著者
坂下 拓治
出版者
三田史学会
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.86, no.4, pp.71(417)-83(429), 2017-03

研究ノート
著者
藤村 東男
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.1, pp.69-90, 1999-01

一 九年橋遺跡出土の土偶二 土偶の大量出土 a 土偶の全国集成 b 出土地域と時期 c 一遺跡あたりの出土点数 d 岩手県における出土点数 e 九年橋遺跡における出土点数三 九年橋遺跡における破損状態四 九年橋遺跡における出土状態五 まとめ
著者
平山 榮一
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, no.3, pp.477-510, 1939-04

一 修史槪觀二 書籍解説的資料三 通史四 政治史 一 イギリス 二 フランス 三 ドイツ諸邦 四 オーストリヤ 五 ロシヤ 六 イタリー 七 スペインとポルトガル 八 諸小國 九 バルカン諸國及び近東 一〇 植民地五 憲法及び法制史六 經濟史七 社會史八 外交史及び國際關係九 陸海軍史一〇 精神史及び文化史一一 宗教史一二 傅記,囘想錄及び通信
著者
菅原 崇光
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.2, pp.223-240, 1966-09

前号と本号の要約四 外国金融資本のロシア重工業征服五 帝国主義経費の負担体系と地主層の「分割統治」むすびに代えてResearch in Japan on the problem of determining the historical nature of the Russo-Japanese War has been conducted as a part of the larger problem : the establishment of Japanese imperialism. In the post-War period a far-reaching reexamination from the above standpoint has been conducted. However, it must also be kept in mind that for Russia too this war was an inevitable event in the process of formation of its own imperialistic regime. In order to evaluate accurately the significance of the war within the framework of the formation of imperialistic regimes in the international enviornment it is necessary that this problem be equally pursued from the Russian side. Thus, the first problem considered is the structure of the Russian Far Eastern policy. According to Romanov, a highly respected Soviet historian in this field, there existed among the various classes represented in the Russian Government two groups which were interested in the Manchurian enterprises and which actively encouraged their development. Romanov pointed out that these two groups were "the haute bourgeoisie who sought new markets" and "the extreemly reactionary landowning class." The author, however, questioned the method of Romanov's handling of this problem from the following two points: firstly, these two classes took opposite paths of activity in the development of capitalism; secondly, in the process of establishment of foreign policy they were not in a mutually complmentary relationship but in opposing positions. A reexamination of this class-structure has been attempted from the standpoint of determining the position of Witte's early Manchurian colonial enterprises policy within Witte's larger structure for Russian internal development. The results of such an investigation show the following: the Manchurian colonial enterprises had the significance of being a method of capital outflow for monopolistic state capital; this in particular centering upon the Chinese Eastern Railroad. As an extension of the plan for the growth of the state railroad system within Russia and in conjunction with the policy for exploitation of markets for heavy industrial products, which was a part of Witte's policy for promotion of heavy industries, these enterprises served the interests of Russian heavy industries. However, since Russian heavy industries were dominated by foreign capital, especially French capital, profits derived from them fell directly into the hands of foreign entrepreneural capitarists. The profits of the landowning class, on the contrary, were sacrificed to these foreign capitalists. Thus, it is proposed that Romanov's thesis has room for revision in the sense that the class-foundation of Witte's Far Eastern policy was foreign capital, in particular French enterpreneural capital.
著者
可兒 弘明
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.34, no.3, pp.323-368, 1962-03

