著者
足立 賢二
出版者
日本スポーツ人類学会
雑誌
スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2020, no.22, pp.1-24, 2020-12-31 (Released:2023-01-17)

This paper considers the process of restructuring the views on Takenouchi-ryu, one of the Japanese traditional schools of martial arts, leading to its description as the oldest form of jiu-jitsu and as the origin of jiu-jitsu. What authorities were used by Kobudo Takenouchi-ryu officials to develop and publicize this idea? How were these authorities used? In addition, we discuss what factors led Kobudo Takenouchi-ryu officials to re-construct their self-representation through the publication of an official book on Kobudo Takenouchi-ryu, Nihon Jiu-jitsu no Genryu Takenouchi-ryu, in 1979. This paper makes a contribution to genealogical study of Kobudo, traditional martial ways in Japan, within Japanese cultural studies. First, we analyzed three publications describing Takenouchi-ryu, written by Kobudo Takenouchi-ryu officials from 1973 to 1982. In these three publications, these officials used three classical scrolls of the school, written between 1714 to 1844, as legitimation of their discourse. However, critical research has not found the official discourse of Kobudo Takenouchi-ryu to be well founded in these classic books. It has been found that Kobudo Takenouchi-ryu officials in fact used another source of authorization, a history of Kodokan Judo written by Kodokan Judo officials. Second, we analyzed five books describing the history of Kodokan Judo, published from 1868 to 1988. The results showed that the connection between Takenouchi-ryu and Kodokan Judo was formed as part of the historical development of judo in Japan. According to this progressive view of history, judo developed from sumo to kumiuchi (a form of battlefield-oriented armored grappling), from kumiuchi to jiu-jitsu, and from jiu-jitsu to judo. This genealogy was developed based on the ideas of Mamoru Sakuraba, the first to write a book on the history of judo, describing the historical development of Kodokan Judo. Sakuraba also regarded Takenouchi-ryu as jiu-jitsu. However, Sakuraba did not assign the origin of jiu-jitsu to this school. Sanzou Maruyama, who was the first to write an official history of Kodokan Judo, introduced Takenouchi-ryu into the historical development. Maruyama proposed the fact that Takenouchi-ryu was a school of kogusoku, and kogusoku was the origin of jiu-jitsu, implying that Takenouchi-ryu was the origin of jiu-jitsu. It was clear that Maruyama was the first to consider Takenouchi-ryu to be the origin of jiu-jitsu, and his view was fixed in subsequent descriptions of the history of Kodokan Judo. Third, we analyzed six papers referring to Takenouchi-ryu, written by Jigoro Kano, the founder of Kodokan Judo, from 1888 to 1926. In these papers, Kano emphasizes the Japanese origins of jiu-jitsu among the grappling arts. Kano denies the legacy of Chin Genpin, a famous Chinese writer and artist, as the originator of jiu-jitsu, instead placing Takenouchi-ryu at the center, which was regarded as a school of Kogusoku: grappling in light armor, either empty-handed or with a variety of short weapons. With this adoption of Takenouchi-ryu into the historical description of jiu-jitsu, Kano accepted two premises. The first was that Takenouchi-ryu is a school of jiu-jitsu. The second was that Takenouchi-ryu was founded in 1532. Almost all historical descriptions in Kodokan Judo take up these premises, making it common knowledge in the history of Kodokan Judo. However, the premises themselves have never been verified. There is a big issue with the second premise in particular. Takenouchi-ryu claims that it was founded in the sixth month of the Tenbun era. However, historical records show that the Tenbun era started in July, making the claim for 1532 as the foundational date of Takenouchi-ryu obviously suspicious.(※Due to word limit in J-Stage, please refer to the PDF file below)
著者
庄形 篤
出版者
日本スポーツ人類学会
雑誌
スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2013, no.15, pp.97-122, 2013-12-31 (Released:2023-01-25)
被引用文献数
1

