出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.221, pp.62, 2002 (Released:2021-08-16)

著者

栃内 文彦

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.222, pp.65-74, 2002 (Released:2021-08-16)

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The "controversies " in Japanese geological community that lasted for 20 years after World War II are widely recognized as "historicity controversies " between "physicochemicalism " (denying "historicity " in geological objects) and "historicism " (against employing physicochemical methods). Mitsuo HUNAHASHI, professor of petrology at Hokkaido University, has been considered to be a "historicist. " However, reexamination of his "historicity controversies " reveals that he was not a man of "historicism. " The true point of the "controversies " was whether historical or physicochemical methods should have priority in geological studies. To Hunahashi, it was on historical methods; however, he never denied the other methods. That is, he was not a man of "historicism. " He thought that "historicity " was found within such micro structures as the irregularity of mineral crystals. The more details could he observe, the more precise his understanding of "historicity " would be. Therefore, employing physicochemical methods for more detailed observations was matter of course to him. Some of his researches even suggest that he tried to unify both of the approaches. The reason he was seen as a "historicist " is that Hunahashi thought his opponents were "physicochemicalists. " Actually, they (S. BANNO, K. ITO, and A. MIYASHIRO) were well aware of "historicity " and never "physico- chemicalists. " Consequently, Hunahashi's claims became as if he had been criticizing all physicochemical methods as "physicochemicalism. " Criticized as if they had been "physicochemicalists, " Miyashiro, et. al. had to argue back that Hunahashi's claim was a sort of "historicist " arguments. The "controversies " also have political and ideological contexts. These will be discussed in later papers.

著者

日野川 静枝

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.222, pp.75-87, 2002 (Released:2021-08-16)

著者

高田 誠二 兵藤 申一

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.220, pp.215-218, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

著者

株本 訓久

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.220, pp.219-227, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

著者

伊藤 和行

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.220, pp.227-229, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

著者

斎藤 光

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.220, pp.229-232, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

著者

中山 茂

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.220, pp.233-235, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

著者

安孫子 誠也

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.220, pp.236-240, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.220, pp.241-253, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.220, pp.254, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

著者

杉本 良子

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.219, pp.140-150, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

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The problem of the units of X-ray exposure originated from the fact that therapists wished to grasp the relationship between the quantity of irradiated X-ray and its effect on medical treatment, and to make a comparative study of each therapeutic result by the same measure. This problem was an interdisciplinary one between physics and radiotherapeutics. In 1925, the Radiological Society of North America settled the Committee on Standardization of X-ray Measurements to study the problem of measuring X-rays, and to guide the members of the Society. The committee was composed of physicists and radiologists in equal number. They developed a large-sized standard chamber and a portable one. L. S. Tayler transported the portable chamber to Europe and by using it he compared and exmined British, German and French standard chambers, confirming that each of them could be used as a common standard chamber. Based on these facts the ICRU presented the Annex to the recommendations of 1934 on the standard measuring apparatus. It was shown by physicists that the effect on the human body was not represented only by the quantity of irradiated X-rays and that a description of the quality of X-rays was indispensable. As radiologists' understanding deepend, they came to actively submit proposals to radiological societies in the 1930's. Taking their opinions into consideration, the ICRU recommendations which were practicable for medical purposes were issued in 1937. The effort of American and British radiological societies for a better solution beyond disciplines is suggestive in dealing with interdisciplinary issues.

著者

野村 正雄

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.219, pp.151-157, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

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TAKANO Choei, one of the progressive scientists in Tokugawa Japan, wrote in around 1830 an essay entitled by Taisei-Jishin-Setsu (Remarks on Earthquakes in Europe). We find that the essay is Japanese translation of the article "AARDBEEVING " (EARTHQUAKE) of the academic dictionary in the Netherland, Nieuw en Volkomen Woordenboek van Konsten en Weetenschappen (New Popular Dictionary on Science) edited by Egbert Buys in 1769-1778. The article is as lengthy as 202 lines. A serious misunderstanding is found in TAKANO's translation, which would be overlooked but for the Dutch original. We point out also that the TAKANO's essay was copied, though slightly modified, in Rigaku-Teiyo the famous scientific book written by HIROSE Genkyo in 1856.

