著者

外川 昌彦

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.159, pp.322-360, 2011-03-28

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This paper addresses Mahatma Gandhi's views on the Japanese in the 1930s throught the analysis of exchanges between Gandhi and rev. Fujii Nichidatsu (Fujii Guruji), who is the founder of the Japanese Buddhist sect, Nipponzan Myohoji. Fujii met Gandhi at his ashram in Wardha on 4 October 1933 and stayed there for two months. Thereafter, the two promoted intimate relations, which were described in Fujii's diary in detail and have so far been the topic of various arguments by scholars. However, this study examines Fujii's descriptions using other records on Gandhi, and from the background of Indo-Japan relations in the 1930s. In particular, the author discusses Gandhi's different attitudes towards Fujii's disciples and explains why Fujii and his disciples were able to maintain an intimate relation with Gandhi in spite of his critical opinions on the Japanese army's aggression against China.

著者

鎌田 繁

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, pp.119-192, 1992-03

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‘Allāmah al-Hillī (d. 626/1325), as well as his teacher Nasīr al-Dīn al-Tūsī (d. 672/1274), is one of the important thinkers in the history of thought of the Twelver (Ithnā ‘ashari) Shī‘īsm in the West Asia under the Mongols. His many treatises of the Ithnā‘asharī doctrines and jurisprudence formed a solid foundation of the later development of the Shī‘ī religious sciences. The Kashf al-murād is a compendium of the Ithnā‘asharī Shī‘ītheology (kalām) written by Hillī in the form of commentary on Tūs's Tajrīd al-i‘tīqād. Hillī discusses in the fifth chapter of this work the nature and authority of the Imām as follows: (1) the installation of Imām is obligatory on God; (2) he is infallible; (3) he is the best among his contemporaries; (4) he is designated by his predecessor; (5) ‘Ali is the Imām immediate after the Prophet; (6) Demonstrations of the absence of imāmah except in ‘Ali; (7)‘Ali is the best Companion; (8) the imāmah of the other Imāms; and (9) the judgment of the transgressors. In this paper we have presented an annotated Japanese translation of the whole chapter V except the section dealing with ‘Ali's being the best Companion after a brief introduction to Hillī's life and the nature of his demonstration. Our translation is based on the texts of the following two editions, (1) Kashf al-murād fi sharh tajrīd al-i‘tiqād, Mashhad: Kitābfurūshī-yi Ja‘farī, n. d., pp. 225-250, and (2) Kashf al-murād fī sharh tajrīd al-i‘tiqād, Hasan Hasanzāda al-Āmulī (ed.), Qumm, 1407, pp. 361-398.

著者

田中 公明

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.152, pp.400-381, 2007-12-19

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The S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra nāma mahātantrarāja preserved in the Tibetan Kanjur has traditionally been classified as a Yoga Tantra and has been regarded as one of the longer versions of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Although there is no complete Chinese translation, it has long been known that the Jingangchang zhuangyan banruo boluomiduo jiao zhong yifen 金剛場荘厳般若波羅蜜多敎中一分 (Taishō no. 886), translated by Dānapāla, corresponds to the final section of the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra. Hitherto this tantra has received the attention of Japanese researchers primarily as an alternative version of either the shorter or longer version of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Through an examination of quotations in other texts and parallel passages shared with other tantras I have reached the conclusion that this tantra can be dated to the second half of the eighth century. Worthy of particular note is the existence of more than ten verses shared with the opening section of the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, one of the earliest Mother Tantras, and there is a strong possibility that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra has taken these verses from the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga. This indicates that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra, a Yoga Tantra, postdates the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, a Mother Tantra (albeit one of the earliest) belonging to the Highest Yoga Tantras. Although a large number of later Yoga Tantras are preserved in the Tibetan canon, the original Sanskrit text of none except the Sarvadurgatiparis´odhana-tantra has survived. Consequently their importance has been underestimated, but there is a need for further research on these tantras in order to elucidate the development of Indian Tantric Buddhism.

