著者

呉座 勇一

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.9, pp.1670-1678, 2014-09-20

著者

湯川 文彦

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.6, pp.1045-1083, 2012-06-20

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This article attempts to clarify the ideas about an educational system held by Tanaka Fujimaro, vice-minister of education, who introduced school reforms during the early Meiji Period, in order to show that the foundations of educational administration in modern Japan were built upon the Education Act of 1879, which was formulated through Tanaka's involvement from draft proposal to the passage of the bill. The research to date has been unable to deal with the question of Tanaka's ideas about educational institutions and intentions concerning educational legislation, due to the complete absence of source materials on these subjects. However, the author of this article, utilizing a collection of articles on education found in the National Diet Library's Hosokawa Junjiro Collection, has been able to trace Tanaka's ideas and legislative activities in the following manner. Although the early Meiji Period government did set up a Ministry of Education entrusted with the administrative task of educating and training the nation, the Ministry lacked any fixed ideals or methodology about how to realized such a goal. It was Tanaka Fujimaro who first set about responding to the Ministry's mandate, beginning with the application of his observations of institutions in Europe and the United States as a member of the Iwakura Mission to what he considered appropriate to the task of administering educational affairs in Japan, summarized in his "Draft Proposal of an Education Bill". The Draft Proposal, which covered the realms of school, society and the household, aimed to transform general education into the major task of government, based on academic and educational freedom. Although Tanaka met with resistance concerning his idea of legislative bureaus for organizing human resource development and local autonomy, he was able to convince his opponents as to their significance. The Draft also addressed the questions of local autonomy and fiscal difficulties in the name of the establishment of educational administration. Furthermore, as deliberation on the Draft began in the Chamber of Elders, Tanaka took advantage of the legislative revision committee system to guide the Draft through the process of compromise and improvement, resulting in the preparation of a set of provisions indispensable to educational affairs, which upon their passage into law determined the future of administration from that time on.

著者

石井 規衛

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.9, pp.1596-1597, 2011-09-20

著者

峰岸 純夫

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.2, pp.250-251, 1988-02-20

著者

小澤 実

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, no.12, 2000-12-20

著者

小澤 実

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.1, pp.127-128, 2007-01-20

著者

今津 敏晃

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.10, pp.1682-1705, 2003-10-20

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The purpose of this article is to show adjustment to the party rules by the leaders of the Kenkyukai, which was a party in the House of Peers, and influence of their activities on the political situation under the first WAKATSUKI Reijiro cabinet. By passing its act of manhood suffrage in 1925, the Japanese House of Representatives received firmer legitimacy. It was expected that party-led governments would continue, but that rebutted political action by the House of Peers. In particular the members of the Kenkyukai needed their legitimacy, because they had lost legitimacy on due to their coalition with the KATO Tomosaburo cabinet and KIYOURA Keigo cabinets, which were blamed for being partyless. Then KONOE Fumimaro advocated that the House of Peers should defer to the cabinet based on a majority in the Lower House. This seemed to be adequate for recoverring their legitimacy at first glance, but it was impossible to put into practice very easily, since there was no party with an absolute majority in the House of Representatives at that time and the parties were bickering among themselves. So the leaders of the Kenkyukai tried to form a majority in the House of Representatives by stabilizing the tumult, hoping that popularity and legitimacy would result from their action. At first they supported WAKATSUKI's government and tried to make it join hands with Seiyuhonto. But they suddenly began to blame the government for its maladministration in October in 1926. The turn of the front office of Kenkyukai tipped the scale.

著者

北村 優季

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.8, pp.1524-1529, 1997-08-20

著者

川口 琢司

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.10, pp.1661-1698, 2013-10-20

