著者

小泉 龍人

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.139, pp.238-207, 2000-03

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In recent times trade studies of the Uruk to Jemdet Nasr periods in West Asia have delineated internal structures of the society and diverse de-velopments of the economy.The term in the fourth millennium B. C. is in course of urbanization, gradually developing from previous periods.Research on the exchange or trade system during these periods, therefore, could be meaningful for understanding social complexity continuing from the Ubaid period.This article refers to several aspects of the production, cir-culation, and consumption of goods, especially concerning to the wine, through the fourth millennium B. C. in West Asia.There have been fortu-nately found significant evidence of the wine production and distribution from Godin Tepe [Badler 1996], located along the 'Khorasan Road' in the western part of Luristan region in Iran.In this paper, firstly, I present a brief history of previous studies of local exchange and long-distance trade in the ancient West Asia.Then, I de-scribe the archaeological evidence for the production, storage, and consump-tion of wine at Godin Tepe and others, and put in brief order examples possibly implying means of transport, by water and/or land, reconstructing a provisional view of the transportation and distribution of wine in the pe-riods.Finally, I conclude that the wine trade started in the fourth millen-nium B. C. could provide commercial and administrative benefits in the economical and political contexts; that the wine commodities would repre-sent aspects of social complexity towards urbanization during which the rit-ual network in the Ubaid period could be transformed to the trade network in the Uruk period.

著者

宮脇 聡史

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.153, pp.142-126, 2008-03

著者

西谷 大

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.147, pp.340-307, 2005-03

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本文以雲南省的紅河哈尼族彜族自治州金平苗族瑤族傣族自治縣的集市為綫索,一邊把握集市的構成,一邊考察了集市對地域社會所産生的影響。並由此得出當地的不同時代的集市所共有的特性,以及復原出以往的國家周邊地區生活世界的變遷,從而為理解這些變遷提供有用的視點。從調査地者米的集市構成中可以發現的當地的定期集市形成的4個理由,它們是:村民有可以出售的剩餘産品;因為遠離作為大消費市場的都市而且交通不便所以村民不能通過自己的勞力運輸這些剩餘産品;當地集市具有消化這些剩餘産品的功能;由集市網絡和商人等中介的存在所産生的商品流通的必要性。定期集市可以超越過境和民族的界限在地域社會中擴展。定期集市也通過把地域社會融入集市網絡,形成了既可以購買到本地的土特産品又可以購買到外地的生活必需品的商業系統。

著者

福田 安志

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.171, pp.302-278, 2017-03

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The role of Indians in Muscat shifted and changed depending on time periods and contexts. During the Portuguese period, Indians served as providers of provisions for the stationed Por tuguese garrison, as well as merchants for entrepot trade. In the time of Ya'āriba, Indians continued to play a role in entrepot trade in Muscat. In the Busa'īd period toward the end of the 18th century, they acquired importance in entrepot trade, while Muscat became an emporium in the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf trade. The prosperity of Muscat and communication with the Indian subcontinent attracted Indians to Muscat. Then, the Indians in Muscat in the 19th century became tax farmers in Muscat Customs. The British government issued an Order in Council, 'Muscat Order in Council' in 1867, which aimed to regulate the British consular jurisdiction in Muscat. The Order in Council also had an aim to cover Indians in Muscat under the British consular jurisdiction. However, the Muscat Order in Council was a British law, not a treaty with Oman. The Sultan of Oman had no obligation to follow its provisions. The Sultan objected the application of the Order in Oman. Finally, an agreement was reached in 1873 between the Sultan and the British Political Agent and Consul. By the agreement, Indian merchants in Oman were regarded as British subjects and remained under the British Agent and Consular jurisdiction until the independence of India in 1947. The Indians continued to have an important role in Omani economy in the beginning of 20th century, as Indians engaged in the trade of dates with financial ser vices. They played a key role in establishing British dominance over the Sultanate.