著者

平勢 隆郎

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, 1994-02

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筆者從前談到過再排列戰國紀年的問題,研討古本《竹書紀年》與《六國年表》之間的矛盾,渉及惹起該矛盾的原因,就是戰國中期生起從立年稱元到踰年稱元的轉換。本文作其續稿,略述在前稿不能談到的問題,提示《戰國各國紀年一覧》及其補表《『史記』戰國年代檢索表》,一部分修改前稿《君主立卒年一覧》的内容。衆所周知散在《史記》的同一内容事件之中,有些在用《六國年表》得知的年代互相不吻合。然而利用本文提示的新年表,該事件列在同一年代了。當然的是從前用《六國年表》列在同一年代的事件之中,却發生了在新年表上互相年代不吻合的情況。該事件是從《秦紀》、《趙紀》等具體内容豐富的紀年記載用《六國年表》轉寫到其他國家紀年的,所以説明該轉寫的具體過程就行。這些説明寫在《『史記』戰國年代檢索表》。管見《戰國各國紀年一覧》,就知道有關秦,楚兩國的事件有時候其年次比其他國家的差一年。筆者認為那是為秦顓頊曆、楚建亥曆年頭與夏正等曆有差別的情況所引起的。

著者

平勢 隆郎

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.123, pp.p1-84, 1994-02

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筆者從前談到過再排列戰國紀年的問題,研討古本《竹書紀年》與《六國年表》之間的矛盾,渉及惹起該矛盾的原因,就是戰國中期生起從立年稱元到踰年稱元的轉換。本文作其續稿,略述在前稿不能談到的問題,提示《戰國各國紀年一覧》及其補表《『史記』戰國年代檢索表》,一部分修改前稿《君主立卒年一覧》的内容。衆所周知散在《史記》的同一内容事件之中,有些在用《六國年表》得知的年代互相不吻合。然而利用本文提示的新年表,該事件列在同一年代了。當然的是從前用《六國年表》列在同一年代的事件之中,却發生了在新年表上互相年代不吻合的情況。該事件是從《秦紀》、《趙紀》等具體内容豐富的紀年記載用《六國年表》轉寫到其他國家紀年的,所以説明該轉寫的具體過程就行。這些説明寫在《『史記』戰國年代檢索表》。管見《戰國各國紀年一覧》,就知道有關秦,楚兩國的事件有時候其年次比其他國家的差一年。筆者認為那是為秦顓頊曆、楚建亥曆年頭與夏正等曆有差別的情況所引起的。

著者

岡本 さえ

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.73, pp.p45-115, 1977-03

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Après une étude sur les Erchen 弐臣*, fonctionnaires qui servirent les deux dynasties Ming et Qing, nous poursuivons nos recherches sur les"esprits libres"condamnes par l'autorité mandchoue au cours de l'ère Qianlong 乾隆 (1736-1795).Nous commencons cet article par une analyse des livres censurés par les Qing 清代禁書, qui par leurs auteurs comme par leurs sujets se rattachent à l'époque de transition des Ming et des Qing-16ème et 17ème siècles (Chap. I, § 1).Ensuite, nous étudions les caractéristiques de ces livres: premièrement,"l' utilitarisme"qu' utilisaient les auteurs pour renforcer la dynastie chinoise avant la chute de celle-ci, et après cette chute, pour faire valoir leurs talents (Chap. I, § 2); deuxièmement, le goût de l'histoire pour sauvegarder l'héritage culturel des Ming (Chap. I, § 3); et troisièmement, la mise en cause de la méthode de gewu zhizhi 格物致知 où ils cherchaient à voir une fonction du qi 気, c'est-à-dire, du principe de leur existence, menacée sous la domination étrangère (Chap. I, § 4).En analysant l'esprit de ces auteurs, nous mettons en lumière leur formation anti-mandchoue.Les sentiments vis-à-vis des"Barbares Mandchous"évoluèrent passablement au cours du 17eme siecle.Mais, la majorite des auteurs refusèrent la domination des Qing parce que ces dominateurs avaient pris la Chine non par la loi (fa 法) mais par la violence (wufa 無法)(Chap. II, § 5).Dans un article ultérieur, nous verrons la source de cette méfiance vis-à-vis des Mandchous (Chap. II, § 6); puis nous examinerons les idées"hétérodoxes"selon les points de vue suivants: querelles des auteurs (Chap. III, § 7); structure des idées"hétérodoxes"(Chap. III, § 8); rôle de"l'hétérodoxie"(yiduan 異端) dans l'histoire de la pensée chinoise (Chap. III, § 9).voir le Tōyō bunka kenkyusho kiyō n°68, 1976, pp. 101-177

著者

窪 徳忠

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, 1959-03

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Kōshin beliefs still maintained by many people in Tokyo and other parts of the country are believed by Japanese folklorists to be peculiar to Japanese culture.I cannot help casting doubt on this idea, however, since Kōshin beliefs have much in common with San-shih beliefs of Taoism in China.I recently published a small book entitled'Kōshin Beliefs', in which I tried to make a comparative study.In this book, however, I was unable to drive my argument home, because had to be omitted for fear of over-complexity.In this paper I have prepared a chronological table from the original texts giving data concerning the regular functions of Kōshin beliefs as collected from Japanese history books, diaries, poetry, and other sources from the Nara period to the end of Tokugawa era.The paper gives an outline of change in the functions of Kōshin beliefs in Japan, the terminology used, and the manner in which people worship.I have also included three examples of Kōshin monuments, which I think may be of high value in this.Since the documentary sources which I have used are, of course, limited and they leave many points, which I would like to modify later.

