6 0 0 0 OA ヤズドのハーン家の社会経済的背景:建設事業とワクフを中心として
- 著者
- 近藤 信彰
- 出版者
- 東洋文庫
- 雑誌
- 東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.76, no.1・2, pp.053-083, 1994-10
It has been pointed out that local elites who de facto ruled provinces played the important role in Iranian society during 18th and 19th centuries. The purpose of this paper is, as a case study of these elites, to analyze public buildings and Vaqf endowments of Moḥammad Taqī Khān and his family in Yazd province and to examine their contribution to the local society and their social and economic background.Public buildings of Moḥammad Taqī Khān who ruled Yazd from 1748 to 1798 fall into three categories: (a) buildings in the suburb of Yazd city, like qanāts and baāhs (gardens), (b) buildings in the bazar area of Yazd city, like a madrasa, commercial establishments and a public square, (c) buildings in Taft, like qanāts and agricultural land. These buildings became political, economic and cultural center of Yazd city and promoted the city expansion to the suburb. His 1755’s vaqf endowment covers the expense of the madrasa which he built and by 1797-8’s vaqf deed he decided the terms for maintenance of qanāts. His children succeeded his activities and built a lot of qanāts, bāghs, and agricultural land. At last his family’s endowments reached about 40% of all vaqf endowments in Yazd. These activities not only sound investments and means to hold estate but also good deeds for local society and means to get local support to their government in Yazd. The fact that they controlled the finance of local government and employed it freely made these activities possible.We may, therefore, reasonably concluded that Moḥammad Taqī Khān and his family had a solid social and economical base in the local society as a result of these activities. And I suppose that the existence of such local elites as Moḥammad Taqī Khān had a strong influence on the structure of Qajar dynasty that united Iran again.
1998年2月に「ユダヤ人と十字軍に対するジハードのための国際イスラーム戦線」が結成されて以来、いわゆる「イスラム原理主義過激派」のジハード(聖戦)は新たな段階に入った。そこでは、これまでイスラーム諸国の政府を最大の敵と見て、これに対する武装闘争を展開してきたこれら過激派が、反政府武装闘争を否定するウサーマ・ビンラーディンのもとに結集し、彼の指揮するアルカーイダとともに、反イスラエル・反米武装闘争を優先する組織へと移行する現象が見られたのである。本研究の主な目的は、結果として「9,11」米国同時多発テロを引き起こすことになるこうした変化がなぜ起こったのか、また対外武装闘争を実践しようとする諸組織の実態はいかなるものか、を地域横断的に分析することにあった。このため、各年度の重点地域を中央アジア、中東、東南アジア、南アジアに設定し、それぞれの地域におけるジハード理論の変容と実践を現地調査するとともに、必要に応じて毎年各地で継続的な定点観測も行っている。その結果、当初設定した課題には、(1)諸国政府による苛酷な弾圧の結果、「イスラム原理主義過激派」にとって反政府武装闘争の継続が著しく困難になったこと、(2)パレスチナやイラクに代表されるムスリム同胞へのイスラエルや米国の攻撃・殺戮が看過できないレベルに達したと判断されたこと、という回答が得られた。またこの調査では、特に「9.11」以降欧米や中東のムスリムの間で論じられ、強く意識もされてきた"ISLAMOPHOBIA"(地球規模でのムスリムに対する差別・迫害)現象がアフガニスタン戦争、イラク戦争を経て東南アジアや南アジアのムスリムにもまた深刻な問題として意識されるようになっており、こうした差別・迫害に対する抵抗手段として、ウサーマ・ビンラーディン型のジハードを支持、参入する傾向がますます強くなりつつある事実も明らかになっている。
2 0 0 0 OA 19 世紀イランにおける地方権力と部族 : ガヴァーム家とハムセ
- 著者
- 近藤 信彰
- 出版者
- 上智大学
- 雑誌
- 上智アジア学 (ISSN:02891417)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.16, pp.21-38, 1998-12-26
〈特集〉イラン研究動向(Trends in Iranian Studies)
1 0 0 0 ペルシア語写本の世界 = جهان نسخههای خطی فارسی : نمونههائی از دستنوشتههای ایرانی, ماوراء النهری و هندی
- 著者
- 羽田亨一 近藤信彰共編
- 出版者
- 東京外国語大学アジア・アフリカ言語文化研究所
- 巻号頁・発行日
- 2006
- 著者
- 近藤 信彰
- 出版者
- 上智大学アジア文化研究所
- 雑誌
- 上智アジア学 (ISSN:02891417)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- no.25, pp.161-195, 2007
〈特集〉イラン世界とその周辺地域 : その形成と展開
- 著者
- 近藤 信彰
- 出版者
- 公益財団法人 史学会
- 雑誌
- 史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.99, no.6, pp.1162-1163, 1990-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)
1 0 0 0 OA キジルバシュのその後 : 17~19世紀オルーミーエ地方のアフシャール部
- 著者
- 近藤 信彰
- 出版者
- 東京大学東洋文化研究所
- 雑誌