著者

持井 康孝

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.82, pp.p45-90, 1980-03

著者

近藤 信彰

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.129, pp.(121)-(176), 1996-02

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This paper is intended as an investigation of historical transformation of a tribal confederation in Iran, the Afshars in Orumiyye province from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. It has been said that a tribal resurgence was dominant tendency in eighteenth century, but no studies have ever tried to analyze the features of the tribes and their relation with local society in these days. Main arguments are following: 1. The Afshars who was a member of the Qizilbash confederation, migrated to Orumiyye at the first half of the seventeenth century in order to defend the Ottoman border and hold governorship of the province until the end of the Safavid period. 2. In the eighteenth century they had closer ties with the local society and became an independent power. Some new tribes joined the Afshar confederation and some Kurdish tribes also supported them on their military expeditions. 3. At the same time the tribal elites chose to live in the Orumiyye city and hold some offices of local government not only military ones but also civil ones such as vakil or mostowfi, and some also became ‘ulama. Some tribesmen poured into the city and behaved themselves like hooligans 4. The tribal chiefs got a amass of land by land exploitation and occupation of waqf land and some tribesmen settled in villages as farmers. 5. Under the Qajars they lose the governorship, but they found an opportunity to get high ranks in the modern army as the result of military reform and retained their power in the province.

著者

小寺 敦

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.170, pp.420-135, 2016-12

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本文是對戰國時代出土文獻──清華大學藏戰國竹簡(清華簡)《繫年》所作的譯注,同时对其史料特征展开初步的考察。清華簡是2008 年秋天清華大學入藏的一批戰國竹簡,一共約有2500 枚。2011 年12 月出版的整理報告《清華大學藏戰國竹簡(貳)》只包括《繫年》篇。《繫年》簡長44.6 ~ 45mm,竹簡共138 枚。簡背有編號,以致只有137 號。全篇分為23 章,字體是楚文字,但不少學者們認為不能由此直接推論這篇作者是楚國人。《繫年》是像《竹書紀年》那樣編年體的史書,但是有部分不像《春秋》、《竹書紀年》那樣的有特定國家紀年的文獻,而是對各諸侯各以其國君紀年。内容大致從西周武王到戰國前期西周和主要諸侯――楚、晉、秦、齊、衞等的興起和鬭爭。

著者

堀井 聡江

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.169, pp.395-432, 2016-03

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Talfīq has been so far studied as modern legislative method inspired by Islamic Reformists, which consists in combining par t of a ruling of one legal school (madhhab) with a part from another. However, talfīq as challenge to the Sunnī four madhāhib system was already a highly controversial issue in premodern periods. This paper will give a rough sketch of how the concept of talfīq, which has different aspects relevant to practise of the Sharīʿa (Islamic law), was developed in the ijtihāḍ/taqlīd theor y from the eleventh to the seventeenth century and discuss their importance in the classical Islamic legal history.

著者

船曳 建夫

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.93, pp.p31-66, 1983-11

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Recent studies on social changes in Melanesia initiated by contact with the West could be divided into two: 1) those on the consequential changes among inhabitants after their closed society was opened up by westerners'visits ; 2) those on socio-political changes at a stage when a small community as a whole after its initial changes is going through social and institutional re-formation. The former are mostly concerned with the process of traditional culture being influenced by Western civilization and the latter with that of traditional society being re-structuralized into a much wider framework, for example, a nation. In the south-western part of Malekula Island, the New Hebrides, however, we can find the two kinds or stages of change referred to occurring in two adjacent areas. In the interior region, the inhabitants called Mbotgote are undergoing initial influence from the West on their culture, though they still keep their own way of life. On the coast, more west-ernized villagers who were converted to Christianity in their own or preceding generations now see a new situation arising from the imminent political schedule of the nation's independence.The author first describes the historical and cultural background of the New Hebrides archipelago and also that of the South-West of Malekula Island.In the description of the setting and the later discussion, a pair of notions, kastom and skul, is used as the analytical framework. Kastom in a narrow sense means ritual objects and, more broadly, anything proper to traditional life.Skul means a church as well as a school, but it has also a broader meaning: anything introduced from the Western world. The history of the archipelago has so far been the one-directional process of the skul side encroaching on the kastom side. But the following microso-ciological examination of the materials from Malekula reveals much oscillating movement of the people in the two areas concerned, which are presented in three aspects : 1) ritual and cosmology, 2) politics and administration, and 3) material life and economy. The interpretation of the data demonstrates that social change at a given time could differ in these three aspects in its extent and direction, and that, however limited their conditions are, these people positively manipulate the new elements of skul as a means to achieve their political and economic ends and even to defend their ritual (kastom) activities. In the last section the author suggests a working hypothesis that the most crucial point in a society's changing phenomena is whether the people's notion of 'change' itself is changing or not. The Mbotgote still basically conceive 'change' as var-iation within a fixed structure, while the coastal Christian people are realizing that 'change' is always there to push them to re-form their life and society under the name of progress or development.