著者

上田 望

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.137, pp.(43)-(90), 1999-03

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波瀾壮闊的五代史故事従古至今,一直吸引着中国人。五代史故事的小説《残唐五代史演義》是中国古典小説当中傑作之一。雖説這篇小説是与《五代史平話》分別独自成書的英雄伝奇,但《演義》巻6以後的許多叙述部分根拠《通鑑綱目》編写,全篇的評語依拠《通鑑節要》而成。我認為作這些増補修訂的是明朝万暦期以暢銷書聞名中外的福建建陽書賈之一楊麗泉。在修改《演義》的過程中,他模倣《三国演義》的叙述假称“羅貫中原本”,参考《節要》乃至《綱鑑》中的諸家史評偽造了李贄評語,這無疑是他的老花招,与《両朝史伝》作一比較的話,這一点就更清楚了。但未見建陽刊行的《演義》,疑現存的早期刊本都係印刷精美的蘇州刊本,這也許与明末建陽刻書業日趨衰落的趨勢有着密切関連。以南宋時期為題材的小説中刊行時期最早的小説就是《南宋志伝》一本,它由《五代史平話》、飛龍平話、楊家将平話、歴史書的叙述這四箇基本成分構成。可見《南宋志伝》中的飛龍平話与其它明代小説之間在情節結構上有着不少共同点。這様看来,可以説両者的関係是来自同一源頭“民間説唱”的。然而《南宋志伝》并不認為是趙匡胤故事的英雄伝奇,它根拠《通鑑節要続編》或《綱鑑》増補訂正并附入了史評,是進一歩向“史実”化方向推進的本子。作者一定是想把它編成“歴史演義”而加以伝播。另外,可以看到《続通鑑綱目》文字的痕跡,従而可窺見其或許首先根拠《続綱目》所進行的修改工作。但《南宋志伝》与《北宋志伝》相比之下虚構成分欠乏,或許不太合当時読者的興趣罢。到了清代,有人将它与較新的飛龍平話相組合而編成愈加通俗,煥然一新的小説《飛龍全傳》。

著者

渡邉 義浩

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.178, pp.25-63, 2021-02

著者

吉川 良和

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.92, pp.p11-47, 1983-07

著者

宮脇 聡史

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.157, pp.154-122, 2010-03

著者

渡邉 義浩

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.178, pp.25-63, 2021-02

著者

杉山 隆一

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 = The memoirs of Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.177, pp.230-178, 2020-03-31

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The mausoleum of Emām Rez̤ā ('Alī b. Mūsā al-Riḍā, the eighth Imam of Twelver Shiism, d. 818) was erected in Mashhad, which is located in the Khorasan region of Iran, after his death. It is well known that this mausoleum was endowed with many vaqf properties, and it gradually developed into a religious complex, as the veneration for seyyeds was enhanced in this region after Mongol rule and Shiization policies were implemented under the Safavids. Many scholars have studied the history of this mausoleum and its development, mainly through historical chronicles. Some such scholars have recently conducted studies of vaqf documents, royal edicts, and financial documents written in the siyāq script. While these efforts have produced many results that have clarified each of this mausoleum's departments and their roles, little is known about the overall picture of its organizational structure and staffing and its raison d'être as a sacred place.\n This study aims to elucidate the organization and administration of this mausoleum during the Afsharid period, primarily using a historical document entitled Ṭūmār-e 'Alīshāhī (Scroll of 'Alī Shāh). This scroll was compiled in 1747 by order of the second ruler of the Afshar dynasty, 'Alī Shāh, to show how the mausoleum as a religious complex had been managed before the confiscation of vaqf properties by 'Alī Shāh's predecessor Nāder Shāh, as well as to present the precise situation of the mausoleum's management at the time of its compilation. It is one of the most valuable sources of information written in the pre-modern period, and includes lists of the mausoleum complex's vaqf properties, other financial sources, its administrative staff and their salaries, information about the supplies departments in charge of daily business related to the purchase and storage of food, drugs, and candles, and other parts of the complex like the kitchen, library, and hospital, as well as management regulations.\n This study, due to its length, is divided into two parts. This paper represents the first part of the study and includes the first three chapters. The first chapter reviews the previous studies and their problems and introduces the Ṭūmār-e 'Alīshāhī and its characteristics. The second chapter considers the financial sources of the mausoleum complex, including its vaqf properties, soyūrghāl, and others, as well as the characteristics of its financial incomes. In addition, it reveals trends in the geographical distribution of vaqf properties and considers which region this mausoleum had the strongest link with to secure its sources of revenue. The third chapter examines the full picture of the administrative organization of this mausoleum by using the list of its staff, revealing that it resembled the organization of the courts of Turco-Mongolian dynasties.

