著者

一階 千絵

出版者

Japan Society of Sport Anthropology

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2002, no.4, pp.17-40, 2003-03-31 (Released:2011-08-16)

参考文献数

84

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Women's Sumo wrestling was performed as a show from the middle of the 17th century (the middle of the Edo period) to 1950's in Japan. These women's Sumo show have been regarded as an obscene show.The purpose of this study is considering the cultural characters of the women's Sumo show of the Edo period by examining literature of those days.The factors that materialize women's Sumo wrestling as show are as follows. 1. Sumo wrestling has appeals as show. These are the outstanding physical strength and techniques which wrestlers have.2. Female wrestlers might be extraordinary beings by wearing the symbol of the gender of the opposite sex (Sumo wrestling) on her body.3. That female wrestlers expose her naked body and wrestle with a blind man attracted a spectator's sexual interest. The obscenity appears also in “Shiko-Na”.4. Since there was a sense of values that likes an active woman in Edo, it is thought that female wrestler's Sumo wrestling might exist as a show.So, the women's Sumo show of the Edo period was not a mere obscene or “erotic and grotesque” show.

著者

中嶋 哲也

出版者

日本スポーツ人類学会

雑誌

スポーツ人類学研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

no.12, pp.51-73, 2010

著者

菱田 慶文

出版者

Japan Society of Sport Anthropology

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005and2006, no.7-8, pp.13-26, 2007-03-31 (Released:2011-06-08)

参考文献数

5

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Muay Thai is a martial art which is a root of Japanese Kick Boxing and K-1. It has become a famous sport among Thai as a martial art.However, there are two hierarchies; the low-income-class who support Muay Thai and the wealthy-class who do not. Muay Thai players are usually poor and even champions are not well known. Moreover, they do not live well off even after becoming a Muay Thai player. Most of them are from ISAN area which is rated as the poorest area. They usually chose to be Muay Thai players as their occupation. The supporters of the Muay Thai are not wealthy people such as university students or of the elites-class who have received a higher education, but the day laborers or lower paid workers.The Muay Thai stadium is used as a venue for gambling. There are various ways of gambling at the Muay Thai stadium. Audiences are if not tourists, are all gamblers. It is a bustling venue since Chinese promoters manipulate the poorest Thais at the stadium. Muay Thai stadium represents a microcosm of Thai society. Since Muay Thai involves such gambling, the wealthy-class and university students who have received a higher education look down on it rather than showing interest. This research is an analysis on why the wealthy people such as university students and the elite-class do not show any interest and conversely the low-income-class such as blue-color workers support Muay Thai enthusiastically.

著者

高橋 幸一

出版者

Japan Society of Sport Anthropology

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1999, no.1, pp.79-88, 1999-12-01 (Released:2011-06-08)

参考文献数

1

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

高橋 京子

出版者

Japan Society of Sport Anthropology

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2004, no.6, pp.1-26, 2005-03-31 (Released:2011-06-08)