著者

鈴木 董

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, pp.1-71, 1986-11 (Released:2017-06-12)

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The reign of Suleyman the Magnificent was one of the most important periods of the Ottoman history.In his reign, the centralized ruling organization of the empire was firmly established.At the same time, the sutructure of the ruling elites transformed greatly.However, there exist very few detailed monographs which deal with the social composition and career patterns of the Ottoman ruling elites of this period, though discussions on the Lybyer thesis have been going on.In this article, we will try to identify all the vezirazams and vezirs of Suleyman the Magnificent and then will analyze their social origins and career patterns.

著者

芦田 肇

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.143, pp.75-121, 2003-03

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(承前)北京大学教授陳啓修,結束了兩年来的海外考察,在外研究工作,一九二五年夏天,從莫斯科回到北京。一九二五年秋季,英、美、日、法、意、比、葡、荷、端、瑞典、挪威、西班牙、包括東道国的中国,十三個国家的全権代表聚在一起,在北京召開了「関税特別会議」。在這個会議,中国以修訂歴来的不平等条約,収回関税自主権為目標,但是,為用加関税填補政府財政,段祺瑞政府圖謀跟列国達成妥協的協議。這種情況下,北京各大学教員、学生、工人、市民等抗議政府的妥協的態度,組織講演隊,挙行大規模群衆大会、示威游行、其他各種各様的形態活動,以反対「関税特別会議」,取消一切不平等条約,真正収回関税自主。十月下旬到十一月在北京,這様「関税自主」運動高漲起来了。陳啓修,做講演,并作為群衆運動的領袖担任群衆大会主席,各種各様的形式積極参与這個「関税自主」運動。十一月底,由于郭松齢軍擧旗造反張作霖,使北京政治局勢変化不定了。由此,「関税自主」運動的目標提升為「推翻段祺瑞政府」,「召開国民会議」,「建立国民政府」。十一月二十八日,二十九日,在北京召開大規模的国民大会,会後游行隊包圍了段祺瑞執政府和段宅。這次所謂「首都革命」是中共北方区委組織発動的。但是「首都革命」失敗了。陳啓修与「首都革命」有過怎様的直接、或具体的関係,現在還不詳。但是,從他参与了「首都革命」前後的群衆運動的事実来判断,就可以推測他某種程度上也会跟這次「首都革命」有関係。因日本進兵南満洲,從二五年底到二六年初,群衆運動的重要課題又轉為「反日」、「反帝国主義」。発生大沽口事件,列国向中国政府発出「八国最後通牒」。北京各界,無論政治立場是左是右,站起来提出強烈抗議,開始示威行動。三月十八日,在天安門召開国民大会,会後群衆示威游行,向執政府国務院請願行動。国務院衛隊向游行隊伍開槍,死了很多人,発生空前的流血惨劇。在那天的大会上,陳啓修作為主席団成員之一,就坐在台上了。他作為群衆運動的領袖之一,有被逮捕的現実的可能性,於是就離開北京,從此踪迹消失。陳啓修重新出現人們面前時是,五月,在南方的広州。(待続)

著者

宮脇 聡史

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.157, pp.122-154, 2010-03-26

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In spite of the recent interest in Southeast Asian religion in public sphere, there is relatively few endeavors for research on the national identity of majority religions. This short paper deals with this issue, taking an example of how the Catholic Church authority in the Philippines has established its narrative on some aspects of Philippine past history.// First the author gives a brief explanation about the Philippine history in relation to Catholic Church’s missions, and makes it clear that, in spite of its intentions, the Church history can never be interpreted without being connected to the colonial hegemonic past, in the context of Catholicism becoming majority.// Then an example of the public document of the Church evaluating the Philippine past society as a Spanish colony is examined in the context of the Catholic Church’s struggle for ecclesial renewal in 1960-80s. The Church’s stor ytelling is about Spanish colonial past as the Golden Age and the modernization as the Fall, and the Church is authorized as re-evangelizing agent in the Christianized yet fallen Philippine society.// Then he explains further about how the democratization of the Philippines and the Church’s active role in that process made the issues of national identity of the Church more complicated in relation to being the leader of the majority religion. Here two exemplar texts about the Philippine Revolution is taken up in the context of the emergence of ambivalent meaning of “revolution” for the Church in the post-authoritarian political arena of the Philippines.// And finally he gives some suggestions in relation to the future comparative studies on the national identity of the majority religions in Southeast Asian countries.