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This paper examines the winter quarters of Timur (1336?-1405) and their significance in his governance of the regime he founded. Timur's decision to eschew seasonal migration in favor of spending his winters in palaces with permanent architectural structures, his choice of their locations and the reasons for that choice all do not conform to the traditional Turko-Mongolian nomadic lifestyle, and thus cannot be fully explained from a pastoral viewpoint. Before founding his regime, Timur established his power based in the Khashka River basin, building his main winter quarters at his native city of Kish and at Qarshi, the latter of which was closely affiliated with the khans of Chaghatay Ulus. However, after founding his regime, he decided to establish a capital at Samarqand, which, although,best suited as the location for summer quarters, was made to serve as Timur's winter quarters, in order to better concentrate on domestic political affairs. Then from the mid-1370s on, he often spent his winters in Zanjir Saray, in the suburbs of Qarshi, for the purpose of ruling in place of the last politically powerful khan of the Chaghatay Ulus. Then, after his incursions into Western Asia, which began around 1380, Timur set up Kish as a capital located between Samaqand and Qarshi, resulting in a dual capital system. It was during 1387-88 that Timur would lose his important winter quarters as the result of the invasion of Mawarannahr by Toqtamish's army, which destroyed Zanjir Saray. From that time on, in the midst of repeated expeditions into Western Asia and the Qipchaq Steppe, the Qarabagh Plain in Northwestern Iran became favored as the location of Timur's winter quarters. Timur's rebuilding of Baylaqan and the construction of new canals was aimed at establishing the center of western regional imperial governance in Qarabagh, and a main highway with a system of relay stations functioned to connect Northwestern Iran with Central Asia. During his twilight years, Timur spent most of his remaining life in the Irano-Islamic garden spots (bagh) on the outskirts of Samarqand, where he constructed palaces to pass his winters. Theses baghs were architectural tributes to his imperial power and functioned as harems. Along with the construction of the town of Misr on the main highway between Samarqand and Kish, he provided baghs with palaces, pasture land, rest accommodations and way stations for travelers using the highway. It was in this way that the trunk line and its environs took on the appearance of a "capital region" for the empire.

著者

齊藤 茂雄

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.9, pp.1542-1568, 2013-09-20

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The remnants of the Second Turk Qaghanate (682〜744), which was overthrown in southern Mongolia by a rebel alliance made up of Uighurs, Basmils and Qarluqs, are described as 'Bug-chor in the Old Tibetan document, P.t.1283, written after the fall of the Qaghanate. The name 'Bug-chor has been identified with the name Mochuo 黙啜, which is the Chinese rendering for Qapγan Qaγan (691〜716), although the reason why these remnants were called 'Bug-ehor, (i.e., Qapγan Qaγan) has heretofore not been made clear. This article is an attempt to find out why and analyze the inner workings of the Qaghanate. The author begins with the fact that one Ozmis Qaγan, who was killed by the rebels before the fall of the Qaghanate, was called Mochuo in a certain Chinese imperial proclamation and epitaph. That is to say, the followers of Ozmis Qaγan were continually referred to as Mochuo after the fall of the Qaghanate, which is why document P.t.1283 refers to this group in Tibetan as 'Bug-chor. Ozmis Qaγan was the son of Pan-que Tegin 判闕特勤 of the left sad under the reign of Deng-li 登利 Qaγan; and the term 'Bug-chor dates back to that period of the left sad. 'Bug-chor can also be traced further back to Qapγan Qaγan, after whose death Kol Tegin 闕特勤, the son of Qutlur 骨咄禄 (682〜691) staged a coup d'etat, purged the near relatives and the followers of Qapγan Qaγan, and placed his elder brother, Bilga Qaγan (716〜734), on the throne. During Kol Tegin's purges, the Qapγan family took refuge near the Kara Irtis River, which became the territory of Tuo-xi 拓西 Qaγan, Qapγan's son, and a base of resistance against Bilga Qaγan. Although surrendering to Bilga Qaγan in 720, the Qapγan family rebelled against Deng-li Qaγan after the death of Bilga. The Qapγan family called themselves 'Bug-chor as the direct descendants of Qapγan Qaγan. It was Ozmis Qaγan who became the last leader of this group and the Turk Qaghanate. In conclusion, the author shows the existence of serious political opposition between the two ruling factions of the Turk Qaghanate, in that after the death of Qutlur, the throne was usurped Qapγan Qaγan, then after the latter's death power was grabbed by Kol Tegin in a coup d'etat expressing dissatisfaction with the Qapγan Qaγan faction. The Qapγan family then organized itself as 'Bug-nor in opposition to the coup d'etat and launched a campaign of resistance against Bilga and Deng-li Qaγan.