参考文献数

40

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Sickness can be diagnosed and treated in two contexts-medical and socio-cultural. This paper looks at the latter. One socio-cultural method for relieving pain and discomfort are therapeutic ceremonies-prayers to gods, spirits, and the souls of ancestors, and therapeutic trances. Kagura (sacred Shinto music and dance) is an example of such socio-cultural therapy. This type of therapeutic performance is one of the roots of Japanese folk dance. To my knowledge, no research of folk dance in Japan has been carried out from this perspective. Medical science has progressed, while socio-cultural therapy has been continuously practiced, but ignored by research. This paper aims to address the need for more research into the therapeutic functions of Japanese folk dance.The object of this research is hoso-odori (“smallpox dance”), a prayer dance for the cure of smallpox practiced by women in Kagoshima Prefecture. In my previous research, I had only identified the movements unique to hoso-odori. The goal of this research was to clarify the meanings of those characteristic movements. Motion analysis was used to reveal the characteristics, with special attention given to the arm movements.The research methods were : (1) interviews(2) fieldwork(3) motion analysis from images(a) of the dance structure(b) of the arm movementsIn (1), the objects of research were hoso-odori in 25 areas of Kagoshima Prefecture. In (2) and (3), I focused on the forms of the dance found in six areas- Tsuruta-cho, Satsuma-cho and Iriki-cho in the north, and Hiyoshi-cho, Oura-cho Sakaki, and Mishimamura Iojima in the south.Hoso-odori appeared in response to an epidemic of smallpox at the end of the Edo period. It originated as a form of worship to the god of hoso (smallpox). Pilgrimages to Ise shrine were popular, and hoso-odori was also practiced out of devotion to the god of Ise.A survey of spatial structures (in each of the six areas) showed that hoso-odori are held at festivities or religious ceremonies. Costumes and ornaments were also surveyed, and each showed distinct characteristics. Survey of lyrics revealed as content common to all six areas devotion to the gods of hoso and Ise. In (3), I analyzed the dance movements in on the basis of these results.In (3a), the analysis of the dance structure, I first illustrated with diagrams the movements (especially of the arms) of the dance forms from the six areas. Next, I identified the phrases. I defined “phrase” as a set of movements in a given time. Also considered as elements of a phrase were direction (which way the dancer faces) and formation (how many dancers in what configuration). As a result, I found that the characteristic arm movements manekite (“beckoning”) and gassho (“prayer”) that I had previously identified appeared frequently. I also identified, for the first time, another characteristic arm movement, harai (“expel”).In (3b) analysis of the arm movements, I measured the frequency of the three arm movements manekite, gassho and harai.Conclusion : From the analyses of space structure, costumes and ornaments, lyrics, and movements, and this analysis revealed that hoso-odori has two essential characteristics : a prayer structure, and prayer content, which differed between north and south. In terms of structure, the women use manekite to invite the god of Ise to bring happiness to the area Then they also beckon (maneku) the god of hoso. The power of Ise and their harai movements serve to repel the god of hoso and hoso.In the North, manekite movements to beckon the god of Ise appear more frequently. In the south, harai movements to repel the god of hoso appeared more frequently. This difference may be attributed to the fact that the god of Ise is thought to come from north of

著者

足立 賢二

出版者

日本スポーツ人類学会

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2020, no.22, pp.1-24, 2020-12-31 (Released:2023-01-17)