著者

池端 雪浦

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, pp.41-194, 1980-02

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One of the main causes leading to the failure of the Philippine Revolution is often attributed to be the oppotunism of its leadership. However, full-scale research has not yet been undertaken. The historical period focused upon in my study is limited to the period from the outbreak of the Revolution to the American intervention (August 1896 to April, 1898). During this time the two leading poweres were the Supreme Council of the Katipunan under the presidency of Andres Bonifacio and the Caviteño principalía group headed by Emilio Aguinaldo. The present paper tries to analyze these two leading powers, their class characters, ideology, supporters, institutionalization of mass control and the extent of this control. I also provide some new interpretations of the reasons why the leadership of the Revolution was transferred from Bonifacio to Aguinaldo and why Aguinaldo gave up the Revolution to conclude peace with Spain.

著者

近藤 龍哉

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.151, pp.55-95, 2007-03-23

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胡風就自己與日本進歩評論家矢崎彈的交流,寫過一篇回憶文章<憶矢崎彈―向摧殘文化的野蠻的日本政府抗議>,發表於1937年9月,即中日戰爭爆發後胡風創刊的《七月》(週刊)第三期(1937. 9. 25)。矢崎於同年5月訪問上海,並與胡風多次会談,當時通過文學暢談,相互留下了深刻印象。胡風接到強烈希望與中國文壇進行交流的矢崎卻因此而遭到日本官憲逮捕的消息後,寫下了這篇文章,如實地記述了與矢崎的交流,並證實其交流幾乎完全是與文學相關的,對在所謂“憲政"下的日本,濫用權利將其逮捕的日本政府的野蠻行為提出了強烈抗議。有關與矢崎的交流,胡風在名譽恢復後所寫的《回憶錄》中僅略微渉及,其眞實情况仍不太明確。造成這一現狀的原因主要有:矢崎彈的評論活動自1932年至1946年的15年主要集中於戰爭時期,戰後幾乎未能活躍即死去;由於矢崎無論是左還是右都不処於日本文壇的中心,而是從獨特的位置從事評論活動,其在戰後的日本並不怎麼受關注,因此對其的研究也無進展。另外加上同人雜誌《星座》又是極不易看到的資料。此次我想以胡風的這篇文章為綫索,並盡可能根據當時的資料,搞清其交流的眞實情况。這次我有幸看到了以下新資料胡風受矢崎之約所寫的、發表於矢崎主辧的《星座》雜誌上的日語文章〈我的心境〉、登載在《星座》上的矢崎彈的上海滯留日記、歸國後的矢崎發表於日本的雜誌等刊物上的文章、矢崎在上海與王統照交換《星座》和《文学》雜誌的特約關系、籌劃雜誌交換的詩人五城康雄(《星座》同人)謀求中日文學交流的文章等。我想根據這些新資料,闡明矢崎彈究竟是一個什麼樣的評論家?他是以何目的訪問上海的?訪問又是在怎樣的社会狀態下進行的?在上海進行了哪些活動?回國後的交流經過如何等問題,並試圖考察這種交流具有什麼樣的意義。

著者

[著者名なし]

