著者
島岡 哉
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.12, pp.199-217, 2004-12-25

The purpose of this study is to analyze how people experienced so-called "traveling theatres (idou-eiga)" in contemporary Japan. For this purpose. I have interviewed members of a cinema promotion company, "Cinema You" in Nagoya city in Aichi prefecture. Also, I worked as a staff at one of the screenings of the traveling theatres. Based on these ethnographic data, the screenings of this company will be investigated. Since traveling theatres are usually regarded as a relic of a bygone age, they have rarely been examined in former cultural studies or media studies. In this study, other important aspects of traveling theatres will be discussed. By focusing on the time and space in which ordinary people watched films, the multiplicity of the meanings of the traveling theatres will be presented.
著者
濱西 栄司
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, pp.59-74, 2006-12

This paper aims at developing a methodological framework for ordering the various kinds of social movement studies. First, it outlines the present condition of social movement studies. From the early 1980s, there has been a radical theoretical conflict. To illustrate, the International Sociological Association (ISA) now has two research committees on Social Movements, the definitions and orientations of each corresponding to either of the two poles of this theoretical opposition. Furthermore, this paper also points out the significance of Hiroshi Ohata's methodological examination in explaining and interpreting social movements and the problems concerning the standpoint of Ohata. In Ohata's scientific methodological framework, approaches that do not make a distinction between scientific and non-scientific activities are excluded. Second, I discuss ethnomethodology, constructionism and the analytic-bracketing method, since all these three approaches avoid the rigid distinction between scientific and non-scientific activities without making epistemological "folding-backs". By putting a distinctive emphasis on the production and accountability of phenomena of order, one can distinguish ethnomethodological studies from classic studies. Constructionist approaches to social problems focus on the claim-making activities of individuals or groups about putative conditions. The analytic-bracketing approach addresses the whats (from contructionism) and hows (from ethnomethodology) alternately in order to assemble a more complete picture of social activities. Third, I touch upon the concrete forms of social movement studies following these three approaches above, as well as the relations between them and the conventional social movement studies. Finally, I attempt to build a more comprehensive framework that could unify all these three approaches and scientific methodological approaches.
著者
田野 大輔
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.123-150, 1997-12-25