- 東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.129, pp.(121)-(176), 1996-02
This paper is intended as an investigation of historical transformation of a tribal confederation in Iran, the Afshars in Orumiyye province from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. It has been said that a tribal resurgence was dominant tendency in eighteenth century, but no studies have ever tried to analyze the features of the tribes and their relation with local society in these days. Main arguments are following: 1. The Afshars who was a member of the Qizilbash confederation, migrated to Orumiyye at the first half of the seventeenth century in order to defend the Ottoman border and hold governorship of the province until the end of the Safavid period. 2. In the eighteenth century they had closer ties with the local society and became an independent power. Some new tribes joined the Afshar confederation and some Kurdish tribes also supported them on their military expeditions. 3. At the same time the tribal elites chose to live in the Orumiyye city and hold some offices of local government not only military ones but also civil ones such as vakil or mostowfi, and some also became ‘ulama. Some tribesmen poured into the city and behaved themselves like hooligans 4. The tribal chiefs got a amass of land by land exploitation and occupation of waqf land and some tribesmen settled in villages as farmers. 5. Under the Qajars they lose the governorship, but they found an opportunity to get high ranks in the modern army as the result of military reform and retained their power in the province.
1 0 0 0 OA キジルバシュのその後 : 17~19世紀オルーミーエ地方のアフシャール部
- 著者
- 近藤 信彰
- 出版者
- 東京大学東洋文化研究所
- 雑誌
- 東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.129, 1996-02
This paper is intended as an investigation of historical transformation of a tribal confederation in Iran, the Afshars in Orumiyye province from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. It has been said that a tribal resurgence was dominant tendency in eighteenth century, but no studies have ever tried to analyze the features of the tribes and their relation with local society in these days. Main arguments are following: 1. The Afshars who was a member of the Qizilbash confederation, migrated to Orumiyye at the first half of the seventeenth century in order to defend the Ottoman border and hold governorship of the province until the end of the Safavid period. 2. In the eighteenth century they had closer ties with the local society and became an independent power. Some new tribes joined the Afshar confederation and some Kurdish tribes also supported them on their military expeditions. 3. At the same time the tribal elites chose to live in the Orumiyye city and hold some offices of local government not only military ones but also civil ones such as vakil or mostowfi, and some also became ‘ulama. Some tribesmen poured into the city and behaved themselves like hooligans 4. The tribal chiefs got a amass of land by land exploitation and occupation of waqf land and some tribesmen settled in villages as farmers. 5. Under the Qajars they lose the governorship, but they found an opportunity to get high ranks in the modern army as the result of military reform and retained their power in the province.
1 0 0 0 OA 9・11後のイスラーム世界におけるイスラームフォビア意識の浸透に関する研究
ムスリム(イスラーム教徒)を反米武装闘争(「テロ」)に駆り立ててきた/いる,ほとんど唯一の要因と思われる「イスラームフォビア(ムスリムへの迫害・攻撃)」意識の広範な浸透の実態とその要因,また「イスラームフォビア」として認識される具体的な事例は何かを地域毎に現地調査した。その結果,パレスチナ問題をはじめとする中東での紛争・戦争が世界中のムスリムに共通の被害者意識を与えていること,それゆえに反米武装闘争を自衛の戦いとして支持する者が多く,反イスラエル武装闘争を支持する者に至っては依然増加を続ける気配であることが明らかになった。