A club activity at school is popular in Japan. The social concern with corporal punishment in athletic clubs has been growing. Over the past few decades, a considerable number of studies have been conducted on it. Those previous studies have been based on the assumption that it has no room to accept from the viewpoint of social ethics. This assumption prevents us understanding it; therefore I would like to handle it as one of club’s culture in this article, by freeing itself from the viewpoint of social ethics. It is important to take this point of view. Corporal punishment is criticized around the world now. However, many teachers keep inflicting it on club members in athletic clubs. We can interpret this contradiction in the following way: they may give a peculiar value to it. In order to understanding the meaning of corporal punishment, it is necessary to discuss an "emic" viewpoint. There has been no study that tried to discuss it from this viewpoint. Therefore, to understand corporal punishment in athletic clubs concretely, in this study the case of A high school women’s handball club is discussed with the method of fieldwork. In addition, this study focuses on the background of the corporal punishment and tries to find out the mechanism for acceptability of it. As a consequence, the club members believe that it is necessary for their growth to endure the corporal punishment. The result clearly shows that they interpret it as the way of self-discipline and self-cultivation.
出版者
日本スポーツ人類学会
雑誌
スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2021, no.23, pp.1-20, 2021-12-31 (Released:2023-01-10)

A study on the transformation of traditional Taiwanese sport: On the elements of "Extreme Sport" in Yilan Toucheng Qianggu The "Toucheng Qianggu Folk Culture Festival" is conducted as an annual local event in Toucheng, Yilan County, in the North-East of Taiwan. Qianggu takes place in July according to the lunar calendar (August in the solar calendar) during the period called chugen-setsu (Zhongyuanjie) and is said to have been introduced from Fujian Province in China about 200 years ago. A characteristic of Qianggu is the incorporation of competitive elements such as scrambling for a flag, attached to a high pole about 20 meters above the ground. Qianggu was originally considered a religious and cultural activity. While previous studies did point out that Qianggu was a sport, the element of participants "enjoying the extreme thrill" through taking part in a competition high above the ground only recently gained attention. This element of thrill can be regarded as a characteristic of "Extreme Sport" which is a new genre differing from traditional competitive sports. Extreme Sports as an aspect of "extreme thrill" are portrayed in the media as sports involving danger popular among young people. The aim of this paper is to discuss the transformation of Qianggu into a sport, especially focusing on its similarities with elements of extreme sports, while considering its traits as a traditional sport with underlying values and innovative aspects.
著者
遠藤 綾乃 本田 郁子
出版者
日本スポーツ人類学会
雑誌
スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1999, no.1, pp.59-78, 1999

This research focused on the physical movements, which were the main expression media of traditional performances such as dance and sports, and tried to elucidate the spirit, which could be seen as one side of society and culture. It was common in anthropological research of traditional dances, sports, and events to explore an abstract idea from the outline information that surrounds the physical movement. This paper aimed to analyze the structure and function of the physical movement along the lines of the &ldquo;black box&rdquo; trend. Additionally, elucidation of the spirit from characteristic physical movements, that was extraction of the expressional intention, was a further aim.<BR>In order to approach such a subject, the traditional performance &ldquo;<I>Hotoke-Mai</I>&rdquo; was used as an example. <I>Hotoke-Mai</I> reflects the public spirit of Buddhism in the form of traditional dance.<BR>By the following viewpoints and methods, this paper analyzed seven <I>Hotoke-Mai</I>.<BR>I. The relative frequency of extraction patterns, and the whole composition of the movement element by body part.<BR>II. Moving phrases and stillness poses, and patterns of these combinations.<BR>III. Lines of physical movement in moving phrases.<BR>IV. The form of the dancers' hands.<BR>V. Formation changes the entire body, and direction of the individual body.<BR>As a result, the following things were found out. <BR>(1) With regard to overall tendencies of <I>Hotoke-Mai</I>, firstly, &ldquo;limited patterns of movement repeated regularly&rdquo;, where six moving patterns were made into a single composition, was seen. Secondly, quick rotational movement and jumping movement, which were dance movement frequently used by Japanese traditional performance, were not accepted. From these results, it was possible to interpret <I>Hotoke-Mai</I> as static dance.<BR>(2) It was possible to divide the dance into the <I>Hotoke-Mai</I> (A), characterized by upper limb movement, and the <I>Hotoke-Mai</I> (B), characterized by trunk movement. Each movement characteristic was as follows.<BR>(A) : a high center-of-gravity position, an erect body axis, the line of centripetal / curvilinear / circumductional of upper limbs, the pose of a specific hand, systematic formation change of the entire body and body directivity in all directions.<BR>(B) : a low center-of-gravity position, a flexional-extentional body axis, the line of the centrifugal / linear / swinging of trunk, <I>nanba</I> /<I>henbai</I>, the regular position, body directivity in four directions (90 degree conversions).<BR>(3) The characteristics of physical movement were interpreted as follows, and expressional intentions were extracted.<BR>The movement-characteristics of (A) were an erect body axis and a diversity of expression with the upper limbs. This was in line with the Japanese Buddha image, and in agreement with the characteristics of molding physical expression. In particular, it agreed with the pause of a specific hand, which could be regarded as a means of the <I>in</I> to express the concrete Buddha. That was, <I>Hotoke-Mai</I> (A) controlled the movement of the upper limbs, and was considered to direct an appearance of the Buddha effectively by making the movement of upper limbs concentrate the spectator's eye. Moreover, formation and physical directivity attained appreciation of all and could be said to hold strong spectator appeal. Therefore, the similar images of the &ldquo;Buddha&rdquo; would be interpreted as being expressed by physical movement as people visualize a statues or pictures of Buddha.<BR>There was a close resemblance between the movement characteristics of (B) and movements that bent and lengthened whole-body repeatedly, especially the trunk, as in the case of worshipping God or Buddha. It was considered that these were symbolically expressing magic-acts, such as <I>hairei</I>, <I>harai</I>, and <I>shizume</I>. Moreover, the formation and physical directivity could be
著者
相原 健志
出版者
日本スポーツ人類学会
雑誌
スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2017, no.19, pp.1-22, 2017-12-31 (Released:2023-01-18)