序章 鵜羽呪術の展開本論 鵜飼技法の比較考察 I 中國鵜飼技法の検討 歴史的資料 慣行地の分布 ウの馴致過程 技法上の特色 驅使形態の特色 併用される漁具・漁法 II 日本鵜飼の諸檢討 A群(放ち鵜飼) B群(中間形態) C群(繋ぎ鵜飼) 驅使形態の發展段階 ウの捕獲と馴致 III 鵜飼の文化的要素 一元的發生 Non Han (漢) Chinese Culture としての鵜飼 日本的發達の諸相Of all the peoples of the world, the Asian is the only one that has brought the cormorants into a complete and perfect state of domestication. Japan has been an active center of cormorant breeding and fishing ever since the Yamato (大和) dynasty. In China, the center of cormorant fishing has been the lower Yangtse basin including the province of An-hui (安徽). Chiang-si (江西), Che-chiang (浙江), and Chiang-su (江蘇). From Che-chiang the practice spreads southward to the provinces, Fu-chien (福建) and Kwang-tung (広東). In the province of Se-ch'wan (四川) and Yun-nan (雲南), certain places have been noted for the excellance of the cormorants which are bred and trained for fishing. On the whole, cormorant fishing has occured intensly in southern and western China. The south-westernmost point to which the trained cormorants advance is Hanoi (河内) on Song-koi R., Indo-China. In 1931, B. Laufer has published an interesting article on relation of Japanese to Chinese cormorant fishing. The paper treats of this subject from the view-point of fishing method and process of domestication; it argues as follow. Chinese method of breeding, training and fishing are at variance with that of Japan. These two are absolutely different. But his conclution is based on the wrong premisses that the Japanese practice can be defined under the name of harness or team method. In Japan, there is no doubt that a good many local veriations exist in fishing method (cf. Table 1). Most writers who have described Japanese fishing with cormorant fail to mention these various variants. A (Free method) In this method, the birds are always free. A1 A fisherman ties with a cord round the bird's throat not to be able to swallow the fish. Next he let the cormorants loose into the water. Straightway they begin to dive autonomously and catch a great number of fish. This was once practised on Lake Suwa (諏訪) and now in the R. Takatsu (高津), Shimane Pref.. A2 Here the cormorants are only used for chasing. They do not catch fishes by themselves but give chase to fish. Being frightened at a flock of bird, fishes are driven into the nets. A3 Also cormorants are used for rousing fish. But some of them catch fishes. Certain places are noted for this method; amongst these we can name Chikugo (筑後) and Suruga (駿河). A4 This is the similar fishing to A1 and A2. Instead of using cormorants, chase-lines or bamboo poles are prepared for this fishing. The line is called "Unawa" (cormorant rope) and some of them wear the feathers of cormorant. On the top of chase bamboo-pole calling "Uzao" (cormorant pole), sometimes there attaches black charm as a symbol of cormorant. Using those chase-implements, the fishermen rouse the fishes and cacth them by nets. B (Intermediate method) This is a kind of tether method, but they use the chase implements and nets at same time. The Matsura (松浦) River, Hizen (肥前) Province, is noted for this fishing. C (Tether method) This is the most typical fishing with cormorant in Japan. A cord or rein of Japanese cypress fiber, about 12 feets long, is attached to the body of each bird. C1 During daytime, a fisherman cross over the shallow by wading. Manipulating the rein, he uses one or two cormorants. C2 Fishermen go up the river on a boat. On the head of the boat, there hangs out a burning torch. One of them lowers the cormorant one by one into a stream, altogether a team of twelve, and gathers all reins in his left hand, manipulating the various lines thereafter with his right hand, as occasion requires, to keep them free of tangles. Those varying practices, I think, are the index of various stages through which the development of the cormorant utilization has run. It is not difficult for us to imagine what the steps in the primeval process of cormorant fishing have been. Japan may has evolved a method of using cormorant as follow.[figure] The most archetype might be the free method which I named A1. This method of using cormorant is known everywhere in China. On comparing the fishing method of Japan with those of China, the author comes to conclution that the method of fishing with cormorant in Japan is not fundamentally and radically dif- frent from that of China. Thus Chinese and Japanese utilization of the cormorant might have the same basis of origin. However, author has not failed to point out the close resemblance between China and Japan, nor does he lose sight of peculiar growth in Japan. Table 1 [table]
著者
竹田 龍兒
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, no.3, pp.262-287, 1956-12
著者
河北 展生
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.3, pp.375-388, 1972-04
著者
丸山 信
出版者
三田史学会
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.3, pp.80-80, 1981-12

余白録
著者
臼田 雅之
出版者
三田史学会
雑誌
史學 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.84, no.1, pp.109-133, 2015-04

文学部創設125年記念号(第1分冊)論文 東洋史はじめに第一章 詩人の形成とナショナリズム第二章 タゴールとスワデシ運動 : ナショナリズム批判論の形成第三章 ナショナリズム批判の内在的展開おわりに
著者
林 基
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.201-207, 1991

報告第一回座談会三田史学の百年を語る
著者
小川 英雄
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.70, no.1, pp.111-118, 2000

書評一 本書の研究史上の位置二 フリュギアの母神三 ギリシア・ローマのキュベレ結び
著者
神山 四郎
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.4, pp.353-363, 1975

論文One of the crucial problems in contemporary philosophy of history is to determine which is more relevant-historical explanation or historical understanding. Writers on this question may be divided into three types- (1) Idealists, (2) Covering-law theorists, and (3) Reactionists, as M. Mandelbaum has summed them up. I think the only possible approach, in current theoretical arguments, is the third one, which accepts, besides explanation by covering-law, some sort of understanding, especially when it is concerned with a more complicated account of human actions. It does not neccessarilly follow, however, that understanding is a peculiar way of historical inquiry rather than a kind of provisionary account which has still to be 'filled out' by some more rigorous explanation. Historians surely try not just to describe the given events, but to explain them. Thus, 'understanding' might be said to lie in the middle of 'description' and 'explanation'; historians would first describe the events as they were given, and then by attempting to answer the 'why' of these events they would proceed to 'understand' them, and finally when this 'why' could be answered objectively such an 'understanding' might be replaced by an 'explanation.' This, is basically the same in all areas of scientific inquiry of which history may be a rather incomplete one. Thus, the other several kinds of historical explanations, which are supposed to be peculiar to history according to W. Dray and others, would be after all reduced to the Hempelian model of explanation. It is true that historians may seldom succeed in giving explanations as satisfactory as those of physicists, but this does not preclude historians from filling out their explanations. I suppose that the very process of this 'filling out' constitutes progress in the field of historical studies. Scientific explanation is merely a logical instrument of our historical thinking, and need not be extended to a problem of, say, historical perspective, which is surely open to the philosophy of history.
著者
古川 学
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.315-330, 1990-07

