著者

古川 誠 赤川 学

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.140-148, 1997-10-31 (Released:2016-11-02)

著者

相良 翔

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.1, pp.115-131, 2017-06-01 (Released:2021-06-04)

参考文献数

16

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本稿の目的は、更生保護施設在所者の「更生」について、就労を焦点にして考察することにある。本稿での「更生」とは犯罪を起こした後に犯罪をすることなく生活を続けていくプロセスを意味する。 近年、我が国において元犯罪者の「更生」が専門家によってテーマ化され議論されるようになってきた。そのような状況下において社会内処遇の専門施設である更生保護施設への着目も高まっている。更生保護施設における処遇の中心は就労支援に置かれている。また様々な先行研究においても就労が元犯罪者の「更生」において重要な要因となっていることを指摘している。 そのような前提を置き、更生保護施設Xでのフィールドワークを通じて得られたデータに基づいてX在所者の「更生」について浮き彫りにした。その結果、①X在所者が不安定就労ではあるが速やかに就労する仕組みがあったこと、②X在所者は他者から承認を得るための「就労規範」と他者から距離を置くための「就労規範」の遵守をもって、不安定就労を維持していたこと、③ある元X在所者が退所後において病気からの回復・今後の生活設計・再犯に対する不安を伴いながら、自身の「更生」について語ったことの三点を描き出した。 記述の結果から、X在所者の「更生」は「自立」と同一視されていることがうかがえた。本稿における事例では、自らの貧困状態を犯罪歴と共に「犯罪」に含めて語っていた点が特徴的である。それは「更生」に対する自己責任の内面化を強めていく可能性がある。それにより元犯罪者の「更生」という文脈において、貧困を初めとした諸問題における社会の責任が後景化する可能性を持つことを指摘した。

著者

樫村 愛子

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.3, pp.3-18,184, 1998

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The discussions about the "common knowledge" which criticize the code model haven't ever explained with the real process of the communication. So I want to explain it by examining the game theory's approach which tries to explain the connection between the micro and macro phase and elaborating this approach by the Lacanian analytical logic.<br> Lacan presents that the real communication depends on the emergent knowledges which others give. This idea presupposes that the subject is ambiguous with his knowledges and that he doesn't know himself (his unconsciousness). So he should depend on the other and accept the emergent knowledges. Lacan points out that this process is governed by "the logic of precipitousness", which is discovered by the treatments of the neurotics. The neurotics can't accept the ambiguousness of their knowledges and they adhere to the determinable. For example, ordinary man is convinced that he loves somebody in the ambiguousness, but the neurotics can't do it and so they can't love anybody.<br> This phenomenon also makes clear the universal condition of the knowledge. The knowledges are always based on this process through which we accept emergent knowledges in the ambiguousness. The axiom about the "common knowledge" by the game theory has the possibility that describes this process mathematically and the connection with the micro and macro phase, though in fact at the actual level of the mathematics it is difficult.

著者

不破 麻紀子 柳下 実

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.2, pp.21-37, 2020-10

著者

富山 一郎

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.2, pp.69-91, 1985

著者

田中 大介

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.57-73,147, 2006

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This paper will use Kunio Yanagita's discourse with regard to modem transportation to consider how he formulated his folklore methodology. Because the transportation environment Yanagita addressed was in the pre-war period, this then is an historical sociological study with regard to modern transportation through Yanagita's discourse.<br> Yanagita placed a great emphasis on travel, as have the Japanese folklorists who have succeeded him. However, they have tended to underestimate modern transportation and to palace greater value on pedestrian travel. Yanagita also shared this tendency, believing that travel by railway the old folk stratum as an object of analysis and that rail travel would invalidate his analysis as well.<br> Yanagita distinguished between pedestrian travel (travail) in the early period and sightseeing, mainly using modern transportation, is seen as the golden age of travel for Yanagita and it can be said that modern/pedestrian traffic is not a choice between alternative s.<br> Then what was modern transportation, especially railway transportation, for Yanagita?<br> He regarded transportation by rail as an opportunity to travel widely and to see scenery from the "windows of trains." In this mode of travel, landscape was not "scenery as sign" (as might be found in a guidebook), but "scenery as a trace" (offering an interpretation of people's lives and history).<br> That is, Yanagita's folklore method was to collect, classify and systematize "scenery as traces" encountered during the course of his travels. Finally this paper suggests that his transportation theory and his approach to travel share a common meaning from a sociological perspective.

著者

居安 正

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.1, pp.329-344, 1964

著者

芦田 徹郎 森田 三郎

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.3, pp.126-136, 1992-02-29 (Released:2017-02-15)

著者

新田 光子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.105-128, 1984-09-30 (Released:2017-02-15)

著者

木村 洋二

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.2, pp.21-39, 1976-06-30 (Released:2017-02-28)

著者

木村 洋二

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.3, pp.24-50, 1975-05-31 (Released:2017-06-14)

著者

山下 嗣太

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.1, pp.21-37, 2018-06

著者

俵 希實

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.69-85,210, 2006-05-31 (Released:2016-03-23)