The objective of the present article is to pioneer a field of "anthropology of training," in tackling a methodological problem relevant to it: how conceptions which have been found in the sport filed and determine firmly the sport practice (training) should be treated and converted into anthropological knowledge or concepts. It can be supposed that training of modern sports is characterized by being determined by a training methodology that comprises a system of concepts. When opening a path to anthropology of training, solving the problem referred above, this article focuses on "translation", a method proposed by a Brazilian anthropologist, E. Viveiros de Castro, taking as a concrete case the concept "tiredness" in a football training methodology originating in Portugal, the "Tactical Periodization (PT)." Viveiros de Castro argues the essence of anthropology resides in "translating" concepts found in the field into academic ones. Though "translation" does not seem to express adequately, or does even seem to betray, what the original conception to be "translated" has meant, he insists, it is "translation" that brings to us a novel and innovative concept. Through "translation", a new concept can be produced, or a new reality can be opened or actualized which was hidden within those concepts anthropologists have had. Also, "translation" can be a method complementary in anthropology of sports, where not many methodological discussions have been made, in terms of what effects this discipline can make. Furthermore, considering K. Blanchard and A. Cheska suggested that studies of anthropology of sports would influence on us, including not only anthropologists of sports but researchers of other disciplines related to sports and actual practioners like coaches or schoolteachers, anthropology of training via the method of "translation" can offer another way of relativization than what anthropology of sports have made. More concretely saying, anthropology of training can provide us with possibilities that they transform our existing ways of training while influenced by those concepts "translated". Our case to be studied is the concept "tiredness" within the training methodology "PT," invented by an ex-professor at University of Porto and also professional football coach, Vítor Frade. While revising the literature of this methodology, I made fieldwork in an U-17 team of a club "F" at Porto, which applied this training methodology. Their training was determined according to how tired their players are out of the plays in the game (normally) held on Sunday. As for youth teams in almost every club at Porto, as far as I researched, training was usually held three days a week. "F" was not any exception to it, with the U-17 team scheduled to train on Tuesday, Thursday, and Friday. Tuesday was the first training day after the official game was held on Sunday as well as being the most distant day from the next game (also Sunday), with the next day (Wednesday) off for recovery. Therefore, the coaches set relatively low intense but not too low intense exercises. Similarly, on Thursday, when three days have passed from the previous game and the players have recovered from tiredness well enough to play a full-court game, each of the exercises was conducted with the longest duration of the training days. Again similarly, in Friday training, when just two days were left for the next game, the exercises were cut up into small sessions of short duration, which would help prevent the players from feeling tired when the game at Sunday started. (※Due to word limit in J-Stage, please refer to the PDF file below)
著者
永木 耕介
出版者
日本スポーツ人類学会
雑誌
スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2008, no.10, pp.1-17, 2009

