著者
三井 さよ
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.1, pp.91-107, 2008-05-31 (Released:2015-06-06)
参考文献数
15
著者
石川 良子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.2, pp.39-55,156, 2003

The purpose of this paper is to suggest a viewpoint to understand "Hikikomori" without referring to dyscommunication between parents and children as a cause of "Hikikomori," based on narratives by members of a self-help group.In this paper, we regard "Hikikomori" as passing, and focus on information about self and interactions with others. The term "Hikikomori" does not always indicate withdrawal from communication with all others.For example, informants sometimes go out for shopping or walks, on the one hand; on the other hand, they avoid meeting almost all their neighbors, friends and acquaintances. We can consider both episodes deliberate or unintended passing, namely, in order to avoid negative reactions from others, they try to keep anonymity that means relative shortage of biographical information by managing their own discreditable information about themselves. In addition, informants can associate with their intimates if they are familiar with the discreditable information about informants and passing is not needed. However, even in this case, informants sometimes avoid associating with their intimates if the negative reactions from them can be expected. From this view, it is not very important with whom informants communicate. In conclusion, we suggest that informants avoid the situations where they recognize themselves as stigmatized individuals, which cause them moral conflicts, and that we can consider "Hikikomori", in a sense, a rational strategy to ease their own moral conflicts.
著者
石川 良子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.2, pp.39-55,156, 2003

The purpose of this paper is to suggest a viewpoint to understand "Hikikomori" without referring to dyscommunication between parents and children as a cause of "Hikikomori," based on narratives by members of a self-help group.In this paper, we regard "Hikikomori" as passing, and focus on information about self and interactions with others.<br> The term "Hikikomori" does not always indicate withdrawal from communication with all others.For example, informants sometimes go out for shopping or walks, on the one hand; on the other hand, they avoid meeting almost all their neighbors, friends and acquaintances. We can consider both episodes deliberate or unintended passing, namely, in order to avoid negative reactions from others, they try to keep anonymity that means relative shortage of biographical information by managing their own discreditable information about themselves.<br> In addition, informants can associate with their intimates if they are familiar with the discreditable information about informants and passing is not needed. However, even in this case, informants sometimes avoid associating with their intimates if the negative reactions from them can be expected. From this view, it is not very important with whom informants communicate.<br> In conclusion, we suggest that informants avoid the situations where they recognize themselves as stigmatized individuals, which cause them moral conflicts, and that we can consider "Hikikomori", in a sense, a rational strategy to ease their own moral conflicts.
著者
木下 衆
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.1, pp.93-109,177, 2012-06-30 (Released:2015-05-13)
参考文献数
14
被引用文献数
1 2

In this article, the subject of my analysis is “how does the category become relevant, initially, at different times, and in different ways, in the life of a person?” (See Lynch2001: 249 about “dementia”.) Sociological studies on early dementia (Deguchi 1999; Amada 2007; Iguchi 2007) focus on conflicts among family members. The early symptoms of dementia are always vague (e.g., forgetfulness, character change). Therefore, family members may differ in regarding whether certain “troubles”(Emerson & Messinger1977)can be termed dementia symptoms; this will lead to conflicts among the family members. While considering the abovementioned studies, I examine how Ms. J and Ms.I define their mother, Ms. K, as being demented, despite the inconsistency in their early decisions. I emphasize the following two points. First, considering the accountability of family members regarding the “deviances” in the elderly, a family member’s perception of “deviance” in the behavior of an elderly person does not necessarily imply that the elderly person is demented, because there are many possible interpretations of such behavior besides dementia; the behavior could result from non-dementia illnesses or factors such as family discord. So family members attribute the elderly person’s “deviance” to dementia and disregard other possible causes for such behavior, only when the context of social interaction suggests it. Second, considering the importance of acknowledging social settings, the mere “deviances” noticed in behavior cannot be categorized as the symptoms of clinical disorders such as dementia. As suggested above, family members’ decisions regarding the symptoms of dementia should always be based on an elderly person’s pattern of everyday life and the context of any specific interaction. Therefore, they must consider the social settings that form the context of social interaction.
著者
三浦 耕吉郎
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.3, pp.93-95, 2014-02-28 (Released:2015-04-10)
著者
小原 一馬
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.3-118, 2011