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.161, 2012-03-27

著者

渡邉 義浩

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.166, pp.1-27, 2014-12

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Ge Hong 葛洪, who was born into a poor family in Jiangdong 江東, was such an ardent admirer of Lu Ji 陸機, who had not been blessed with good rulers and died a violent death during the Rebellion of the Eight Princes, that he sent one of his students to Lu Ji’s encampment to inquire of his dying words. For this reason, following in the footsteps of Lu Ji’s “Bianwang lun” 辯亡論, which described the fall of the Sun Wu 孫呉, Ge Hong discussed the fall of the Sun Wu in the “Wushi” 呉失 chapter of his Baopuzi 抱朴子. When discussing the fall of the Sun Wu, Ge Hong’s historical perceptions were premised on the notion that past and present are of equal value (junshi 鈞世). This was influenced by the “Qishi” 齊世 chapter in the Lunheng 論衡 by Wang Chong 王充, but whereas Wang Chong put forward the idea of the equality of the ages (qishi) in order to glorify the Han dynasty, Ge Hong’s idea of junshi did not lead to praise of the Western Jin 晉. Rather, there is reflected in the “Wushi” chapter a sense of crisis regarding the Western Jin, which was in a state of upheaval. What concerned Ge Hong the most was the modus operandi of rulers who did not make use of wise men, something that he also emphasized as the cause of the fall of the Sun Wu. Lu Ji’s “Bianwang lun” similarly criticized the failure to employ men of wisdom, but he did so in order to satirize the foolishness of the emperor Huidi 惠帝 of the Western Jin. In contrast, Ge Hong’s view in this regard reflected his perception of the times, which was premised on his proposals to the administration of Wang Dao 王導 and Sima Rui 司馬睿, who had heralded a policy towards Jiangdong that promised to respect local customs and recruit talented men. In the Baopuzi, Ge Hong discussed critically in regard to respect for local customs how the customs of Jiangdong had deteriorated as a result of rule by the Western Jin, and with regard to the recruitment of talented men he criticized on the basis of his historical perception of the final years of the Later Han the manner in which appointments were made in the late Western Jin. Like the late Western Jin, the final years of the Later Han were a time when the system for making of ficial appointments had collapsed because of distor tions in the assessment of nominees, and in the Baopuzi Ge Hong presented the administration of Wang Dao and Sima Rui with concrete proposals for reforming the system for making official appointments. His proposal, based on a historical perception that viewed past and present as being of equal value, was one that did not discriminate between the Chinese heartland, inhabited by descendants of the victors, and Jiangdong, inhabited by descendants of a defeated state, and it included penal provisions for recommenders and aimed to employ men of the categories of “filial and incorrupt” (xiaolian 孝廉) and “cultivated talent” (xiucai 秀才) on the basis of examinations in Confucian learning. This was not a proposal that directly reformed the nine-rank rectifier system (jiupin zhongzheng 九品中正) that provided the institutional guarantee for turning out high-ranking officials in the Western Jin, and here one can discern the limitations and earnestness of Ge Hong, who came from a poor but influential local clan in Jiangdong.

著者

田仲 一成

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, pp.129-440, 1977-03

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In the previous two chapters (II & III), the author came to the conclusion that the scripts of local dramas had been differentiated into three kinds;(1) the classical type of scripts with naive expressions to be used for the performance of village community plays,(2) the new type of scripts with elegant expressions for landlord's clan plays, and (3) vulgar scripts with licentious and rebellious expressions for market plays. Under these circumstances, it would be natural to suppose that from one basic text there had come out variations of popular drama used for the performance of all kinds of plays. Sufficient clues to resolve this problem can be found in the critical notes of P‘an-k‘e-shih-jen 槃〓碩人 on P‘i-p‘a chi 琵琶記 and Hsi-hsiang chi 西廂記, in which the reviser described the differences in words and phrases as regional variants, such as Texts of Metropolitan Drama 京本, Min Drama 〓本, Hui Drama 徽本, Wu Drama 呉本, etc. These notes lead us to take note that regional variations corresponded with each of the abovementioned kinds of scripts according to the basis of social class. Thus, in the supplementary part of Chapter IV, the author makes a careful analysis of the variants of both P‘i-p‘a chi and Hsi-hsiang chi texts to examine the relation between regional and social divisions among local dramas. (1) The first group of texts with naive and unrefined expressions are identified with Wu Drama Texts (or Old Drama Texts 旧本). Their words and phrases might have originated from immature performances at the she-miao 社廟 plays, and thus they can be regarded as the scripts for village community plays. (2) The second group of texts, which corresponded with Min Drama Texts, would be used mainly for clan plays in landowners'residences, for crude and simple expressions of Wu Drama Texts were generally revised into elegant and noble ones in Min Drama Texts. But there were still found some unrefined words well suited for village community plays. Therefore we presume that this group were formed in the transitional stage of the development from village community plays to landlord's clan plays. (3) The third group of texts, which corresponded with Metropolitan Drama Texts, must be regarded as an ideal script for the performance of the clan plays of the landowner class. In these texts whole vulgar words were perfectly deleted or revised into the most elegant ones, which were used to flatter the establishment. We may say that this group were the final achievement in the process of revision on the side of landlord class. (4) The fourth group of texts having common expressions with Hui Drama Texts can be considered as market play scripts to be performed for peasants and merchants, because the most licentious and rebellious expressions were found in these texts, especially in parts of inserted speeches. So it may be said that this group was the achievement of the poor and lower classes. Generally speaking, the elegant scripts of landlord clan plays were written by the intellectuals in such urban places as Nan-king 南京, while the vulgar scripts had been developed at the hands of anonymous writers for the poor and lower classes in rural market places of Min and An-hui Provinces. From the viewpoint of the history of Chinese local drama, Hui Drama Texts would be estimated as the most important script among all groups. We can say from the analysis of words and phrases that the group of I-yang ch‘iang 弋陽腔 Texts came out from Hui Drama Texts and then were succeeded by Gao ch‘iang 高腔 Drama, which is one of the most popular local dramas in modern times. In the concluding chapter of this article, the auther will deal with the problem of what class of people made the An-hui-I-yang dramas popular throughout almost all the country in the Ming and Ch‘ing periods.

