdiscourses have invoked the arrival of Catholicism as the‘affirmation of Timorese identity’ (RDTL 2015a) and developed a modernnationalist narrative that partly reflects traditional ‘origin stories’. In thisvein, it discusses recent government attempts to transform a national identityfocussed on the history of the resistance to one mobilised around thegoals of national development. Finally, it speculates on the future of EastTimorese nationalism, reflecting on the implications of the ‘youth bulge’ inEast Timorese society.
著者
八杉 佳穂 Yoshiho Yasugi
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, no.3, pp.519-670, 1990-02-28

Numeral systems of Middle American Indian languagesshow an enormous variety of ways of forming number words.But fundamental methods of counting are quinary, decimal andvigesimal. There may, however, exist no language having a purevigesimal system, which would require nineteen different numerals.So-called vigesimal systems generally have a decimal undertwenty, and very few languages possess only one system throughout.Therefore, terms such as quinary and decimal should beused under twenty and that of vigesimal over twenty. Thatis, I discuss separately numeral systems below ten, from ten totwenty, and above twenty. In this paper I limit myself to ananalysis of structural features, although I am interested incomparing each vocabulary.As a rule, numeral words are formed from combinations ofD and U, such as D x U+D, U x D+D, D+D x U, D+U x D.In this expression, the symbols U and D denote the numeralscorresponding to the unit- or base-word and the digit or minornumbers, respectively. For example, the number 33 is writtenas 3 x 10+3, of which 3 is D and 10 is U.Under 10, we have two systems, quinary and decimal.Quinary systems are observed in Southern Uto-Aztecan,Tarascan, Northern Otomanguean, Mixe-Zoquean, Sumu andCabecar-Chiripo (Fig. 2). But subtraction occurs in the case ofnine, and multiplicative or duplicative method in numbers 4and 8 in northern part of Middle America. Mixe-Zoquean showa quinary system, but the formation from 7 to 9 seems irregular,except in Tlahuitoltepec and Classical Mixe. Misquito hasalso rare system based on 6, for the numbers from 6 to 9.From 10 to 20, additive constructions with a base of 10 arecommon, but both orders of D+U and U+D are attested. Theformer is seen in Mayan, and the latter in other languages. ButHuastec, a Mayan language, has U+D order. This must havebeen obtained from neighboring languages, such as Totonacan orOtomian. The difference in formation of the number words11 and 12 divides the Mayan into Lowlands and Highlands.Numeral systems of the Southern Otomanguean are purelydecimal below 10, but follow the quinary method from 10 to 20and counting by twenties from 20 to 100. But NorthernOtomanguean possess some trace of the quinary method under10. The Tlapanec number sequence from 11 through 19follows the Southern Otomanguean pattern, although thegenetically related language, Subtiaba shows decimal under 20.Therefore, the quinary system mixed with decimal in Tlapanecmight have been borrowed from neighboring languages (Fig. 3).Thorough decimal systems are found in Seri, Northern Uto-Aztecan languages, and some Chibchan languages. Otherlanguages show vigesimal systems, of which additive constructionswith a preceeding unit (undercounting) are common, andadditive constructions with a succeeding unit (overcounting) areconfined to Lowland Mayan (including some Highland Mayan)and Yatzachi Zapotec (Fig. 4). Classical Zapotec uses asubtractive method for the five numbers below the next unit.From 20 up, Mayan languages show an interesting formation.Undercounting and overcounting are distinguished geographically(Fig. 6). Unit words for twenties, such as *k'a l, *winaq,*tah- or *may are used differently (Figs. 7-11). Although thevigesimal system is predominant throughout Middle America,the center is Mesoamerica and the system of the southernlanguages beyond Mesoamerica is different, that is, the coefficientsfollow the units (U x D).As shown above in the case of Huastec, borrowings are amongthe best witnesses to past contacts and relationships between oramong various languages. Many languages have borrowed theword for 100 from Spanish, but conserve their own words in thecoefficients, just like xun-sye:nta (1ˑ100) in Tzutujil. Even theword for 100 is formed from 5 x 20 in some languages, accordingto its system, and interval numbers between the hundreds areconserved (Fig. 12). That is, only a counting method byhundreds is borrowed. This indicates that only the formationprinciple can be borrowed, although borrowing is generallyexpected in lexical items.From 20 up, the modern Cakchiquel numeral sequencefollows undercounting, whereas Classical Cakchiquel conservedan overcounting system. Many languages of highland Mayahave a special word, mue' or mue for 80. This is utilized from80 to 99 in Modern Cakchiquel, but Classical Cakchiquel used itfor the numbers from 61 to 80, as indicated below;Modern Cakchiquel 60 os-k' al 61 os-k' al xun 80 xu-mue 90 xu-muc' laxuxClassical Cakchiquel os-k' al xun ru-xu-muc' xu-mueThis is another excellent example of borrowing of the principleof formation of words. In other words, only media, but notcontents, are borrowed. That is, structural or formal borrowingdoes occur.The diversity and uniformity of the numeral systems areshown plainly in the accompanying maps. On the one hand,diversity is attributed to different methods, such as decimalvigesimal,quinary-vigesimal, decimal-quinary-vigesimal, andthorough decimal. On the other, similar counting methodsextended beyond language boundaries are the result of borrowing,as mentioned above.
著者
マティソフ ジェイムズ A. James A. Matisoff
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.3, pp.375-395, 2015-01-30