Despite an abundance of application opportunities, for a long time Goffman's sociology of play/games has practically been ignored in the studies of play theory. The aim of this paper is to give his sociology of play an appropriate position in the historical development of play theories. To this end, the following points are demonstrated: 1. What were the achievements and the problems of the play theories (of Huizinga, Caillois, and Bateson) before Goffman? 2. How did Goffman inherit the previous works' achievements and solve their problems? 3. What kind of relationship did Goffman's sociology of play have with Csikszentmihalyi's flow theory, which had the greatest influence on the development of play theories after Goffman? While Caillois basically inherited Huizinga's definitions of play he criticized Huizinga's concept of play as being too wide, and his definitions of play are not appropriate for "play" as a whole but only to a part of it. Therefore, Caillois redefined "play" to the domain of culture, and also he classified "play" into four by two categories. Responding to Caillois' criticism of Huizinga, Goffman developed Bateson's frame theory, and he showed that the fun of play can be explained through a single, integrated one without any classification. This new frame theory by Goffman can be summarized as the playing field introducing various valuable things from the outside world into itself through its frame while blocking any irrelevant objects; it is important to balance the way of its reflection of the outside world in order to heighten participants' concentration on its unique reality utilizing randomness and symbolic distance. This theory of Goffman's is in a complementary relationship with Csikszentmihalyi's flow theory, which also emphasizes concentration, and thus its integration will lead to a more complete theory.
著者
芦田 徹郎
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, no.3, pp.169-177, 1993
著者
三谷 はるよ
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.3, pp.3-18,130, 2014

This study investigates the relationship between religiosity and volunteering in Japan. Previous research has shown that people who belong to religious affiliations and who attend religious institutions regularly tend to volunteer. However, little is known about whether religiosity facilitates volunteering among those Japanese not involved in religious groups, and which dimensions of religiosity have apositive influence on such activity. Therefore, this paper, employing data from representative national Japanese samples, examines the influence of dimensions of religiosity on volunteering among Japanese without religious attachments. <br> The study finds that while both collective religiosity (religious affiliation and attendance) and diffused religiosity (prayer and belief in guardianship) predict volunteering among the Japanese, only diffused religiosity is related to volunteering among non-members of religious denominations. <br> The finding indicates that volunteering among the latter group is promoted by religiosity, particularly diffused religiosity. The result that private prayer and individual religious belief or experience promote volunteering is in line with recent research in Western countries. Meanwhile, a direct relationship between religious attendance and volunteering among those who are not attached to religious denominations has not been shown. This suggests that Japanese temples, shrines, and churches do not directly foster volunteering by forming networks of people, but that they indirectly promote it by enriching the piety that has been culturally diffused in the community.
著者
久保田 裕之
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.1, pp.3-19,136, 2010

Within recent family sociology in Japan, it has been taken for granted that the family cannot and should not be defined by researchers, partly because of the negative effect of including various lifestyles. However, avoiding family definition can be harmful or even destructive, unless there is a clear-cut explanation of what exactly is meant by saying "family cannot and should not be defined". This paper, then, will argue that it is inevitable and even essential for every single piece of scientific research on families to define a concept of the family in some way, and, conversely, to define a concept of "non-family", according to the best interest of each research project. In this paper, we examine three famous studies in the history of family sociology in Japan which focused on the concept of "non-family": one by Teizō TODA ([1973] 1970), another by Kiyomi MORIOKA ([1981] 1987), and a third by Yoshitaka IKEOKA et al. (1999). By examining this tradition of "non-family" studies, the inevitability and necessity of definition can best be illustrated, as the borderline which is drawn between the concepts of family and of non-family. Firstly, we scrutinize Masahiro YAMADA (1986; 1992) and IKEOKA et al. (1999), dealing with the subjective family definitions of the parties involved, because these approaches sometimes seem to put overmuch emphasis not on the researchers' definition but on the parties' subjective image and discourse on family. Secondly, contentions over the constructionist approach follow, which have arisen within the Sociology of Social Problems under the name of Ontological Gerrymandering. Finally, we examine TODA ([1973] 1970) and MORIOKA ([1981] 1987), which explicitly define the concepts of family and non-family. In conclusion, it can be argued that it is inevitable and even essential to define concepts of the family and "non-family", according to the best interests of each research project. "Family" should be re-defined and up-dated in order to embrace the diverse lifestyles within and without those of traditional families.
著者
脇田 彩
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.3-18,134, 2012