著者

高橋 忠彦

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, pp.243-272, 1989-03

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Though tea-drinking plays an important role in the history of Chinese culture, the development of its methods has not yet been studied enough.In this paper the author tries to describe the history of tea in China centering around three main types of drinking, namely jian-cha (煎茶), diancha (點茶) and pao-cha (泡茶).In the chapter I, where these concepts are denned, some basic changes in the methods how to prepare tea are argued.In the chapter II, the jian-cha during the Tang period is researched, while the next chapter treats of the dian-cha in the Song dynasty.Here it is tried to elucidate the concrete images of caked and powdered tea of these days by the aid of lines from poets and treaties on tea.In the following chapters, IV and V, it is described how the pao-chamethod has developed not from the dian-cha but from the jian-cha which had remained till the Yuan period when some transitional drinking methods are found.In the conculusion it can be said that most of changes in the tea-drinking types are understood systematically, as is seen in the last chapter.

著者

西川 喜久子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.105, pp.p283-378, 1988-02

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十九世紀中葉,清朝政府外有鴉片戦争,内有以太平天国為頂点的全国性的民衆造反,受到極大的衝撃。但它終于没有塌臺,其統治経過支配体制的再編成,又延續了半個世紀。這種強靭性從何而来呢?本文試通過研究于咸豊五年開設的順徳團練總局的成立過程,實際状態及活動情況,来掲示十九世紀後半期的清朝統治基礎的一個方面。順徳縣属于廣東省州府。本文首先對于順徳團練總局的両個統率者―龍元僖・羅惇衍二人及他們所属的龍氏一族・羅氏一族進行研究,以族譜・地方志・奏稿等為依據,探求他們的系譜,同族結合的實際状況,以及作為郷紳活動的特徴。其次對于組成順徳團練總局的・大良公局・新青雲文社・東海護沙局,分別考察了它們各自的成立過程和實際状況,然後進一歩從財政・"捜匪"・捐輸・地方公事等各方面對順徳團練總局的活動加以分析研究。作為以上幾方面研究的結論,本文指出以下幾点。(1) 順徳縣的地主沙田所有,自乾隆時期以後更加大規模化。(2) 道光・咸豊年間,随着宗族内部的階層分化,順徳縣的同族結合逐歩解体,原来基本上歸属于各宗族的郷紳,從狭小的宗族的框里歩出来,開始了政治上的結集。(3) 一直作為宗法制的経済基礎而發揮作用的"公産",已轉化為替郷紳勢力服務的"公産"。(4) 随着羅惇衍・龍元僖當上中央政府的高官,郷紳的政治結集有了飛躍的發展,導至清政府公認的郷紳權力機関―順徳團練總局的成立。(5) 另一方面,清朝中央權力一方通過羅・龍―順徳團練總局的渠道,從東海十六沙吸収資金,對縫補已満是破綻的財政,起到了作用。(6) 由于天地会的反抗闘争而陥于癱瘓的清朝地方權力和順徳團練總局之間,是相互補充的關係,二者相互依存,維持了清朝的地方統治。