著者

堀井 聡江

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.169, pp.432-395, 2016-03

著者

平位 匡 池本 幸生

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 = The memoirs of Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.174, pp.1-32, 2019-02-28

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In The Idea of Justice, Amartya Sen started his argument by differentiating his capability approach from the mainstream in terms of structure: comparative vis-à-vis transcendental. He called the mainstream approach of justice as transcendental because it has been trying to construct a theory of justice based on fundamental principles questing for perfection. Sen insists that it is impossible to construct a perfect theory of justice because our world is far from perfection and that what we need is a more practical approach, which can be used to compare feasible options that we actually have and to choose one from among them. What lies behind this strategy is respect for a plurality of values and reasoning in society. In this context, description plays a key role in this approach, given that plural values and reasoning can be reflected only in an inductive manner which requires rich description. This difference can be applied to his approach in economics. The mainstream economics has been constructing models and theories based on hypothesis such as utility maximization. In this sense the mainstream is "perfect" but not practical as such hypothesis is not realistic. In the field of development economics he uses more practical and realistic approach based on statistics. His main contributions in the field such as the cause of famine and missing women started from examining statistics. His argument always starts from reality and is thus inductive, which is in sharp contrast with the deductive mainstream approach. Sen's approach can be traced back to the Cambridge tradition, which typically embraces inductive methods of reasoning. The purpose of this article is to examine how Sen's approach is related to it with a particular focus on the influence of Maurice Dobb. In relation to this, some possible extensions of his approach will be discussed.

著者

陳 志勤

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.152, pp.141-170, 2007-12

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紹興是具有二千五百年悠久歷史的著名水鄉,但是,紹興的美麗風光並不是依賴自然界的變化而形成的。不用說紹興的自然環境變化得益於歷代統治者的治水和利水,但是我們也不應忘卻生活在這一方土地的人民對自然的利用以及管理。現在,因為急劇的經濟發展和地方開發,環境問題特別是水污染問題不斷加劇。對於自然的管理和環境問題,無論日本和中國已在很多領域展開深入的研究,為了探求自然的利用和管理,"自下而上"的以社區為基礎的管理模式(community based management)已引起極大關注。因此,對於長期以來與山林河川共生共存的當地人民是如何進行自然的利用和管理的這一問題,當然就成為一個必須探討和研究的重要課題。作為本文研究對象的紹興南部山區王壇鎮舜王廟周圍,傳承著魚類敬仰舜王的民俗,為了保護這些魚類,很早以來就有把舜王廟下雙江溪中的舜皇潭作為禁漁區的習慣。並且,對於那些違反禁漁規約的人,作為懲罰要讓他們負擔請戲班演戲或者置辦酒席的費用,也就是說曾經存在過"罰戲"、"罰宴"這種適應當地人文環境的懲罰方式。從這樣的傳統民俗中,我們可以看到因為信仰、祭祀而結成的地域共同體在自然管理中所發揮的作用,很明顯,這和日本的村落共同體在自然管理中發揮作用的情形是不相同的。本文的研究目的是,首先闡明因舜王信仰、舜王廟會而形成的共同體和自然管理的關係,然後探究把罰戲、罰宴作為懲罰手段的這種類型的共同體,在自然管理中所發揮的作用。