Jigoro Kano (1860-1938) created Kodokan Judo based on the Jujutsu of the Edo period. Kano formed "The research institute of martial arts" towards the end of the Taisho era (early 1920s), and recommenced the study of practical Jujutsu. The purpose of this research is to demonstrate why he felt the need for advancing such research. <BR>As a hypothesis, during the Meiji Era (1868-1912) Judo was taught as a version of Jujutsu, being aimed for the most part as a form of education for the masses. However, he felt a range of different martial arts techniques should be taught in addition to competition oriented techniques. To this purpose Kano advocated an in-depth study of other forms of combat. It is also plausible that one of the reasons for this approach was due to the increasing popularity of Judo overseas, where it was perceived that it could be enhanced by maintaining continuity with combat effective techniques from traditional Jujutsu. <BR>First, I analyzed the timeframe for literature written by Kano in response to queries about "Judo as a martial art". Questions of this nature gradually became more frequent from the Taisho and subsequent eras. There was also more contact with martial arts such as Karate and Aiki-jujutsu from around from the end of the Taisho era. <BR>Investigating of the spread of Judo in Britain as an example of its international propagation, it became clear that modifications in thought succeeded in aiding Judo's popularity overseas. Jujutsu experts such as Yukio Tani and Gunji Koizumi were able to convert to Judo whilst maintaining their connection to traditional Jujutsu schools. Moreover, Kano concluded that it was necessary maintain the association with Jujutsu in order to highlight the individual characteristics of Judo compared to Western sports.
著者
弓削田 綾乃
出版者
日本スポーツ人類学会
雑誌
スポーツ人類學研究 (ISSN:13454358)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2008, no.10, pp.10-58, 2009

The purpose of this research is to explain the structure of the physical movements of the traditional dance &ldquo;<I>Hotoke-mai</I>&rdquo; in Japan, where the Buddha appears. I also examine the dramatics and stage effects with the idea of Raigo, where Bodhisattvas appear and lead the people into the paradise.<BR>I have analyzed <I>Hotoke-mai</I> by watching the movements on video, researching many dancing books, guidance documents and the support base of festivals. I chose to study the dance in the following temples and a shrine : Matsunoo temple in Maizuru city, Kyoto Prefecture, Itosaki temple in Fukui city, Fukui Prefecture and Oguni shrine in Mori town, Syuchi-gun, Shizuoka Prefecture.<BR>I have analyzed their movements from the following viewpoints. I. Moving sequences, poses and patterns during the routine. 2. The percentages of movements and poses. 3. The line of physical movements on the moving sequences. 4. The formation of the dancer's hands. 5. The formation changes of all the dancers. 6. The dynamics of the music frequencies and the movements.<BR>The results of the three <I>Hotoke-mai</I> studied are as follows.<BR>As for the festival of Matsunoo, which celebrates the birth of <I>Shaka-Nyorai</I>-identical with the Buddha-, the key word concerned with &ldquo;death&rdquo; is extracted. They make hand formations that means, <I>Amida-Nyorai</I>-who preaches the teachings-leading into the paradise. As for the change where 6 dancers point in 8 different directions, it suggest the symbol of 8 leafs Mandala with <I>Dainichi-Nyorai</I>-who preaches the truth through all creation-staying in the center. In other words, Buddhas who appeared for Hotoke-mai are the embodiment of the doctrine.<BR>In Itosaki, there is an old legend. People found a sculpture of the thousand armed <I>Kannon</I> in the sea, and it was niched in the temple. Then, some Bodhisa ttvas-identical to Buddhas who seek to save all living beings-and celestial maidens appeared and danced in the sky. The bounding steps of the dance and the formation that slowly turns clockwise, express floatingness in the sky. It expresses the force running through the sky and the joy of the 8 dancers that are gathered in the center.<BR><I>Hotoke-mai</I> of Oguni is one of 12 Bugaku in the shrine festival. The first half are the sacred dances of &ldquo;God's children&rdquo;, the latter half are the civil dances of the adult men. <I>Hotoke-mai</I> is one of the sacred dances. It includes, the poses that are metaphors of sex organs, the movements that point at the heaven and earth, the formation of the left turn, the going straight and returning back to the formation, and the gold and silver disk adornments.<BR>The structures that are common to the three <I>Hotoke-mai</I> are the following points.<BR>The dancers do some movements that expression the Buddha's World. They express the Buddha's symbolic figures with their hands and the sacred centripetal force with their formation. And, it shows the audience the ways in which dancers walk into the stage from the dressing room, that is known as the religious action of &ldquo;<I>Gyo-do</I>&rdquo;.<BR>Performing the above, a scene of &ldquo;Buddhas appear on the stage, they dance and then leave&rdquo;. This is the same as the belief of <I>Raigo</I>, where various Buddhas go to and from the paradise and the human world. I consider the above the productions an extraordinary encounter of Buddhas and humans by portrayed by dancers, where by human bodies are a medium to setup the stage for an amazing festival.