In diesem Aufsatz geht es um die kulturelle Reichweite der Motorisierung im Dritten Reich. Den kulturpolitischen Grundzug des Nationalsozialismus hat J. Herf als >>Reaktionare Modernitat<< charakterisiert, d. h. als Mischung von reaktionarer Politik und technischer Modernitat. Aber dieser Begriff ist irrefuhrend, weil sich die Haltung der Nationalsozialisten zur Modernitat nicht einfach als >>reaktionar<< definieren laBt. Eher sollte man den an sich ambivalenten Charakter der Moderne, der von D. Peukert als >>Janusgesicht des Modernisierungsprozesses<< gekennzeichnet worden ist, zur Diskussion stellen, um das Wesen des Nationalsozialismus zu erklaren. Daruber hinaus soll hier klargemacht werden, daB sich Hitlers Diktatur auf diese ambivalente Modernitat stutzte, die das deutsche Volk bis zum Zusammenbruch des Dritten Reiches faszinierte und nicht zuletzt im Autobahnbau und im Volkswagenprojekt ihren Niederschlag fand. Hitler trat mit dem Ziel an, eine motorisierte volksgemeinschaft zu schaffen. Er gelobte, auch dem deutschen Arbeiter zu einem Wagen, dem Symbol der Modernitat, zu verhelfen und damit die spannungsgeladene Distanz zwischen den Schichten auszugleichen. Das war eine lockende VerheiBung der NS-Zukunft. Der >>Fuhrer<< betrachtete das Automobil und andere Technologien als Mittel der Herrschaft, als >>elan vital<< des neuen faschistischen Menschen. Das AutobewuBtsein des Dritten Reiches ist daher wohl als >>stahlerne Romantik<< zu kennzeichnen, wie Goebbels es nannte. Hier laBt sich die Ambivalenz der nationalsozialistischen Modernitat ganz klar erkennen, d. h. die Synthese von technologischem Fortschritt und diktatorischem Herrschaftsanspruch. Die Reichsautobahnen, >>die StraBen des Fuhrers<<, sollten nicht nur >>Pyramiden des Reiches<< sein, sondern auch Symbol der Einheit der Nation, der raumliche Ausdruck der Gleichschaltung. Hier spiegelte sich die ganz moderne Vision einer integrierten Gesellschaft, der die Nationalsozialisten nur ihren eigenen Ausdruck gaben. Daruber hinaus sollten die Autobahnen nach Auffassung von F. Todt >>Kunstwerk<< sein, das den Versuch darstellte, Technik und Kultur zu versohnen und die NS-Ideologie in Stahl, Stein und Beton zu materialisieren. Wahrend aber die NS-Kunst grundsatzlich technologiefrei war, mit Ausnahme der Autobahnen, sah Hitler den Volkswagen eher im Kontext des Massenkonsums. Der Volkswagen sollte ein solides Gebrauchsgut sein und daher in seinem Design Einfachheit, Bescheidenheit, Zuverlassigkeit und Sparsamkeit darstellen. Bei seiner Stromlinienform, die die Geschwindigkeit formal zum Ausdruck brachte, ging es darum, den technologischen Fortschritt und die Modernitat des Regimes zu symbolisieren. Im Gegensatz zur Kunst, wo mit der Ausrottung der >>entarteten<< Kunst Modernitat nicht mehr thematisiert wurde, trat in der Autowerbung jedoch der moderne Massenkonsum als Hauptthema auf, in dem sich die Sehnsucht des Volkes nach einem bewegteren, individuelleren Leben widerspiegelte. Der Nationalsozialismus verstarkte also die Tendenzen zur Massenkonsumgesellschaft, denn die atomisierte Masse kam ihm hochst gelegen. Zusammenfassend laBt sich sagen, daB der Wille zur Motorisierung im Dritten Reich wohl als das >>Janusgesicht<< der Modernitat zu charakterisieren ist. Problematisch ist nur die Bewertung dieser Ambivalenz. Dieser ambivalente Charakter eignet sich nicht als Erklarungsmodell fur Verschleierungspraktiken oder Lugenhaftigkeit des Nationalsozialismus. Im Gegenteil zielten die Nationalsozialisten selbst auf einen Fortschritt in Harmonie und Ordnung, die Versohnung von Moderne und Kultur. Unverkennbar ist allerdings, daB diese Vision an sich im hochsten Grade modern ist. Man kann sogar die archaischen Elemente der NS-Kultur als Ausdruck der Modernisierungstriebkraft interpretieren, weil es ein ganz moderner Verhaltenskodex ist, zur ideologischen Legitimierung alte Symbole zu benutzen. Letztlich handelt es sich um die Durchmischung von progressiven und regressiven Tenden
著者
石田 あゆう
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.8, pp.31-50, 2000

The image of people usually have of the female consumer today is the one of a buying cosmetics and clothes. However, originally female consumers were associated with housewives. Both images reflect the deep relation women had their home, in addition to increasing role women played throughout the process of social modernization. The aim of this article is to examine the Japanese magazine, "Fujin Sekai" ("Women's world"), one of the first mass magazines for women. I would like to clarify the image of the housewife whose main activities are cooking and shopping as an ideal and as an active female consumer at the same time. Nowadays to go to the supermarket to buy some food every day represents an important task for housewives. But in early modern Japan, shopping was unusual activity for women in general, as it was reserved to professionals like maids or cooks. Cooking was not a daily work for some women. I examined some articles about women cooking that Murai Gensai, a famous novelist of the Meiji Era, wrote on "Fujin Sekai".
著者
田野 大輔
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.57-76, 1995-12-25