著者

宮島 一彦

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.219, pp.158-160, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

著者

兵藤 友博 中村 邦光 江田 稔 梶 雅範 藤岡 和男 北林 雅洋

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.219, pp.161-170, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.219, pp.171-177, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.219, pp.182-190, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

著者

大網 功

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.220, pp.193-204, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

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In the ancient Indian movement theory, all movements were epistemologically considered as momentary movements. Continuous movement was understood as a series of momentary movements caused by a volitional effort or a propulsive power. Momentary movements in the Indian movement theory are classified into five kinds. These are moving upwards, moving downwards, bending, stretching and going. This movement theory is described in the work, Prasastapadabhasya, written in the sixth century A.D. In this paper I would like to explain what kinds of movements these five momentary movements are (1); and consider the reason why these five movements were chosen as the fundamental kinds of movement (2). (1) The "going " is a movement in which the direction is not specified by volitional effort. The other four movements are movements in which the directions is determined in the vertical direction by a specific volitional effort. A number of movements were classified as the "going " kind of movement in the work, Prasastapadabhasya. In the Indian movement theory the direction of movement of matter in the transverse direction was not specified by a volitional effort, because in the transverse direction, matter could be moved in various directions through a volitional effort.(2) In the Indian movement theory, the momentary changes of place on the moved matter which were brought by the momentary movements of matter were considered as important attributes of movement. In this theory, the fundamental kinds of movements were recognized from an objective point of view. And from this viewpoint all movements were objectively classified into two kinds; the movement in which the direction was determined by a specific volitional effort and the movement in which the direction was not specified by volitional effort. Moreover, the determined direction of movement of matter was in the vertical direction objectively. It seems that the above five movements, namely, moving upwards, moving downwards, bending, stretching, and going, were chosen as the fundamental kinds of movements in the ancient Indian movement theory.

著者

栃内 文彦 杉山 滋郎

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.220, pp.205-214, 2001 (Released:2021-08-16)

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Seitaro Tsuboi, a professor of petrology at the Imperial University of Tokyo, played the central role in introducing Bowen's theory to the petrological community in Japan before World War II. Influenced by his predecessors, Tsuboi became interested in so called "new petrology " employing physicochemical methods. To Tsuboi, Bowen's theory was the most important amoung them. Based on both his uniquely developed optical method to examine minerals and his own research philosophy, he could add more details to Bowen's theory. Facts suggest that Tsuboi's study was received certain recognition in his days. However, it does not mean that Bowen's theory was either well accepted or deeply understood since such a "new petrology " was not necessary for the majority of researchers who employed traditional descriptive methods. Although no strong dislike to Bowen's theory came up, some petrologists felt somewhat uneasy about the research methods. Nevertheless, there were not serious controversies between Tsuboi and those scholars partly because their understanding the theory and physicochemical methods was not deep enough to develop effective criticisms and partly because the theory and Tsuboi's methods were not widely penetrated into the community. However, after World War II, serious controversies around the theory came up where Tsuboi was criticized as a man of formalism who neglected the observed facts. The fact was that Tsuboi actually always kept it in his mind that Bowen's theory was neither perfect nor absolutely true; therefore, he pursued the logical clarity between theoretically induced ideas and observed facts. These will be discussed in later papers.

著者

河村 豊

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.218, pp.75-86, 2001 (Released:2021-08-17)

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This paper shows the actural circumstances of Japanese naval radar and their wartime urgent measures for radar. At the end of war Japanese naval radar was widely spread over. : about 250 land-based radar sites, 100 million yen costs, 30 radar types, 500 radar officers and 10 thousand radar operators. For the purpose of that, Japanese navies took the counter plan from the half time of the war. The main urgent measures of this are as follows. THe first, many young naval officers graduated from university got into the naval radar school which named Fujisawa Kaigun Densoku Gakkou (Naval Radar School) established on September 1944 at Kanagawa Prefecture. The second, the new naval manufacture for radar named Numazu Kaigun Khosho (Navy Yard) established on June 1943 at Shizuoka Prefecture. The third, the radar was designed simply for the purpose of easy carriage, reasonable cost and long time operation. The typical radar was the Mark 1 Model 3 radar which was operating at 150 MHZ, peak power 10 KW. So many radar sites were constructed at pacific coasts of Japan, but there was no radar war with United States because of the Japanese primitive radar.