著者

大木 康

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.138, pp.67-108, 1999-12

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Mao Xiang recorded his memory of his concubine Dong Xiaowan years after her untimely death in the upheaval after the fall of the Ming Dynasty.Dong Xiaowan was a courtesan in the Qinhuai district of the Ming Southern capital of Nanjing when she met Mao Xiang.I have translated the first part of Reminiscences of the Convent of Shadowy Plum-blossoms describing the circumstances surrounding Dong Xiaowan's marriage to Mao Xiang and her relationship with his family and the second part describing their daily life together.The first two sections form the first two installments of this series.In this installment I translate the third and final section.The section part of Reminiscences of the Convent of Shadowy Plum-blossoms begins with anecdotes from their life together.Mao describes Dong's love of flowers and her careful cultivation of various plants that filled her room with blooms throughout the seasons.Dong also had a refined palete.Mao went out of his way to supply her with exceptional delicacies such as a syrup made with flower blossoms and a delicate seasoning derived from fermented beans.The Ming Dynasty collapsed, however, in 1644 and Manchu troops invaded placid Jiangnan the follwing year.In this moment of crisis Mao distinguished herself by quick wits, earning the deep respect of Mao's family for her help in obtaining refuge.In 1647, and in 1649, Mao suffered serious illness, but was lovingly nursed around the clock by his devoted Dong Xiaowan.The hardships of this period after tha fall of the Ming are described in a most vivid style.Mao mentions some omens that suggested Dong's untimely death in the course of his narrative.When he draws a fortuneteller's lot predicting his future, his card contained the word for "rememberance".After Dong's death, Mao interprets that card as an indication that he was fated to spend the rest of his life remembering her.

著者

娜 鶴雅

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.160, pp.392-377, 2011-12

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清朝司法制度, 即逐級審轉覆核制, 沿襲了傳統中國行政兼理司法的重要特徵。但自鴉片戰爭以来, 清朝政府被迫與各國簽訂了一系列不平等條約, 國家主權遭受到前所未有的重創。為了維持現有統治秩序, 改正不平等條約, 廢除治外法權, 清朝政府決定學習西方, 開展立憲運動, 進行司法改革。光緒32年(1906), 清朝政府仿照日本司法制度在全國建立了四級三審制, 始設新式審判機關--審判廳。但至民國元年為止, 全國除高等審判廳基本設立外, 地方審判廳和初級審判廳只完成了計畫的1/3和1/5。審判廳設置的不完全, 使得當時的審判程序也大不相同。(1)在審判廳完全設置地區(如京師), 審判程序按照四級三審制進行。(2)在審判廳未完全設置地區(如順天府), 州縣仍按逐級審轉覆核制兼理司法審判, 但自第二審開始, 原審判機關府、按察使司、督撫均被排除在審判程序之外, 為高等審判廳所取代。(3)在審判廳未設置地區, 仍採用逐級審轉覆核制, 但審判程序有所簡化。行政兼理司法的存在也威脅著司法的公正性, 於是清朝政府規定, 除州縣自理案件以外的案件都要經過審判廳複審, 並創設了針對死刑案件的覆判制度, 從而達到彌補行政兼理司法弊端,制約行政官司法權限的目的。

著者

金 鳳珍

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.140, pp.474-453, 2000-12

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Inoue Kakugōrō, as a foreign assistant or advisor, had been employed at a new government office named Bakmunkuk (博文局), having published the modern newspaper such as 'Hansŏngsunbo (漢城旬報)' and 'Hansŏngzubo (漢城周報).'We may say, in a sense, he had been engaged in enlightening the society or reforming the old system when he stayed in Chosŏn for about four years.However, we need to be careful about what motivated him to do this and/or what was his genuine, real purpose in doing that.We must ask whether his motive/purpose was pure or not.By putting these questions, we can reveal not only the real facts of this historical case but also the real problems resided in the historico-psychological depths of the modern history of Japan and Chosŏn.This paper will be a critical suggestion for 'deconstructing' the history of the Japan-Korea relation.

著者

馬場 紀寿

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 = The memoirs of Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.171, pp.304-348, 2017-03

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The ar ticle discusses how the Khuddakanikāya became a par t of the Pāli Tipiṭaka. In my book, Jōzabu Bukkyō no shisō keisei (Formation of Theravāda Buddhist Thought), I note that the Khuddakanikāya does not appear as a collection of suttantas in the four parts of the Pāli commentaries (Aṭṭhakathā) which refer to structure of the Pāli Tipiṭaka. Based on this assessment, I concluded that the Khuddakanikāya was the last collection added to the Pāli Tipiṭaka. In an article published in 2016, the scholar Toshifumi Shimizu critiqued my conclusion, insisting that the four parts of Pāli commentaries, which my book dealt with, do, in fact, mention the Khuddakanikāya. Reassessing these Pāli commentaries, I argue that Shimizu’s hypothesis is not valid because it is based on cer tain misunderstandings of Pāli words, and their context, and, on account of more general flaws in the logic informing his critique.