This study surveys the historical debate on the character of the Third Reich and analyzes the mechanism of the "polycracy" in this regime. In former period Hitler's state appeared to be a rational and well-organized system of a totalitarian nature, but subsequent historical research has revealed a more complex picture. The traditional view as propounded by K. D. Bracher and others was criticized by the "functionalist" school of M. Broszat and H. Mommsen, who drew attention to the disorganized character of the regime. The political system, they insisted, was by no means totalitarian but rather chaotic : a ruthless competition and rivalry among the various institutions for power and influence. Amplifying this view, I proceed to apply the concept of "polycracy" to the power structure of the Third Reich. The polycratic structure of the NS regime composed of more than one power center contrasted strikingly with the totalitarian and monocratic nature of the ideology. This study places special emphasis on this peculiar ambivalence, on the dynamic interaction between ideology and organization. In the main part of this article, I examine the constituents of the Nazi ideology, namely the concepts of "Volksgemeinschaft", "Fuhrer" and "Kampf", so as to show that nothing but these factors gave rise to the polycracy in the Third Reich. I also show that the polycratic structure of the regime helped to consolidate and enhance Hitler's power. There is no contradiction between his supreme power and a polycratic and altogether disintegrated system of government : both conditioned and enforced one another. This mechanism of "polycracy", however, developed a momentum of its own which it was difficult to control, and sparked off the energy of destruction and ultimately of self-destruction too. In conclusion, I insist that this process of "cumulative radicalization" which ended in total war and genocide should not be portrayed as the work of a deliberate dictatorial will, but rather as the consequences of the polycracy, of the way in which political power was organized in this regime. The historical assessment of the Third Reich cannot conveniently be reduced to the role of Hitler who is a singular phenomenon unlikely to re-emerge in the future. The conditions and structure which allowed him to gain overall control of a modern society have not changed that much and are therefore a more worthwhile topic for further scrutiny.
著者
田野 大輔
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, pp.63-80, 1999-12-25

In diesem Aufsatz geht es um den Gesamtzusammenhang der nationalsozialistischen Medienrealitat, die von Widerspruchen und Konflikten gekennzeichnet wurde. Zuerst werden einzelne Medienbereiche (Presse, Rundfunk, Film und Kunst) untersucht, und dadurch wird festgestellt, daB die Hauptkontrahenten der kulturpolitischen Machtkampfe vor allem Goebbels und Rosenberg waren. Der Propagandaminister, ein Virtuose im Umgang mit den modernen Massenmedien, war der pragmatischen Meinung, daβ Unterhaltung staatspolitisch wichtig sei, denn ohne Optimismus sei kein Krieg zu gewinnen, wahrend der Chefideologe ein sturer Dogmatiker war, der sich immer an einer volkischen Weltanschauung orientierte. Dieser Konflikt zwischen pragmatischer Moderne und volkischer Antimoderne spitzte sich zu, nicht zuletzt auf einem kulturpolitischen Feld, das mit der NS-Gemeinschaft "Kraft durch Freude" innerhalb der von Ley beherrschten Deutschen Arbeitsfront entstand. Durch eine kurze Untersuchung ihrer Tatigkeiten wird gezeigt, daβ diese Mammutorganisation versuchte, Moderne und Antimoderne zu versohnen und eine politische Asthetik herzustellen. Diese Asthetik wurde zu einem klassischen Schonheitsideal uberhoht, wie es in den monumentalen Bauten Speers oder in den Olympischen Spielen 1936 dargestellt wurde. Nach der Auffassung Hitlers sollte es sogar um einen von Klassizitat gepragten neuen Menschentyp gehen. Somit laBt sich schlieBen, daB die politische Asthetik, die als moderner Klassizismus zu charakterisieren ist, eine integrierende Rolle innerhalb der widerspruchlichen Kulturpolitik im Dritten Reich spielte.
著者
渡邊 拓也
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.12, pp.91-108, 2004-12-25