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This paper considers the process of restructuring the views on Takenouchi-ryu, one of the Japanese traditional schools of martial arts, leading to its description as the oldest form of jiu-jitsu and as the origin of jiu-jitsu. What authorities were used by Kobudo Takenouchi-ryu officials to develop and publicize this idea? How were these authorities used? In addition, we discuss what factors led Kobudo Takenouchi-ryu officials to re-construct their self-representation through the publication of an official book on Kobudo Takenouchi-ryu, Nihon Jiu-jitsu no Genryu Takenouchi-ryu, in 1979. This paper makes a contribution to genealogical study of Kobudo, traditional martial ways in Japan, within Japanese cultural studies. First, we analyzed three publications describing Takenouchi-ryu, written by Kobudo Takenouchi-ryu officials from 1973 to 1982. In these three publications, these officials used three classical scrolls of the school, written between 1714 to 1844, as legitimation of their discourse. However, critical research has not found the official discourse of Kobudo Takenouchi-ryu to be well founded in these classic books. It has been found that Kobudo Takenouchi-ryu officials in fact used another source of authorization, a history of Kodokan Judo written by Kodokan Judo officials. Second, we analyzed five books describing the history of Kodokan Judo, published from 1868 to 1988. The results showed that the connection between Takenouchi-ryu and Kodokan Judo was formed as part of the historical development of judo in Japan. According to this progressive view of history, judo developed from sumo to kumiuchi (a form of battlefield-oriented armored grappling), from kumiuchi to jiu-jitsu, and from jiu-jitsu to judo. This genealogy was developed based on the ideas of Mamoru Sakuraba, the first to write a book on the history of judo, describing the historical development of Kodokan Judo. Sakuraba also regarded Takenouchi-ryu as jiu-jitsu. However, Sakuraba did not assign the origin of jiu-jitsu to this school. Sanzou Maruyama, who was the first to write an official history of Kodokan Judo, introduced Takenouchi-ryu into the historical development. Maruyama proposed the fact that Takenouchi-ryu was a school of kogusoku, and kogusoku was the origin of jiu-jitsu, implying that Takenouchi-ryu was the origin of jiu-jitsu. It was clear that Maruyama was the first to consider Takenouchi-ryu to be the origin of jiu-jitsu, and his view was fixed in subsequent descriptions of the history of Kodokan Judo. Third, we analyzed six papers referring to Takenouchi-ryu, written by Jigoro Kano, the founder of Kodokan Judo, from 1888 to 1926. In these papers, Kano emphasizes the Japanese origins of jiu-jitsu among the grappling arts. Kano denies the legacy of Chin Genpin, a famous Chinese writer and artist, as the originator of jiu-jitsu, instead placing Takenouchi-ryu at the center, which was regarded as a school of Kogusoku: grappling in light armor, either empty-handed or with a variety of short weapons. With this adoption of Takenouchi-ryu into the historical description of jiu-jitsu, Kano accepted two premises. The first was that Takenouchi-ryu is a school of jiu-jitsu. The second was that Takenouchi-ryu was founded in 1532. Almost all historical descriptions in Kodokan Judo take up these premises, making it common knowledge in the history of Kodokan Judo. However, the premises themselves have never been verified. There is a big issue with the second premise in particular. Takenouchi-ryu claims that it was founded in the sixth month of the Tenbun era. However, historical records show that the Tenbun era started in July, making the claim for 1532 as the foundational date of Takenouchi-ryu obviously suspicious.(※Due to word limit in J-Stage, please refer to the PDF file below)

著者

永木 耕介

出版者

Japan Society of Sport Anthropology

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.10, pp.1-17, 2009

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Jigoro Kano (1860-1938) created Kodokan Judo based on the Jujutsu of the Edo period. Kano formed "The research institute of martial arts" towards the end of the Taisho era (early 1920s), and recommenced the study of practical Jujutsu. The purpose of this research is to demonstrate why he felt the need for advancing such research. <BR>As a hypothesis, during the Meiji Era (1868-1912) Judo was taught as a version of Jujutsu, being aimed for the most part as a form of education for the masses. However, he felt a range of different martial arts techniques should be taught in addition to competition oriented techniques. To this purpose Kano advocated an in-depth study of other forms of combat. It is also plausible that one of the reasons for this approach was due to the increasing popularity of Judo overseas, where it was perceived that it could be enhanced by maintaining continuity with combat effective techniques from traditional Jujutsu. <BR>First, I analyzed the timeframe for literature written by Kano in response to queries about "Judo as a martial art". Questions of this nature gradually became more frequent from the Taisho and subsequent eras. There was also more contact with martial arts such as Karate and Aiki-jujutsu from around from the end of the Taisho era. <BR>Investigating of the spread of Judo in Britain as an example of its international propagation, it became clear that modifications in thought succeeded in aiding Judo's popularity overseas. Jujutsu experts such as Yukio Tani and Gunji Koizumi were able to convert to Judo whilst maintaining their connection to traditional Jujutsu schools. Moreover, Kano concluded that it was necessary maintain the association with Jujutsu in order to highlight the individual characteristics of Judo compared to Western sports.

