著者
福岡 万里子
出版者
山川出版社
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.119, no.6, pp.1073-1098, 2010-06
著者
斎藤 夏来
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.113, no.6, pp.1066-1097, 2004-06-20

It is a well-known fa,ct that the five major Zen temples (Gozan 五山) in medieval Japan, whose abbots were appointed by the Ashikaga during its reign, played an important role in supporting the Bakufu's fiscal budget. In concrete terms, the discussion has turned to the fact that the order appointing Zen temple abbots (kojo 公帖) was widely sold for cash in the form of an official position know as za-kumon 坐公文, which was not directly related to the religious appointment of abbots. However, the issuance of kojo is an issue at the very core of the policy towards Zen temples, so the question arises as to whether or not appointments to za-kumon should be looked upon merely in economic terms as a form of selling kojo. This is the focus of the present article, which attempts to consider the political and religious ramifications of the practice. As a result, the author concludes that rather than constituting a source of revenue for the za-kumon appointments were related more to the expenditures side of the its fiscal ledger. Out of its belief in Zen Buddhism, the Ashikaga regime absorbed and systematized za-kumon payments and used the revenue in its sponsorship (like other members of medieval ruling elite) of such religious projects as the building and repair of temple complexes, sutra copying, and the dispatch of trading ships (the profits from which were used to build and repair temples). However, even more important than such religious sponsorship was the, decision-making process involved in za-kumon appointments. The purpose of such appointments-i.e., the implementation of Buddhist ceremonies and projects-became an important aspect promoting consensus among a ruling class that was on the verge of breaking apart in the midst of civil war. This political aspect of za-kumon certainly can not be understood merely within the framework of the "buying and selling of offices" to accumulate fiscal revenue with no consideration of the "religious grace" emanating from such an act. It was only during the following Sengoku period that revenue from the purchase of za-kumon appointments would go to the treasury or be redistributed as stipends to secular aristocrats within the regime. That is to say, the emphasis on the fiscal aspects of za-humon with no consideration for financing religious activities represents a marked deviation from the essential meaning of the practice.
著者
渡辺 晃宏
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.12, pp.1891-1937, 2050-2049, 1989-12-20

Movements of fudokoku 不動穀 (rice reserves) are one good indicator of the economy under the ritsuryo state. According to the conventional view, the Tenpyo 天平 era (729-749) has been considered the high of point of the Japanese ancient state based in part on the understanding that fudokoku stores accumulated to an amount equal to the 田租 (the rice tax on publically allocated land) for 30 years to come, or the total rice crop for one year. What has not yet been considered, however, is what led to the decline in the institution. In the present paper, the author first deals with whether the fudokoku stores were indeed really at their peak quantities during the Tenpyo era, and then attempts to show that because fudokoku expenditures were increasing throughout the 9th century, these reserves probably reached a maximum around the end of 8th century. In addition to increasing expenditures during the 9th century, such appropriations as nenryo soshomai 年料租春米 and nenryo betsuno sokoku 年料別納租穀 began to be deducted from the 田租 before it entered the storehouse, resulting in a decline in reserves from both the revenue and expenditure sides of the ledger, to the extent that we notice the fudokoku system in danger of bankruptcy during the Kanpyo 寛平 era (889-898). With a decline of even the storehouses holding fudokoku, the whole system had to be revamped. The present paper begins with the story beginning in the 10th century and the proceeds backwards to trace what happened to fudokoku, in an attempt to clarify one aspect of the process of change within the Japanese ancient state as a whole. A document entitled Etchu-no-Kuni Kanso Nokoku Kotai-ki 越中国官倉納穀交替記, an accounting record of the official storehouse of Etchu province, is a very valuable source material for ascertaining the accumulation of fudokoku over the 160 years from the beginning of the Tenpyo to the end of Kanpyo era. An analysis of this document shows not only exactly how fudokoku was accumulated, but also that the quantity steadily increased, with the exception of two eras of stagnant rice production (Tenpyo and Enryaku 延暦 [782-806]), up until the end of 9th century. However, a period of increased expenditures including huge outlays for building the Heian capital and pacifying the borderpeoples in the north was ushered in. Through a process of fixing the amounts of special appropriations (betsuno 別納) from the rice tax and designating the remainder as fudoso, finally in 964 a new system was instituted. With this new way of appropriating the rice revenues coming in from the provinces, fudokoku was maintained in name only, but it was soon abandoned altogether when during the third decade of 11th century a system of uniform levies on the provinces was established. However, the memory of the time when fudokoku was appropriated according to the whims of the central government lived on until the end of the 14th century in the ceremonial submittal by a newly appointed provincial governor of a formal petition, entitled fudoso kaiken shinsei-ge 不動倉開検申請解, requesting that the fudokoku storehouse be opened for expection.