著者

池田 一人

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.162, pp.154-266, 2012-12-20

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This paper aims to outline the development of knowledge on the Karen people of Burma, and to locate the first publication of the Christian version of Karen history in this knowledge formation process. In "A History of the Pgakanyaw," Saw Aung Hla narrates a history of struggle against persistent attempts by Buddhist Burmans and Mons to swallow the Pgakanyaw, who, with their unique language, script, culture, and kingship, had managed for many centuries to hold to a monotheistic faith, which was to be later fulfilled as Christianity. The question, then, is; what is the origin of the historiography of this first Christian version of Karen history? A substantial part of the Karen knowledge widely shared to date was mostly formed by the American Baptist missionaries during the second quarter of the nineteenth century in Tenasserim Division of colonial Burma. Two early Baptist missionaries played prominent roles with the help of nameless Karen assistants. Jonathan Wade was the creator of both Sgaw and Pwo orthographies, and the compiler of the dictionaries and grammar books. Through his works, Karen ethnicity emerged and was linguistically defined. Francis Mason published the first systematic and general description of the Karen people as a part of the natural history of Tenasserim Division. Mason's core idea that the Karen were a lost tribe of Israelites and therefore originated as a biblical nation remained unquestioned until doubtful anthropologists gained the initiative in interpreting the ethnic origin of the Karen. Knowledge on the Karen was in the first place produced, collected and shaped in an organized manner by the hands of the Baptists. It was then distributed through printing and publication, and shared with the world. Throughout the nineteenth century, the Baptist mission created an amount of information and knowledge on the Karen as never been seen before in Burma. These had in time attained the quality of valuable "first-hand records" and "classics" indispensable for knowing who the Karen were. British colonialists who came into contact with the Karen a few decades later also followed the understanding carved out by the early Baptists. On the other hand, the two other concerned parties, who, to modern eyes, were supposed to have held a close relationship with Karen knowledge, remained silent up to the twentieth century in terms of written sources. They were the Karen themselves on one side, and the ethnic Burman, a neighbor to the Karen, on the other. The records of the former would be discovered if a serious research were to be conducted on the early Sgaw and Pwo periodicals kept in the Baptist missionary archive in America. The lack of sources on the latter would tend to indicate theoretical skepticism about whether the ethnic category, consciousness or identity of "Burman" and "Myanmar" had truly already been established among the Burman speaking population in nineteenth century Burma. Around the turn of the twentieth century, the British colonial administrators began to survey the Karen as a subject to be ruled and integrated, and added a vast amount of demographic and linguistic data to the Baptist-originated perceptions on the Karen. The twentieth century saw another institutionalization of Karen knowledge when anthropology began to deal with the Karen and built up an academically verified and systematized knowledge of the Karen. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Burma was rapidly transformed into an ethnically organized and articulated society. Burman nationalism was, of course, the most acute expression of this ethnicization. Along with the elevated nationalistic atmosphere, the Karen were often accused of siding with the colonialists, and their image deteriorated and became fixed in the mind of the Burman majority. On the side of the so-called Karen people, Baptists, who had already grown influential in colonial Burma, started to propagate their ethnic claims especially in the political sphere, and at the same time their public utterances began to be recorded, particularly in the English language. The 1940s was a major transitional period in Burmese history, and the Karen were now becoming more and more a significant political issue in Burma. After Burma accomplished independence, a substantial change occurred in conditions on the mode of Karen knowledge production. American Baptists and British colonialists, two major and privileged composers of Karen knowledge, left Burma and the Karen for good. A fair amount of witness reports that continuously radiated the impression of the Karen as being "Christian," "pro-British," and "anti-Burman" were left behind, and these turned into valuable and firm historical records which were never to be updated again. Saw Aung Hla's version of Karen history is, in this perspective, a legitimate and fundamentalistic successor to the Karen knowledge which had been fostered in Baptist mission history in Burma. It was also one of the most carefully structured ethnic claims made in the late colonial Burma.