著者

岡田 桂

出版者

Japan Society of Sport Anthropology

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2004, no.6, pp.27-43, 2005-03-31 (Released:2011-06-08)

参考文献数

32

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Jiu-Jitsu, the Japanese art of self-defence, was firstly introduced to Britain as “Bartitsu” by E.W. Barton-Wright at the end of the 19th century. Despite Barton-Wright and his school were quickly faded away from history, Jiu-Jitsu with Japanese experts started its fad for the British again in the early years of the 20th century. Meanwhile there was another intense fad for “Physical Culture” which was mainly promoted by Eugene Sandow who used to be a famous bodybuilder and was later published a magazine introducing his own fitness system. Those two fads were closely linked to each other because they took a similar route to success; from exhibitions in music halls to commercial objects practiced by ordinary people.Especially, in the beginning of its diffusion, Jiu-Jitsu wrestlers became popular by beating famous western wrestlers and bodybuilders in the music hall matches, who were regarded as the embodiment of Physical Culture at that time.Physical Culture flourished by increased currency of the discourse about “degeneration” or “deterioration” derived from Darwinism. The experience suffering from the Boer Wars were a shock to the British in those days, because it was clear that the bodies of British soldiers were inferior to Boer soldiers who used to be regarded as just “farmers” with Dutch roots. The sense of crisis for both human bodies and British Empire raised the necessity to improve working class people as potential soldiers. It seemed that Physical Culture could be the chief solution for this problem.The function of Jiu-Jitsu which enables smaller people to compete against larger ones was also linked by many Physical Culturists to the Japanese victories in the first the Sino-Japanese War and then the Russo-Japanese War. At least from the early years of the 20th century until the time of WWI, the image of Jiu-Jitsu and its practice was linked with Physical Culture and people could dissolve their fears about degeneration of their bodies. However after WWI, as relations between Britain and Japan changed, the representation of Jiu-Jitsu also altered from something inside Physical Culture to a potential threat to Britain.

著者

小坂 美保

出版者

日本スポーツ人類学会

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2007, no.9, pp.117-119, 2008-07-31 (Released:2011-06-08)

著者

藤本 章

出版者

Japan Society of Sport Anthropology

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2000, no.2, pp.55-73, 2001-01-31 (Released:2011-06-08)

参考文献数

59

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The religious festival called Kami-sumo has been handed down by Hachimankohyou-jinjya at Yoshitomi town in Fukuoka prefecture. Kami-sumo is acted by using puppet called Kugutsu. It is carried out every forth year. In the day of the festival, Kami-sumo is played on the sea in the morning, and in the evening, it is played on Shinbuden located in Hachimankohyou-jinjya.The subject of this study is to describe the story of Kami-sumo and the expression that composes them today, from a viewpoint of historical description in anthropology. The myths, the data of hearing investigation and the image materials were used in this study to describe Kami-sumo.The myths to deal with this study were found in Hachimankohyou-jinjya and Usa-jinguu. And the data of hearing investigation were collected in Hachimankohyou-jinjya in June and July, 1999. And the image materials were taken pictures in 1988 and 1996.The following conclusions were derived;1) Hatimankohyou-jinjya was originally composed of Okinaga-datjinguu and Kohyou-daimyoujin, but soon these two Shinto shrine were put together. The ritual for repose of souls in the sea was the first form of Kugutsu-sinji, and the transfer of the place of Kugutsu-sinji caused a change of meaning of Kugutsu-sinji.2) The change of social system caused gradual increase of manipulators who do not have religious relationship with Hatimankohyou-jinjya. And these changes have caused the situation that it must particularly give sacredness to religious festival. For these reasons, the practice of Kami-sumo has been composed of the contents to touch God and to succeed to how to manipulate Kugutsu today.3) The story to deepen and reconfirm faith in God Sumiyoshi is unfolding by Kami-sumo. The absolute strength of Sumiyoshi is expressed through his various techniques, his quick motion and his physical toughness. In other words, the various techniques, quick motion and physical toughness show the very important elements that composed God's sacredness.At the end, Kami-sumo has been continued in Hatimankohyou-jinjya as a Sinto ritual that is decorated with myths. The structure that sumo is closely concerned with a story about strength of god is maintained on Kami-sumo even today, while the ritual aspect is agitated by change of manipulators.