著者

中川 太介

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.1, pp.124-125, 2008-01-20

著者

永原 慶二

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.6, pp.1047-1054, 1978-06-20

著者

毛利 晶

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.3, pp.372-374, 2014

著者

毛利 晶

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.3, pp.372-374, 2014-03-20

著者

津田 拓郎

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.2, pp.205-230, 2014-02-20

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The primary purpose of this article is to offer a new perspective on the use of the written word by the government of the Carolingian through an examination of the "capitularies". The capitularies are traditionally recognized as "the edicts of the kings"; and it is widely accepted that their "Golden Age" occurred during the reign of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious. The research to date has concentrated mainly on manuscripts, but this method is not appropriate for an analysis of the governmental system of the Carolingian age, because manuscripts were composed some time after the initial authoring of any given text and show us only information about their later phases. In order to clarify the earliest phase, the author explores references to the use of documents in narrative sources. His results show that with some exceptions, there are only two categories of information about the use of the written word which emerge in the narrative sources; namely lex (or "texts that should be added to lex") and "texts on behalf of the church". In view of the quantity of such cases, there is little diversity during the Carolingian age, a fact that would belie the alleged "Golden Age"; moreover, references to texts for the church can also be found in the east Frankish kingdom, which historians have considered as a land where no capitulary was issued. The reason for the discrepancy between the author's conclusions and the conventional view concerning a "Golden Age" lies in the fact that many "capitularies" of Charlemagne and Louis were texts which had only subordinate functions for the communication, for in the later Carolingian age the communication system had been transformed into a face-to-face system via assemblies; and rulers had not as much need for such texts as before. There are also indications that in the west Frankish kingdom fundamental changes appeared to have occurred in the use of the written word by the government. The age of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious can be called the "Golden Age" of those texts that had only subordinate functions in communicating the wishes of the kings ; that is to say Charlemagne and Louis the Pious should be not regarded as "great legislators who issued many written edicts". Therefore, we should reexamine the use of the written word in each kingdom without considering the text category of "capitulary".

著者

平井 上総

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.1, pp.五四-七九, 2006-01-20

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The cadastral surveys conducted between 1587 and 1598 by the Chosokabe Family of Tosa Province are contained in ledgers recording results from the whole province and entitled Chosokabe Chikencho長宗我部地検帳(hereafter, Chikencho); however, what they say about those who directly conducted the surveys has yet to be examined. The present article is an attempt to fill that gap by clarifying how these surveyors were organized in terms of power and authority. An investigation of the signatures affixed to the Chikencho by the surveyors reveals 1) The inclusion of the signer's official capacity above each signature. 2) Some included handwritten seals (kao花押) and some did not. 3) There were between scribes, accountants and police agents tended to appear somewhere between the first and third signatures, while those who did the actually measuring (tsueuchi杖打) mostly appeared toward the end of the signature order. 4) Each surveyor worked in a specific capacity, despite differences in group, region and time. 5) Surveyors tended to have little interest or relationship to the regions they were measuring. The research to date has been of the opinion that those who signed the ledgers were groups of supervisors; however, the activity of each signer was base on a specific duty, and there is nothing to indicate those duties were supervisory in nature. Concerning the order in which the signatures appear, members of the Chosokabe Family and their retainers tend to appear either at the very beginning or the very end. This seems to indicate that the Chosokabe regime was dispatching its high ranking personnel to survey areas under the control of former local proprietors of similar daimyo大名status, in order to minimize any disgruntlement on the part of the latter. When comparing the ledgers according to the three eras in which were created-Tensho天正, Bunroku文禄and Keicho慶長-from the Bunroku era (1592) on, the number of functionaries (bugyo奉行) in the Chosokabe government dispatched on surveys doubled. Those who did the actually measuring (tsueuchi) tended to be members of the Chosokabe family, other feudal lords, their retainers and members of influential religious institutions, which indicates that tsueuchi was a duty connected to vassalage. From the above investigation, the author concludes that towards the last decade of the sixteenth century, although the Chosokabe Family was making compromises to appease other feudal lords within Tosa Province, it seems to also have been tightening control over extended (branch) family members and their retainers in a move towards centralization.

