著者

大津 透

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.3, pp.387-395, 1999-03-20

著者

久留島 浩

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.8, pp.1346-1378, 1419-1420, 1986-08-20

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In the early part of the modern period those in power legitimized their authority in the consciousness of the people by forcing on them various patterns of etiquette and ceremony. In the same way in Early Modern Japan the bakufu and han authorities succeeded in securing its everyday management of the populace through the enforcing of many forms of etiquette and ceremony. For example, when the shogun or a daimyo travelled in procession the people living along the route used were required to perform many highly formalized and troublesome duties. By performing such duties as greeting and viewing the procession according to the rules of formality and performing ritualized services for the procession, the people were compelled to feel and experience the authority of the shogun and those in power. This paper investigates the historical significance of some of the ceremonial duties which were imposed on the people who lived along the roads whenever a shogun or daimyo procession passed. These formalities were the making of small conical piles of white sand in front of each house on either side of the road (morisuna), spreading white sand on the road (makisuna), and the placing of brooms and buckets in front of each house. These activities were part of the etiquette of road cleaning and purification, and as such were part of the broader formalities of "hospitality" (Chiso) due to the shogun or daimyo along the road. The placing of brooms, buckets and piles of white sand before each home, as well as the spreading cf white sand on the road, symbolized the completion of sweeping the road, spreading water to hold down the dust, and spreading sand which had to be done before any shogun, daimyo or their officially approved processions. In modern Japanese the meaning of the word Chiso is largely limited to providing food and drink ; however, in the Early Modern Period Chiso, which the people did for the authorities, included this road cleaning and purification, fixing up the houses on the street, repairing roads and bridges, greeting the procession as it passed and sending it off, together with all the formalities regulated down to the smallest and most trivial details. To show concretely the relationship between the people and the authorities in Early Modern Japan it is neccessary to clarify the enforced forms of etiquette and ceremony of Chiso.

著者

井原 今朝男

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.11, pp.1928-1929, 1990-11-20

著者

加藤 陽子 池田 勇太 中野 弘喜

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.5, pp.738-782, 2010-05

著者

高橋 慎一朗

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.6, pp.1077-1113, 1234, 1992-06-20

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This paper is a case study describing the local lineages of the Jiang 江 village, She 歙 xian during the Ming and Qing periods. The points are following below. The Jiang lineages gained the advantage in this district socially and economically, and the people believed that the lineage's destiny was under the influence of geomancy, feng-shui 風水. From this point of view, the Jiang lineages and others tried to conserve the environment of the mountainous region against the move by the foreign settlers to develop minerals and commercial agriculture, on a backdrop of opposition arising due to continuing stratification among the lineage members. The festival organization called she-hui 社会, shen-hui 神会, si-nui 祀会, etc. was founded on a sublineage basis, including slaves, zhong-po 庄僕, in the Jiang village and Qing-yuan 慶源 village Wu-yuan 〓源. But the sublineages were not equal one another and the qualification to participate in the festival was limited according to social and economical differences. It's well known that the areas were the hometowns of Hui-Chou (Hsin-an) merchants. Segments of the Jiang lineages extended their business activities to the cities in Jiangnan, especially Yang-zhou 揚州, which was famous as a salt merchant center. But local lineages were not formed in Yang-zhou, rather the merchant segments based their relationships on the original lineages. This presented a precarious position for outside merchants. The connection with the hometown was a sort of insurance against the natural features of the region which would protect them and their descendants.

著者

前田 亮介

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.1, pp.115-116, 2012-01-20

著者

犬飼 智

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.11, pp.1907-1925, 2001-2000, 1991-11-20

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Insei 院政 politics, domnation by the retired emperor In 院 was actually established during the latter part of Shirakawa-In 白河院 retirement after Emperor Toba 鳥羽天皇, grandson of Shirakawa, ascended to the throne in 1107. After that, benkan and shikiji 弁官・職事, the imperial secretaries, began reporting to the In, and imperial decrees (senji 宣旨) began to be promulugated according to the emperor's (tenno 天皇) will, but by the In's direction. When Fujiwara-no-Tsunefusa 藤原経房, whose diary is called the Kitsuki (吉記) was benkan, he went to Goshirakawa-In's chancellery (Goshirakawa-In-no-cho 後白河院庁) almost everday. But in the entry of the Kitsuki dated 1183/7/9 (寿永二年七月九日), we are told that the special court of justice called Inchusata was held at Goshirakawa-In-no-cho, and that all the judges of the Inchusata except himself and Minamoto-no-Masayori 源雅頼, who also sevred as benkan, were Goshirakawa's private advisers. Tsunefusa felt highly honored in being called to this Inchusata. Same of the cases appearing before this Inshusata were cases pending in the regular court handled by benkan and shikiji. From these facts, the author concludes that Inshusata was operated by the In's private advisers apart from the regular court and that the origin of Inchusata was the custom of petitions filed through the In's private advisers were permitted to be reviewed by the In without trial. Then why were non-political officials like Tsunefusa called to this Inchusata on 9/7/1183? About that time, the rebel army under Minamoto-no-Yoshinaka 源義仲 was approaching the capital. In June, Goshirakawa-In consurted with various aristocrats about counter-measures against the enemy. Fujiwara-no-Kanezane 藤原兼実, the Udaijin 右大臣, the third highest seat of the imperial cabinet, and not on intimate terms with Goshirakawa-In proposed a political reform called Tokusei 徳政. He emphasized that fair judgement in political affairs would make temples, shrines and others entities confide in the government. The author concludes that Goshirakawa-In assented to Kanezane's proposal and invited non-political officials to the Inchusata on 9/7/1183. Kanezane's idea was derived from Shinzei's 信西 reform, which was executed from 1156 to 1159 and exerted influence on political reform in Kamakura 鎌倉 period.