This article aims to examine the effects of emergence and diffusion of ADHD (Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder) in Japan, especially in the field of pedagogy. ln the 1980s, ADHD was listed on DSM-III, the classification of American Psychiatric Association. By 1999, the term ADHD was introduced to Japan, first by a book written for parents who have ADHD children. Also on the governmental level, by the end of the twentieth century in Japan, the Minister of Education decided to introduce American psychiatric diagnostic criteria partially to the education system of primary and secondary schools. The application of the criteria, however, provoked certain problems. a) The brighter side of the application: medically exact diagnosis of ADHD. Problematic behaviour of children was once considered as "childishness". Medical diagnosis has led teachers and parents to abstain from excessive reproach that might lower the children's self-esteem. b) The darker side: confusion between ADHD and quasi-ADHD. ADHD became a magic word that allows teachers, sometimes unjustly, to hold the disease responsible for many other problems at school: wandering in class, violence, long absence from school, etc. Becoming scapegoat of a sort, difficult children who were simply called "childish" have now become suspects of mental disorder. Psychiatric doctors and psychologists, on the one hand, insist on the importance of showing understanding towards the disease, and spread information about it. On the other hand, the term "ADHD" has become so popular and handy that it can be used less carefully to a simply difficult child. In conclusion, it is argued that this paradox of medicalization occurred largely in the process of the information iffusion, rather than as an effect of the discovery of the disease.
著者
田野 大輔
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.23-40, 1998-12-25

Die >>Asthetisierung der Politik<<, von der W. Benjamin in seinem Kunstwerk-Aufsatz gesprochen hat, zeigt sich deutlich im Nationalsozialismus, besonders in seiner spektakularen Inszenierung der Reichsparteitage. Diese asthetische Leistung des Nationalsozialismus laBt sich nicht allein auf hohle Propaganda zuruckfuhren, sondern auf seine Fahigkeit, tatsachlich Realitat zu schaffen, mit der er die breite Masse faszinierte. Benjamin hat behauptet, daB die >>Asthetisierung der Politik<< eine hemmungslose Ubertragung der Thesen des >> L'art pour l'art<< auf die Politik bedeute und im Krieg gipfle. Seinem Kunstwerk-Aufsatz zufolge bedeutet sie aber auch den kunstlichen Aufbau des >>schonen Scheins<< in der Politik, die Spektaklisierung der Politik durch die Massenmedien. Wie Goebbels sich bewuBt war, war die nationalsozialistische Politik daruber hinaus eine >>bildende Kunst des Staates<<, die mit dem Ziel der Schonheit die Masse formte und die Realitat als ein >>Gesamtkunstwerk<< gestaltete. Hier entstand das aus dem Menschenmaterial aufgefuhrte Monument, das S. Kracauer das >>Ornament der Masse<< genannt hat. Dieses Monument wurde weiter von E. Junger theoretisch als >>die Gestalt des Arbeiters<< gepragt, und in der Tat beherrschte es die politische Offentlichkeit des NS-Regimes. In diesem Bild sah die Masse sich selbst ins Gesicht, identifizirte sich damit und verlieh ihm dadurch erst Realitat, anders gesagt, sie bildete sich daran selbst zu einem Monument. Somit laBt sich schlieBen, daB sich die nationalsozialistische Herrschaft nicht auf rein propagandistische Manipulation durch den Fuhrer stutzte, sondern auf eine Realitat des Asthetischen, die durch die Integration der Masse gestaltet war und mit der sie sich identifizierte.
著者
片田(孫) 朝日
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, pp.73-94, 2003-12-25

