著者

藤原 信行

出版者

SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.125-140, 2012

著者

中西 真知子

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.21-36,207, 1998

著者

久木元 真吾

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.73-89,154, 2003

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This paper aims to analyze the narratives of so-called "freeters" and their unintended consequences. Freeters are young people who work on a part-time basis without securing a permanent job. They are currently the focus of much discussion in Japan and their way of life is often associated with laziness, irresponsibility, and daydreaming. To avoid ascribing the entire problem to freeters nature, I point out the significance of a social discourse that leads them to their unique lifestyle. Freeters often emphasize that they are doing (or trying to find) what they really want to do. Their choice of work is based on their belief that having an enjoyable job will prevent them from quitting. They evaluate freeters who have or are trying to find their dream job as "good" and freeters who do not have such a motivation as "bad." It is, however, ironic that their obsession with "what I want to do" makes it more difficult for them to achieve their goals.This unintended consequence is a result of three factors. The more they are fascinated with the idea of "what I want to do," the more it becomes difficult a) for them to identify what their goals really are, b) for them to change their lifestyle, and c) for others to suggest different ways of life.The narratives of freeters, and especially their stress on "what I want to do," imply that they have no other choice than to find it, facing the fact that the working conditions in Japanese society are severe and that there is little variety in the jobs that are available to them.

著者

妙木 忍

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.119-134, 2007

著者

岩谷 洋史

出版者

SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.55-72,199, 2008

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This article focuses on the everyday practices of kurabito, the Japanese Sake manufacturers, in a sakagura, a small-scale brewery, in Kansai, Japan. Particular attention is paid to the action of inscribing ― "writing," "marking" or "curving"- at various places in the brewery. Data for this study was collected through participant observation at the brewery in the seven years since 2001. I will suggest that the technology of inscribing is indispensable to contemporary Japanese Sake brewing. Every day, many and various inscriptions are produced by the kurabito in the brewery. Utilizing them, the kurabito are able to visualize the brewing itself, and to make it understandable to themselves. These inscriptions are important tools in the process of making Sake. In fact it can be said that they are embedded in the situation. Moreover, I point out that these practices also construct a community of the kurabito in the workplace. Understanding such things, we cannot simply think that Sake brewing is a result of the expression and realization of the knowledge of brewing, which it is assumed are internalized deeply in the workers' bodies. Rather, we find that Sake brewing is carried out through successive negotiations, which are restrained socially and physically, between the workers' bodies and the materials through these tools.

著者

岩谷 洋史

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.55-72,199, 2008

---

This article focuses on the everyday practices of kurabito, the Japanese Sake manufacturers, in a sakagura, a small-scale brewery, in Kansai, Japan. Particular attention is paid to the action of inscribing ― "writing," "marking" or "curving"- at various places in the brewery. Data for this study was collected through participant observation at the brewery in the seven years since 2001. I will suggest that the technology of inscribing is indispensable to contemporary Japanese Sake brewing. Every day, many and various inscriptions are produced by the kurabito in the brewery. Utilizing them, the kurabito are able to visualize the brewing itself, and to make it understandable to themselves. These inscriptions are important tools in the process of making Sake. In fact it can be said that they are embedded in the situation. Moreover, I point out that these practices also construct a community of the kurabito in the workplace. Understanding such things, we cannot simply think that Sake brewing is a result of the expression and realization of the knowledge of brewing, which it is assumed are internalized deeply in the workers' bodies. Rather, we find that Sake brewing is carried out through successive negotiations, which are restrained socially and physically, between the workers' bodies and the materials through these tools.

著者

磯 直樹

出版者

SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.37-53,200, 2008

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In this paper I will first introduce Bourdieu's idea of field, a network, or configuration, of objective relations between positions. Then I will show how it integrates theory and empirical research. In the history of Sociology, the relationship between theory and empirical research has been a grand theme, and Bourdieu was committed to integrating the two throughout his career. I will also examine the work of Blumer, an important predecessor to Bourdieu. While both his "sensitizing concept" and his "definitive concept" have limits, Bourdieu's "open concepts" which include habitus, capital and field have more possibilities and significances than Blumer's. The field is a social sphere which has a limit around itself and each has its own rules within. For Bourdieu, the field is considered together with habitus and capital, and also as a part of his theory of practice. The concept of field enables us to analyze social phenomena for which we have lacked a theoretical framework. We can also use the concept of field to relate and integrate differentempirical research. One example can be found in the study of social difference. Bourdieu's sociology makes sense in combination with the works of other sociologists because it owes so much to them. We should ask the question "Bourdieu and what else?" rather than think in terms of a dichotomy such as "Bourdieu or not." This will lead to a productive discussion.

著者

中島 道男

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.1, pp.1-20,156, 1984

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There is a stereotyped interpretation of Durkheim's sociology:he had a reified view of social reality. He says, "Indeed, social things are only realized by men: they are the product of human activities." But interpreters have said that they can't easily find such a view in his social theory.<br> On the contrary, this paper will insist that Durkheim certainly had a theory about this mechanism - human activities→social things -. To Demonstrate that, this paper will focus on Durkheim's view of the relation between economy and morality. Of course, we can't avoid an examination of his conception of society The relation between economy and morality is not only a central theme in Durkheim's sociology, but also a strategically important one for our object.<br> By extending an above-mentioned theme, this paper will rearrange Durkheim's sociolgy as a theory of institution. Durkheim's theory had a thory, as follows; institution is produced by human activities and automatizes itself, and finally, it becomes fetters to human beings, i.e. alienation. Furthermore, Durkheim took into account a process of de-alienation of institution.<br> Accordingly, Durkheim's sociology has the same view as Berger = Luckmann's: "In other words, despite the objectivity that marks the social world in human experience, it does not thereby acquire an ontological status apart from the human activity that produced it."

著者

石田 佐恵子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.139-147, 2005

著者

桶川 泰

出版者

SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.3, pp.155-171, 2008

著者

桐田 克利

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.p1-20, 1986-05