学会動向一 はじめに二 ネルー記念図書館三 インド国立古文書館四 その他の図書館 (一) 中央官庁図書館 (二) サプルー・ハウス (三) ジャワーハルラール・ネルー図書館五 おわりに附 日本で見られるデリーの図書館蔵書目録
著者
佐志 傳
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, no.1, pp.168-192, 1958

慶應義塾創立百年記念論文集一 序言二 秦氏のまつる神三 宇佐八幡宮の祠官四 祠官と祭神との関係五 結語It is believed that the Usa-Hachimangu had long been enshrined as a native god in the Usa district, though it was only during the 8th century that people began to deify him as a national god. In the year 725 the Shrine was built for the first time, for previously they had only had the primitive megalithic form of worship. There are two kinds of gods, male and female, in the Hachiman God, Of the two, the Goddess had been worshipped from much older times than the male God by the Ogas 大神氏 in the Izumo circle 出雲系 and the Kara- shimas 辛島氏 who were naturalized Japanese. The male God was worshipped by the Usas 宇佐氏 a powerful family in Usa district. In the later period, those Gods and Goddesses were generally called the Usa-Hachiman-Shin. The Ogas and the Karashimas were both Shamans and accordingly, the Usa-Hachiman's primitive form was Shamanism. It was propagated to the central part of Japan soon afterward through those Shamans who communicated oracles to the people which gave considerable influences upon them. Finally the Hachiman-Shin from being a mere local god came to be worshipped by all the people, including the Emperors, as the National God.
著者
井口 悦男
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, no.1, pp.53-79, 1958

慶應義塾創立百年記念論文集一 はじめに二 井泉の記事の基本的意義三 井泉説話にみられる英雄の變化について四 倭武天皇一考Various descriptions of wells 井泉 are seen in the Hitachi-no-Kuni-Fudoki 常陸風土記 or the Topography of the Province of Hitachi compiled in 713. These wells were introduced as fountains in the topography in question. Hitherto those wells that appear in the topography have been recognized by many of our historians as the sources of drinking water of the people in that province. However, it is apparent, in the writer's opinion, that these wells were also very important irrigation sources for the rice fields, and accordingly they were indispensable to the daily life of the provincial people. The wells in question were connected with the tales of legendaryheroes that were told among the people. The writer of this article believes that the tales introduced in the Hitachi-no-Kuni-Fudoki were those which symbolized the stabilized living conditions of the pioneers in that province and stabilized circumstances under the reigns of Mikados of the Yamato Court. It is also believed that the names of the local heroes in the ancient tales were (gradually) replaced by those of national heroes along with the changing political conditions. Such progress is well traced in the tales of wells. For example, the name of Yamato-Takeru-no-Sumeramikoto 倭武天皇 who was believed at first to be the greatest hero in the Province of Hitachi, was mentioned afterwards as the surname of Yamato-Takeru-no-Mikoto, one of the heroes introduced in the Kojiki (the "Ancient Chronicle" compiled in 712) and Nihon Shoki(the "Chronicle of Japan" compiled in 720) or believed to be the name of a hero of the Province of Hitachi, whose story came from that of Yuryaku-Tenno 雄略天皇. But these explanatory legends are not reliable. The change of the heroe's name in a tale only proves the fact that the power of the Yamato Court was increasing in the period in question.
著者
鈴木 公雄
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
史学 (ISSN:03869334)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.3, pp.225-280, 1992

一 出土貨幣研究の目的 (一) 経済活動復元の資料としての出土貨幣 (二) 出土備蓄銭の考古学的資料整備 (三) 出土備蓄銭の考古学的分析と中世貨幣経済史への接近二 出土備蓄銭の研究史 (一) 出土備蓄銭発見史 (二) 戦前の備蓄銭研究と基本的分析方法の確立 (三) 戦後の備蓄銭研究の進展 (四) 備蓄銭研究と中世経済史 (五) 最近の備蓄銭研究の動向三 出土備蓄銭の集成と概要 (一) 出土備蓄銭の集成 (二) 出土備蓄銭の銭種構成 (三) 最新銭による上限年代の設定 (四) 備蓄銭の出土状況と埋納方法 (五) 備蓄銭出土記録の問題四 出土備蓄銭の時期区分 (一) 備蓄銭埋納風習の成立時期 (二) 出土備蓄銭の時期区分 (三) 時期区分と実年代との相関 (四) 各時期の備蓄銭の分布とその特徴五 出土備蓄銭の銭種組成 (一) 全備蓄銭の銭種組成とその数量比 (二) 上位二〇種銭種組成の分析 (三) 銭種組成の時期別変化 (四) 備蓄銭の分析結果の要約六 出土備蓄銭と中世後期の銭貨流通 (一) 備蓄銭と精銭・悪銭 (二) 永楽通宝の諸問題 (三) 銭貨からみた中世と近世