著者

岡田 友和

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.6, pp.1015-1048, 2010-06

著者

安藤 潤一郎

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.8, pp.46-71, 141-140, 2002-08-20

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During the mid-19^<th> century, a chain of large-scale Muslim uprisings broke out in northwest and southwest regions of Qing Empire, simultaneously with the Taiping Rebellion and other violent disturbances. These uprisings are quite important to consider when one is to studying ethnic problems, nationalism, and geopolitics in modern East Asia from the cases of china's Muslim minorities. This article focuses on, among them, the Yunnan Muslim Uprising (雲南回民起義) especially on its earliest stages, in which serious conflicts between Han-Chinese (漢人) and Muslim residents (回民) took place in the western part of Yunnan laying the foundation for a widespread uprising, and examines concretely how these conflicts were generated and what made them structural. The conclusions reached are: 1. The conflicts became tangible action at the beginning of 19^<th> century, as the huge tide of immigration to this area brought about a rapid increase of population and intense competition among the people. However, at first, the rift between Han-chinese and Muslims was only a part of various fissures within the local society, and neither "Han" nor "Muslim" was a unified socio-ethnic collectivity. "Han" was usually divided into several ethnic categories, mostly based on birthplaces, and Muslim also consisted of divers segments. 2. However, it may be assumed that the "Muslim" category defined by Islamic faith, practices, and customs was perceived more strongly than other types of social fissures. Moreover, the socio-economic advantages enjoyed by Yunnan 'Muslims as the earliest immigrants and their widespread networks formed by a myriad of mosques (清真寺) attracted many Muslim newcomers to concentrate, providing them with a basis for mutual aid, security, and social opportunity. 3. On the other hand, the weakness of the local administrations and the extremely competitive nature of the immigrant society gave rise to secret societies bound by pledges of brotherhood (焼香結盟) as a system of mutual aid and security deep-rooted in local society, which drew people beyond preceding various social divisions. Such collectivities were quite similar to their Muslim counterparts mentioned above, and it could be said that they were different manifestations of the same group-forming motivation. 4. Therefore, the two types of collectivities came into intense conflict as they grew larger and stronger. Also, the reinforcement of the religious elements in each of them remarkably delineated and essentialized the "Muslim" category. Thus, seeds of Han / Muslim conflict were widely disseminated in local society, and consequently, entering into this dichotomous structure of conflict became an option in seeking self-interest ; then, divers forms of discord came to be reinterpreted upon this strcture.

著者

水島 司

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.1, pp.36-38, 2007

被引用文献数

1

著者

福井 重雅

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.1, pp.1-34, 1967-01

著者

岡安 勇

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.9, pp.1421-1452, 1565-1566, 1983-09-20

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In this paper I studied the seat-orders in the records of ancient China and then thought about the meaning of the emperor's facing west. Finally I came to a conclusion as follows. 1.The seat facing south or north between the sovereign and his subject (in this occasion the sovereign usually takes north seats) is a symbol of absolute relation of domination-obedience. No one but the sovereign can hardly take a seat facing south. Therefore, when the someone takes a seat facing south, it means that there is a relation of the ruler and the ruled among the present company at the meeting. 2.At the private meeting, there exists fundamentally different seat-order, that is, facing east and west. The meaning is clearly different from the above one. This occurs between host and guest, among families or teacher and pupil. The seats facing west are for hosts, the youngers, and pupils, who are inferior in the company. Then, the seats facing east are for guests, the olders and teachers, who stand higher. In the case of taking all-side seats, the order stands from facing east, south, north, and west. 3.Through understanding the difference between facing south or north and facing east or west, I thought over the emperor's power during and after the Han dynasty. Thus, I could find that the emperor, who is thought to give priority to the relation of domination-obedience in every respect, in fact, did not always take the seat facing south. When he was with the empress dowager 皇太后, the Supreme Lords 上公 (the grand tutor 太師・the senior tutor 太傅・the junior tutor 太保), the San-lao 三老 or the Wu-keng 五更 (titles given to elders who were honored by the emperor), he did not seat facing south. i)The empress dowager was never treated as a subject, not only at a private meeting but also at an official meeting (at least in 'Lin-chao-cheng-chih' 「臨朝称制」), and she could meet the emperor, sitting facing east. ii)The Supreme Lords, the council of the emperor, were in the post of Pu-chen-chin-li 不臣之礼 in the Later Han Dynasty. iii)The San-lao and the Wu-keng were treated with respect, given seats facing east or south, for the emperor had to teach people the order of the young and the old by Yang-lao-li 養老礼. When there was a strong relation of teacher and pupil, the San-Lao took a seat facing south, while the emperor took a seat facing north as a pupil. In this way, while the emperor was ruling he took a seat facing south as a symbol of power, and when he treated some subjects with respect, he took a lower-rank seat for himself. So, in such a case there was no domination-obedience relation between the emperor and his subjects. In other words, it is understood that the emperor recognized them as 'not subject' 「不臣」. The supreme Lords, the San-lao, and the Wu-keng were not the rank which threatened the emperor's position, but by making such a system, the dynasty seems to have dealt successfully with both domestic and foreign policy without falling into logical dilemma, which happened in following crises ; the change of dynasties, the invasion of different neighbour races and so on.