近年N. Hill氏はチベット・ビルマ歴史言語学では確立された音対応,文語チベット語-o(-):文語ビルマ語-wa(-),に疑義を唱える論考を発表した。この根底には,文字を持つ古い言語に依拠する文献学的研究傾向と,文字を持たない現代の言語をベースとするフィールドワーク言語学との相剋があると思われ,私はHill氏の論旨に反対の立場をとる。だが,小稿は単なる反論ではなく,私はこれを機に上記の音対応に関わる事象をチベット・ビルマ祖語との関連において総ざらいし,*-e(-)と*-o(-)をチベット・ビルマ祖語の母音体系から外し,替わりに-ay(-) / -ya(-)と-aw(-) / -wa(-)を立てるべきであることを発見した。以下はそのプロセスを詳細に述べたものである。
著者
池谷 和信 Kazunobu Ikeya
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, no.4, pp.493-529, 2012-03-30

アフロ・ユーラシアにおける牧畜を対象にした人間生態学・生態人類学的研究では,これまでウシ,ヒツジ,ヤギ,ラクダ,トナカイなどの群居性の有蹄類に属する哺乳動物を対象にして,家畜と人との相互のかかわり方が把握されてきた。しかし,ブタの牧畜に関しては,国内外をとおして先行研究がまったくみられない。そこで本研究は,バングラデシュの中央部に位置するベンガルデルタにおけるブタを対象にした遊牧の実態を把握することを目的とする。筆者は,2007 年12 月以降現在まで,おのおのは短期間ではあるが9 回にわたりバングラデシュ国内において絶えず移動中のブタの群れを探し求めること,群れのなかのブタの年齢や性別構成を聞き取ることなど,飼育技術や移動形態などの生産に関する直接観察を行った。ここでは,「大規模所有者」(約800 ~1000 頭のブタを所有)に焦点を当てることを通して遊牧の実際が把握される。その結果は,以下のとおりである。 遊牧されるブタは,一部のゴミ捨て場でのブタを除いて,1 年を通してデルタに分布する野生タロを中心とした野生植物に全面的に依存する。とりわけ乾季にはブタは収穫後の農地に入いり,農民にとっては雑草と評価されている植物を掘り起こして根の部分を食べる。収穫後の水田では,稲の収穫の際にこぼれ落ちた米粒が残っており,それが利用される。また,ブタの群れは,常に移動しているのできめ細かい移動の範囲を確定できないが,およそ10 ~ 20 平方km の遊動域を見出すことができる。ブタは,群れの移動と採食のための一時的滞在とを繰り返す。2 時間弱のなかで母豚による授乳の時間が4 回みられた。この授乳活動は,牧夫がそれぞれの子ブタを誘導するのではなくて,子ブタの方が積極的に働きかけて群れのなかで自主的に開始される行動である。さらに,牧夫による群れの管理には音声が使われる。牧夫は生後まもない子ブタを殺すこと,別の母親への子ブタの移出などによって各母ブタへの負担を均等にする努力をしている。同時に,ブタの年齢に応じて群れを変えるなどして群れ全体の管理がなされている。他のブタ飼育者からブタが購入されることなどによっても,ブタの所有頭数が維持される。 以上のように,バングラデシュのブタを対象にした遊牧は,年中群れとともに移動をして自然資源を利用する点,100 ~ 200 頭の単位ごとの群れで分散飼育して多様な環境を季節や微地形に応じてきめ細かく利用する点など,熱帯モンスーンアジアのデルタにおける自然特性に応じた資源利用の形をよく示している。
著者
三島 禎子 Teiko Mishima
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.1, pp.121-157, 2002-08-20

本稿はソニンケのアジアへの移動についての報告であるとともに,フランスへの労働移動ゆえに出稼ぎ民として位置づけられてきたソニンケ移民をディアスポラの概念との比較のなかで捉えなおす試みである。 20世紀におけるソニンケの移動は,まず西アフリカの「故郷」から他のアフリカ諸国へ進み,80年代以後,アジアへ拡大した。移動は社会と家族がソニンケ男性に求める文化的な営みであると同時に,生計を立てるための経済的な活動である。また民族集団と「故郷」への強い帰属意識が基盤になっている。 内容は聞き取り調査から得られた移民の移動史の記述を中心とし,そこから移動の行程と経済的な営みの特徴を描き出している。移動先については世界経済のなかでソニンケの経済的な動きを理解することが重要であり,経済活動については帝国主義拡大期以前におけるソニンケの移動の営みとの連続性を考慮する必要がある。その作業を通じてソニンケの移動の全体像をつかむことができると思われる。