参考文献数

29

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Since the mid-1980s, the number of Japanese-Brazilian immigrants to Japan has continued to increase. Various urban and regional studies have been conducted in certain residential areas where these Japanese-Brazilian immigrants to Japan are living. The issues discussed in these studies, specifically 1)the development of Japanese-Brazilian communities and networks, 2)interpersonal and inter-group relations between Japanese-Brazilian immigrants and local Japanese residents and 3)the length of residence in Japan have all been designated as "the development of lifestyle after immigration" for the purpose of this study. Previous studies have found that the development of lifestyle varied by residential area. However, these studies have been based almost exclusively on case studies from areas of Japan with high concentrations of Japanese-Brazilian immigrants, and have relied extensively on explanations from the perspective of community studies. Therefore, in order to study more specific factors contributing to the differential conditions of Japanese-Brazilian immigrants' lifestyle development in various residential areas in Japan, and to provide an analytical framework for more comprehensive discussion, this study collected data through case studies and questionnaires in Komatsu City, Ishikawa Prefecture, where relatively few Japanese-Brazilians reside. This study also compared Komatsu with other previously studied areas with regarding to a few specific factors, and found that the development of Japanese-Brazilian communities and networks in Komatsu was comparatively weak. In addition, relations with the local Japanese residents were limited, and the length of residence was generally shorter than in the areas previously studied. This study concludes that the differences in conditions found in various residential areas can be partially attributed to the following three factors; the local concentration of Japanese-Brazilian immigrants, local differences in the immigration process, and variations in local labor markets.

著者

臼井 二尚

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.4, pp.201-205, 1963-03-31 (Released:2017-12-28)

著者

野島 那津子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.3, pp.3-19, 2015

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The purpose of this paper is to investigate the difficulties when suffering from an incompletely medicalized disease and the effects of its diagnosis using the narratives of spasmodic dysphonia sufferers. Spasmodic dysphonia (SD) is a chronic voice disorder. It leads to a characteristic strained and strangled voice (Gündel et al. 2007). Its etiology is unknown and there is no fundamental treatment. In Japan, SD is a rare disease and most physicians have little experience treating it. Few physicians can diagnose SD. In addition, as SD is virtually unknown among the public, its characteristic voice is not perceived as a symptom of a disease, neither by others nor by sufferers themselves. Considering this situation, we can say that SD is an incompletely medicalized disease. While medicalization has been criticized for its aspect of social control and its tendency to individualize social problems, incomplete medicalization has been relatively less discussed and few empirical studies of those diseases have been conducted. In this paper, I focus on SD as an example of incomplete medicalization and examine the problems of incomplete medicalization from sufferer's point of view.Based on interviews with fifteen people suffering from SD, the three main difficulties identified are: an inability to explain their condition and loneliness, inappropriate definition of a SD's unique voice by others, and a visible negative reaction. One common underlying cause for these difficulties is the lack of a definitive diagnosis. Receiving a diagnosis could be an opportunity to reduce those difficulties. Obtaining a diagnosis opens possibilities of refusing incorrect interpretations, providing plausible explanations and disclosing their suffering to others. In the case of SD, I suggest that simply suffering does not constitute a "disease" in our society. Adequate medical diagnosis is a requisite condition for the social existence of the "disease."

著者

宝月 誠

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.1, pp.98-99, 2000-05-31 (Released:2016-11-02)

著者

越井 郁朗 船津 衛

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.2, pp.p103-113, 1980-01

著者

船津 衛

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.3, pp.128-129, 1978-03-31 (Released:2017-02-28)

著者

沢田 善太郎

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.3-18,146, 1999

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Until Weber's study appeared, the most systematic thought on the bureaucracy was found in J. S. Mill's On liberty and Considerations on Representative Government. Though Mill's works were translated into Japanese in early Meiji era, his concept of bureaucracy was frequently misunderstood by the Japanese translators in those days. That is, where Mill discussed the troubles of the administrative bureaucracy as a whole body, the Japanese translators used to interpret them as being brought about by one or few influential who controlled the bureaucratic system arbitrarily.<br> Such a misunderstanding of the concept was also found in the petition submitted by Taisuke Itagaki, Taneomi Soejima, Shojiro Gotfi, Shinpei Eto and others to the government in 1874, proposing the establishmement of an elected house. Their zeal for the representative government and their criticism of the "Yushi Sensei" (the despotism of the administrative officers) were inspired by Considerations on Representative Government. However, the implications of the "Yushi Sensei" were rather different from Mill's discussions on the bureaucracy.<br> Probably, these misundestandings were brought about by the premature state of the administrative bureaucracy in early Meiji era and by the past tradition which was attached to the education of Chinese Confucian classics.

著者

大前 敦巳

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.3, pp.37-52,146, 1992-02-29 (Released:2017-02-15)

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The purpose of this paper is to find a homology and differences of research frameworks between Pierre Bourdieu and Paul Willis, in order to turn them to practical use in Japan. Willis propounded a notion of cultural production which stresses the activities of "lads" who exercise "partial penetration". I think the reason is that, against the criticism (after the publication of Learning to Labour) which regards his model as determinism similar to Bourdieu's system, Willis wanted to declare the differences between them. However, in my view, Bourdieu's system is also far from deterministic model, because he starts with a notion of practice which explains the activities of social agents in "temporal" time as opposed to "chronologic" time. From this view point one may say that the conceputual frameworks of practice and cultural production have a homology as non-deterministic model. Then, it is important to consider one of the critical differences. It's about praxis. Bourdieu never talks about praxis, but Willis develops his analysis toward paxis which is linked with "resistance". But his argument has a contradiction, because his theoretical framework does not consider the paradox of dominated people. To avoid falling into this paradox, Bourdieu demands a preparatory analysis in order to objectify the relation between the researcher and the inguired people. Bourdieu's "counter culture" is to create the culture which can analyse the alternative opposition between "resistance" and "submission". Therefore, with regard to "counter culture", I think Bourdieu's theory of practice is more available for my purpose in spite of his difficult methodology.