This study examines gender neutrality in occupational prestige scores focusing on gender information of people whose occupations are evaluated by respondents. In this study, a survey was conducted in which student respondents were asked to evaluate56 occupations with the gender of the incumbents specified, the male and female occupational prestige scores were calculated based on the respondents' evaluations. The analysis produced three findings regarding the effects of the evaluated persons' gender information on their occupational prestige scores. First, there is little difference between male and female average occupational prestige scores. Second, both male and female occupational prestige scores computed from the respondents correlate strongly with the occupational prestige scores from the 1995 social stratification and social mobility (SSM) survey, in which the gender of occupational incumbents was not specified. Third, in the occupations with higher percentages of female workers, female occupational prestige scores tend to be higher than male scores. Two important results were obtained regarding the gender neutrality of occupational prestige scores. First, regardless of gender information, the occupational prestige score provides a stable index of social status. Second, for occupations with a large female workforce, the occupational prestige score's gender neutrality may not be reliably assumed because people whose occupations fit the stereotypes of their gender are evaluated higher than those people of a different gender in the same occupations. To confirm these results, a larger survey of respondents with diverse characteristics is required to clarify how gender information influences the evaluation of people, and to explain in detail the relationship between gender and occupational prestige scores.
著者
脇田 彩
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.3-18,134, 2012

This study examines gender neutrality in occupational prestige scores focusing on gender information of people whose occupations are evaluated by respondents. In this study, a survey was conducted in which student respondents were asked to evaluate56 occupations with the gender of the incumbents specified, the male and female occupational prestige scores were calculated based on the respondents' evaluations. The analysis produced three findings regarding the effects of the evaluated persons' gender information on their occupational prestige scores. First, there is little difference between male and female average occupational prestige scores. Second, both male and female occupational prestige scores computed from the respondents correlate strongly with the occupational prestige scores from the 1995 social stratification and social mobility (SSM) survey, in which the gender of occupational incumbents was not specified. Third, in the occupations with higher percentages of female workers, female occupational prestige scores tend to be higher than male scores. Two important results were obtained regarding the gender neutrality of occupational prestige scores. First, regardless of gender information, the occupational prestige score provides a stable index of social status. Second, for occupations with a large female workforce, the occupational prestige score's gender neutrality may not be reliably assumed because people whose occupations fit the stereotypes of their gender are evaluated higher than those people of a different gender in the same occupations. To confirm these results, a larger survey of respondents with diverse characteristics is required to clarify how gender information influences the evaluation of people, and to explain in detail the relationship between gender and occupational prestige scores.
著者
福岡 千珠
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.3, pp.57-73,191, 2006

The objective of this paper is to examine the various ways the Irish language has served as a symbol of a nation, through two different phases of Irish cultural nationalism: nationalism in the nation-building stage where its primary aim is to construct national identity and in the reconstructing stage, where the object is to maintain and to endorse an-established national identity. In order to examine how discourses of cultural nationalism have changed, I think it necessary to analyze these phases of the Irish cultural nationalism. Firstly, I analyze the discourses deployed by the Irish language revival movement which started towards the end of the nineteenth century. Examining how the language was represented in the movements, I reveal that the discourses of cultural nationalism denied the co-evalness of the language, and always represented it with nostalgia. This representation of the native culture is still influenced by the Anglo-Irish colonial discourses of the end of the eighteenth century. Secondly, in opposition, the Free State government came, after independence, to retrieve the co-evalness of the language when it introduced compulsory education and adopted revival policies. This means that the government tried to prove, in the triangular relationship with Northern Ireland and Britain, that it was a legitimate institution of the Irish nation by inheriting the native language. However, this attitude provoked much hatred among Unionists in Northern Ireland, and the heated dispute over the validity of the language even in the South. These changes could not be interpreted as a simple failure of the cultural nationalism.With the change from nation-building to re-construction, cultural nationalism shifted its focus from primordiality of culture to its contemporaneity. It brought into question the historical and political belongingness of the language, and revealed the nations sectarian and ideological division rather than its unity.