著者

永木 耕介

出版者

Japan Society of Sport Anthropology

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.10-11, pp.1-17, 2009-03-31 (Released:2011-08-16)

参考文献数

70

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Jigoro Kano (1860-1938) created Kodokan Judo based on the Jujutsu of the Edo period. Kano formed "The research institute of martial arts" towards the end of the Taisho era (early 1920s), and recommenced the study of practical Jujutsu. The purpose of this research is to demonstrate why he felt the need for advancing such research. As a hypothesis, during the Meiji Era (1868-1912) Judo was taught as a version of Jujutsu, being aimed for the most part as a form of education for the masses. However, he felt a range of different martial arts techniques should be taught in addition to competition oriented techniques. To this purpose Kano advocated an in-depth study of other forms of combat. It is also plausible that one of the reasons for this approach was due to the increasing popularity of Judo overseas, where it was perceived that it could be enhanced by maintaining continuity with combat effective techniques from traditional Jujutsu. First, I analyzed the timeframe for literature written by Kano in response to queries about "Judo as a martial art". Questions of this nature gradually became more frequent from the Taisho and subsequent eras. There was also more contact with martial arts such as Karate and Aiki-jujutsu from around from the end of the Taisho era. Investigating of the spread of Judo in Britain as an example of its international propagation, it became clear that modifications in thought succeeded in aiding Judo's popularity overseas. Jujutsu experts such as Yukio Tani and Gunji Koizumi were able to convert to Judo whilst maintaining their connection to traditional Jujutsu schools. Moreover, Kano concluded that it was necessary maintain the association with Jujutsu in order to highlight the individual characteristics of Judo compared to Western sports.

著者

瀬戸 邦弘 鈴木 みづほ 菱田 慶文 橋本 彩 朴 周鳳 國寳 真美 寒川 恒夫

出版者

日本スポーツ人類学会

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2007, no.9, pp.77-90, 2008-07-31 (Released:2011-08-16)

参考文献数

20

著者

庄形 篤

出版者

日本スポーツ人類学会

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2013, no.15, pp.97-122, 2013-12-31 (Released:2023-01-25)

被引用文献数

1

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A club activity at school is popular in Japan. The social concern with corporal punishment in athletic clubs has been growing. Over the past few decades, a considerable number of studies have been conducted on it. Those previous studies have been based on the assumption that it has no room to accept from the viewpoint of social ethics. This assumption prevents us understanding it; therefore I would like to handle it as one of club’s culture in this article, by freeing itself from the viewpoint of social ethics. It is important to take this point of view. Corporal punishment is criticized around the world now. However, many teachers keep inflicting it on club members in athletic clubs. We can interpret this contradiction in the following way: they may give a peculiar value to it. In order to understanding the meaning of corporal punishment, it is necessary to discuss an "emic" viewpoint. There has been no study that tried to discuss it from this viewpoint. Therefore, to understand corporal punishment in athletic clubs concretely, in this study the case of A high school women’s handball club is discussed with the method of fieldwork. In addition, this study focuses on the background of the corporal punishment and tries to find out the mechanism for acceptability of it. As a consequence, the club members believe that it is necessary for their growth to endure the corporal punishment. The result clearly shows that they interpret it as the way of self-discipline and self-cultivation.

著者

B. バットエルデニ 西村 幹也 富川 力道

出版者

日本スポーツ人類学会

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2002, no.4, pp.57-62, 2003-03-31 (Released:2011-06-08)

出版者

日本スポーツ人類学会

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2021, no.23, pp.1-20, 2021-12-31 (Released:2023-01-10)