著者

平井 上総

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.1, pp.54-79, 2006

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The cadastral surveys conducted between 1587 and 1598 by the Chosokabe Family of Tosa Province are contained in ledgers recording results from the whole province and entitled Chosokabe Chikencho長宗我部地検帳(hereafter, Chikencho); however, what they say about those who directly conducted the surveys has yet to be examined. The present article is an attempt to fill that gap by clarifying how these surveyors were organized in terms of power and authority. An investigation of the signatures affixed to the Chikencho by the surveyors reveals 1) The inclusion of the signer's official capacity above each signature. 2) Some included handwritten seals (kao花押) and some did not. 3) There were between scribes, accountants and police agents tended to appear somewhere between the first and third signatures, while those who did the actually measuring (tsueuchi杖打) mostly appeared toward the end of the signature order. 4) Each surveyor worked in a specific capacity, despite differences in group, region and time. 5) Surveyors tended to have little interest or relationship to the regions they were measuring. The research to date has been of the opinion that those who signed the ledgers were groups of supervisors; however, the activity of each signer was base on a specific duty, and there is nothing to indicate those duties were supervisory in nature. Concerning the order in which the signatures appear, members of the Chosokabe Family and their retainers tend to appear either at the very beginning or the very end. This seems to indicate that the Chosokabe regime was dispatching its high ranking personnel to survey areas under the control of former local proprietors of similar daimyo大名status, in order to minimize any disgruntlement on the part of the latter. When comparing the ledgers according to the three eras in which were created-Tensho天正, Bunroku文禄and Keicho慶長-from the Bunroku era (1592) on, the number of functionaries (bugyo奉行) in the Chosokabe government dispatched on surveys doubled. Those who did the actually measuring (tsueuchi) tended to be members of the Chosokabe family, other feudal lords, their retainers and members of influential religious institutions, which indicates that tsueuchi was a duty connected to vassalage. From the above investigation, the author concludes that towards the last decade of the sixteenth century, although the Chosokabe Family was making compromises to appease other feudal lords within Tosa Province, it seems to also have been tightening control over extended (branch) family members and their retainers in a move towards centralization.

著者

植松 慎悟

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.1, 2012-01-20

著者

高橋 公明

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.8, pp.1303-1323, 1370-1372, 1982-08-20

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The purpose of the present paper is to investigate the political relations between Korea and diplomats from the western region of Japan from 1390 to 1470, when Japanese-Korean international relations were most extensively developed. By this analysis two points can be clarified as follows. 1)The diplomatic relations between two countries during the time in question possessed both sufficient substance and formality, which can be difined as the "Korean diplomatic order." 2)While diplomats from western Japan regarded Korea as a great world power, the Koreans did regard Japan as a country of less importance. The process of proving these two points can be described as follows. First, the famous Chronicles of Countries to the East of the sea (海東諸国紀), a document describing working relations between diplomats of two countries, is a work which expresses an ideal of alienage of Japan from the viewpoint of Korea and extracts the actual foundation of this ideal from diplomatic relations. The characteristics of diplomatic relations during this period can be expressed as the ceremonial position of Japanese diplomats as seen by the Korean side and mediated through an order of status within the Korean bureaucratic system. We can explain further as following : 1)messengers dispatched to Korea by Japanese diplomats were treated according to the Korean bureaucratic code in Korean Court decorum ; and 2)Japanese diplomats themselves were also given status ranked by Korean bureaucrats who could directly send and receive diplomatic documents. We may conclude that ceremonial position of Japanese Imperial Messengers was relatively low and that, since all diplomats to Korea formed relations on personal basis, they could be on an equality with Korean side. Rather, they found themselves in various kinds of subordinate relations to the Korean Court. All diplomats from outside had to observe the Korean state order in termes of obligation. Instead diplomats were given guarantees from Korea concerning their economic interests and activities. As a result of the widespread formation of such subordinate relations, there may have developed the idea of Korea as a great world power of the times. Certainly such an idea have been arisen among those who depended upon East Asian sea commerce. And when favorable conditions came about in Korea between 1466 and 1471, many diplomatic messengers were sent to Korea basing on such an idea. The above research indicates that the "Korean-centrism" expressed in the Chronicles of Countries to the East of the sea was supported by the actual diplomatic contacts. It is in this sense that the present paper is able to criticize, in part, the conventional view of an East Asian world which over-emphasizes international relations centered around China and underestimates the political importance of relations between other countries within this sphere. It may be expected that this paper expresses the necessity of survey from many points of view in terms of foreign contacts in the medieval East Asia.

著者

直江 真一

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.9, pp.1444-1445, 1981-09-20