著者

森本 芳樹

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.3, pp.355-357, 1998-03-20

著者

古田 武彦

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, no.9, pp.45-83, 1969-09

著者

中野 隆生

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.4, pp.512-513, 1987-04-20

著者

木下 賢一

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.8, pp.1379-1380, 1987-08-20

著者

宮本 盛太郎

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, no.3, pp.385-386, 1985-03-20

著者

高橋 亮介

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.2, pp.169-193, 2006-02-20

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Egypt saw a great expansion in the popularity of the local custom of brother-sister marriage during the first two centuries of the AD era, especially among metropolites, a privileged class in the Roman province. Why did this custom unfamiliar to the Romans flourish under Roman rule? How did the practice of sibling marriage function in Romano-Egyptian society? These are the questions this article addresses. Previous scholarship has attributed the reason for such popularity to the introduction of a rigid status system, under which provincial elites needed to prove their ancestry in order to acquire privileged status. Sibling marriage allegedly made the proof easier. However, another perspective is worth considering; that is, the economic function of brother-sister marriage. While scholars have admitted that sibling marriage contributed towards preventing the fragmentation of family property, this function has not been sufficiently explored in the historical context of the transition from Ptolemaic to Roman society. The question to be asked is how the significance of family property changed. Changes in the local administrative system and their effect on the economic situation of the provincials, especially their land holding system, stand out as particularly suggestive. Rome's rule over her empire depended not on a highly centralised bureaucracy down to the lowest level of local administration (like that of Ptolemaic Egypt), but on indirect control through cities, and especially their wealthy elites. When Egypt was made a Roman province, therefore, the Romans set out to create there a wealthy elite class by legitimating and expanding the private ownership of land. While these landowners had fiscal privileges and relatively large properties, they were expected to expend their wealth on local administration. They needed to be keenly concerned about the management of their property, in order to leave their offspring enough to perform the public services which accompanied their status. In terms of the motivation for brother-sister marriage, what needs most emphasis is women's acquisition of land as the result of its privatisation. Although some provincial families tried to limit women's acquisition of land through inheritance or dowry, it seems that, nevertheless, landholding by women considerably increased. Brother-sister marriage was an effective method to prevent fragmentation of family property in this situation of a significant increase of property coming into the possession of women. The Roman policy of governing the province indirectly was therefore responsible for the expansion of the local custom of brother-sister marriage. This article shows the complexity of the impact of Roman rule on a society and how the history of a local, non-Roman, custom also became part of the process of "Romanisation."

著者

中西 啓太

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.4, pp.496-519, 2011-04-20

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Due to continuing tax increases during the Russo-Japanese War, postwar regional society became faced with the serious problem of increased tax burdens. This article takes up strata of powerful local figures at the time, which have been dealt with in almost all of the research to date in the context of regional improvement movement and the expansion of political parties, shedding new light on their relationship to the local taxation system. The author offers Saitama Prefectures as a typical example of where large increases occurred in the income tax and points to a little known tax institution, the Income Investigation Commission (IIC; Shotoku Chosa Iinkai 所得調査委員会), which was involved in calculating individual income tax amounts and whose members were chosen by taxpayers in local elections. The article begins with a quantitative study to determine the place of income taxes within the context of regional society, showing how both tax revenue and the number of taxpayers increased during the War and how after the War social strata with vested interests in the question of taxation greatly expanded. As to the process of choosing members of the IIC, elections were held mainly county by county (gun 郡), while candidates and the distribution of posts were controlled by local leaders under non-competitive conditions. Elected members tended to be holders of important local offices, such as village headman, and were involved in local improvement projects in collaboration with national policy. However, in 1909, members of the IIC clashed with the Department of Tax Affairs, demanding a decrease in the income tax burdens of local residents. Saitama IIC members filed complaints with higher authorities and were supported by village headmen. Despite the refusal to meet their demands, the following year they lobbied the National Diet and both political parties to pass legislation, in a non-partisan spirit that also marked the movement to lower land taxes. The author concludes that the power elite in post-Russo-Japanese War regional society came to possess a dual character: one complacently conducting projects along the policy lines of central bureaucratic agencies; the other in conflict with how the national tax revenue authority was dealing with regional society.

著者

宮坂 宥勝

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, no.3, pp.352-361, 1979-03-20