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A study on the transformation of traditional Taiwanese sport: On the elements of "Extreme Sport" in Yilan Toucheng Qianggu The "Toucheng Qianggu Folk Culture Festival" is conducted as an annual local event in Toucheng, Yilan County, in the North-East of Taiwan. Qianggu takes place in July according to the lunar calendar (August in the solar calendar) during the period called chugen-setsu (Zhongyuanjie) and is said to have been introduced from Fujian Province in China about 200 years ago. A characteristic of Qianggu is the incorporation of competitive elements such as scrambling for a flag, attached to a high pole about 20 meters above the ground. Qianggu was originally considered a religious and cultural activity. While previous studies did point out that Qianggu was a sport, the element of participants "enjoying the extreme thrill" through taking part in a competition high above the ground only recently gained attention. This element of thrill can be regarded as a characteristic of "Extreme Sport" which is a new genre differing from traditional competitive sports. Extreme Sports as an aspect of "extreme thrill" are portrayed in the media as sports involving danger popular among young people. The aim of this paper is to discuss the transformation of Qianggu into a sport, especially focusing on its similarities with elements of extreme sports, while considering its traits as a traditional sport with underlying values and innovative aspects.

著者

遠藤 保子

出版者

Japan Society of Sport Anthropology

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005, no.7, pp.43-50, 2007

著者

高橋 幸一

出版者

Japan Society of Sport Anthropology

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2000, no.2, pp.75-85, 2001-01-31 (Released:2011-06-08)

参考文献数

28

著者

宮尾 慈良

出版者

日本スポーツ人類学会

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2003, no.5, pp.1-18, 2004-03-31 (Released:2011-06-08)

参考文献数

76

著者

弓削田 綾乃

出版者

Japan Society of Sport Anthropology

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.10-11, pp.10-58, 2009-03-31 (Released:2011-06-08)

参考文献数

58

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The purpose of this research is to explain the structure of the physical movements of the traditional dance “Hotoke-mai” in Japan, where the Buddha appears. I also examine the dramatics and stage effects with the idea of Raigo, where Bodhisattvas appear and lead the people into the paradise.I have analyzed Hotoke-mai by watching the movements on video, researching many dancing books, guidance documents and the support base of festivals. I chose to study the dance in the following temples and a shrine : Matsunoo temple in Maizuru city, Kyoto Prefecture, Itosaki temple in Fukui city, Fukui Prefecture and Oguni shrine in Mori town, Syuchi-gun, Shizuoka Prefecture.I have analyzed their movements from the following viewpoints. I. Moving sequences, poses and patterns during the routine. 2. The percentages of movements and poses. 3. The line of physical movements on the moving sequences. 4. The formation of the dancer's hands. 5. The formation changes of all the dancers. 6. The dynamics of the music frequencies and the movements.The results of the three Hotoke-mai studied are as follows.As for the festival of Matsunoo, which celebrates the birth of Shaka-Nyorai-identical with the Buddha-, the key word concerned with “death” is extracted. They make hand formations that means, Amida-Nyorai-who preaches the teachings-leading into the paradise. As for the change where 6 dancers point in 8 different directions, it suggest the symbol of 8 leafs Mandala with Dainichi-Nyorai-who preaches the truth through all creation-staying in the center. In other words, Buddhas who appeared for Hotoke-mai are the embodiment of the doctrine.In Itosaki, there is an old legend. People found a sculpture of the thousand armed Kannon in the sea, and it was niched in the temple. Then, some Bodhisa ttvas-identical to Buddhas who seek to save all living beings-and celestial maidens appeared and danced in the sky. The bounding steps of the dance and the formation that slowly turns clockwise, express floatingness in the sky. It expresses the force running through the sky and the joy of the 8 dancers that are gathered in the center.Hotoke-mai of Oguni is one of 12 Bugaku in the shrine festival. The first half are the sacred dances of “God's children”, the latter half are the civil dances of the adult men. Hotoke-mai is one of the sacred dances. It includes, the poses that are metaphors of sex organs, the movements that point at the heaven and earth, the formation of the left turn, the going straight and returning back to the formation, and the gold and silver disk adornments.The structures that are common to the three Hotoke-mai are the following points.The dancers do some movements that expression the Buddha's World. They express the Buddha's symbolic figures with their hands and the sacred centripetal force with their formation. And, it shows the audience the ways in which dancers walk into the stage from the dressing room, that is known as the religious action of “Gyo-do”.Performing the above, a scene of “Buddhas appear on the stage, they dance and then leave”. This is the same as the belief of Raigo, where various Buddhas go to and from the paradise and the human world. I consider the above the productions an extraordinary encounter of Buddhas and humans by portrayed by dancers, where by human bodies are a medium to setup the stage for an amazing festival.

著者

遠藤 綾乃 本田 郁子

出版者

日本スポーツ人類学会

雑誌

スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1999, no.1, pp.59-78, 1999

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This research focused on the physical movements, which were the main expression media of traditional performances such as dance and sports, and tried to elucidate the spirit, which could be seen as one side of society and culture. It was common in anthropological research of traditional dances, sports, and events to explore an abstract idea from the outline information that surrounds the physical movement. This paper aimed to analyze the structure and function of the physical movement along the lines of the &ldquo;black box&rdquo; trend. Additionally, elucidation of the spirit from characteristic physical movements, that was extraction of the expressional intention, was a further aim.<BR>In order to approach such a subject, the traditional performance &ldquo;<I>Hotoke-Mai</I>&rdquo; was used as an example. <I>Hotoke-Mai</I> reflects the public spirit of Buddhism in the form of traditional dance.<BR>By the following viewpoints and methods, this paper analyzed seven <I>Hotoke-Mai</I>.<BR>I. The relative frequency of extraction patterns, and the whole composition of the movement element by body part.<BR>II. Moving phrases and stillness poses, and patterns of these combinations.<BR>III. Lines of physical movement in moving phrases.<BR>IV. The form of the dancers' hands.<BR>V. Formation changes the entire body, and direction of the individual body.<BR>As a result, the following things were found out. <BR>(1) With regard to overall tendencies of <I>Hotoke-Mai</I>, firstly, &ldquo;limited patterns of movement repeated regularly&rdquo;, where six moving patterns were made into a single composition, was seen. Secondly, quick rotational movement and jumping movement, which were dance movement frequently used by Japanese traditional performance, were not accepted. From these results, it was possible to interpret <I>Hotoke-Mai</I> as static dance.<BR>(2) It was possible to divide the dance into the <I>Hotoke-Mai</I> (A), characterized by upper limb movement, and the <I>Hotoke-Mai</I> (B), characterized by trunk movement. Each movement characteristic was as follows.<BR>(A) : a high center-of-gravity position, an erect body axis, the line of centripetal / curvilinear / circumductional of upper limbs, the pose of a specific hand, systematic formation change of the entire body and body directivity in all directions.<BR>(B) : a low center-of-gravity position, a flexional-extentional body axis, the line of the centrifugal / linear / swinging of trunk, <I>nanba</I> /<I>henbai</I>, the regular position, body directivity in four directions (90 degree conversions).<BR>(3) The characteristics of physical movement were interpreted as follows, and expressional intentions were extracted.<BR>The movement-characteristics of (A) were an erect body axis and a diversity of expression with the upper limbs. This was in line with the Japanese Buddha image, and in agreement with the characteristics of molding physical expression. In particular, it agreed with the pause of a specific hand, which could be regarded as a means of the <I>in</I> to express the concrete Buddha. That was, <I>Hotoke-Mai</I> (A) controlled the movement of the upper limbs, and was considered to direct an appearance of the Buddha effectively by making the movement of upper limbs concentrate the spectator's eye. Moreover, formation and physical directivity attained appreciation of all and could be said to hold strong spectator appeal. Therefore, the similar images of the &ldquo;Buddha&rdquo; would be interpreted as being expressed by physical movement as people visualize a statues or pictures of Buddha.<BR>There was a close resemblance between the movement characteristics of (B) and movements that bent and lengthened whole-body repeatedly, especially the trunk, as in the case of worshipping God or Buddha. It was considered that these were symbolically expressing magic-acts, such as <I>hairei</I>, <I>harai</I>, and <I>shizume</I>. Moreover, the formation and physical directivity could be