This study explores the characteristic of girls' language uses in their play activities and illuminates the variety of the styles in contexts. Previous studies in Japan have found that girls and boys learn and use gender-appropriate behaviors and linguistic forms. According to these studies, girls and their groups use more polite and collaborative linguistic styles, including more mitigated verb forms, than boys. Among girls "the rule of considerateness" to others (Goffman) earns more attention than among boys. These studies, however, tend to depict children as beings who are one-sidedly socialized to be simply bound by the gender norms. This study tries to show that girls, depending on the contexts, carefully choose various linguistic styles including masculine ones, and make tactical use of the rules of considerateness and of the norms of girls' styles in their play interactions. This study are based on the data obtained through naturalistic observation and videotaped play interaction of girls and boys (of age six to nine) in a child care center in Kyoto City. In this study, the girls who like to play house, drawing and card games, were found to form more exclusive and stable play groups than those of the boys. When the girls want to get other girls to do something, they usually designed directives - speech acts in more mitigated forms. The girls in one of the two groups were willing to show their consideration for younger girls. These girls, on the other hand, reproached other girls' for their behaviors which according to them lacked consideration, using such a term as "Ijiwaru" (mean). They not only conform to the rule of considerateness, but also actively use it for themselves. In addition, the girls change their style in contexts. When boys invaded their plays, they baldly accused the boys and order to go away in imperative forms. The girls in the higher status group, also often teased and denounced a peripheral member in the group. They design directives aimed at her in aggravated forms. But the denounced girl herself challenged the denouncers insisting that an aggressive behavior is not appropriate for girls.
著者
吉田 純
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.23-36, 1997-12-25

Die Wille von Habermas, die kritischen Momente der asthetischen Moderne nicht esoterisch-d. h. offentlich-zu retten, ist ein hintergrundige Motiv seiner starken Orientierung zur Moderne als "ein unvollendetes Projekt". Tatsachlich in seiner letzten Werken hat Habermas oft uber das Problem der idealen-oder nicht idealen-Beziehung von Kunst und Gesellschaft bzw. Politik diskutiert. Dieser Aufsatz zielt darauf, die theoretische und praktische Perspektive von Habermas uber dieses Problem klar zu machen, und als Folge, darauf hinzuweisen, das "die asthetische Offentlichkeit", das Kommunikationsfeld um asthetisch-politische Probleme, als eine notwendige Voraussetzung fur das Projekt der Moderne von Habermas aufgestellt werden muBte. In seinen theoretischen Schriften kritisiert Habermas Nietzsche und Poststrukturalisten, vertreten von Derrida, weil sie daB asthetische Urteilskraft als ein privilegiertes Kriterium uber theoretische und praktische Vernunft erheben, oder durch die "Asthetisierung der Sprache" den Eigensinn, d. h. starke Autonomie, von normaler und poetischer Rede verleugnen. Dagegen behauptet Habermas, das die asthetische Moderne, neben den Gebieten der theoretischen und praktischen Vernunft, jeden Eigensinn haben musse, und die drei Gebiete jede eigentliche Position in der kulturellen Moderne aufnehmen mussen. Dies ist seiner basale Gesichtspunkt fur das Problem der idealen Beziehung von Kunst und Gesellschaft. In seinen zeitdiagnostischen oder kulturkritschen Schriften uber moderne Archtektur, Heinrich Heine und deutschen Neokonservatismus feststellt Habermas : i) Die Autonomie der asthetischen Moderne und soziale Funktion der Kunst, gegen asthetische Theorie von Adorno, miteinander vereinbar sind. ii) Alle Neokonservative ignorieren die Autonomie der Kunst. iii) Die Offentlichkeit als Kommunikationsfeld ist die Voraussetzung fur die Vermittlung zwischen autonomer Kunst und politischen Meinungsbildung. Die dritte Feststellung ist besonders wichtig, weil sie ist auch die Voraussetzung fur die Vereinbarung von autonomer Kunst und ihrer soziale Funktion (i), oder fur die Kritik an Nerkonservatismus (ii). Diese Offentlichkeit muste diejenige beiderseitige Struktur haben, in die asthetische Probleme durch politische Disukurs, und politische Probleme durch asthetische Diskurs, uminterpretieren konnen.
著者
吉田 竜司
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.4, pp.21-40, 1996-12-25

This article aims to reconsider controversies over Turner and Killian's "emergent norm approach" and point out their implication to the empirical study of crowd behavior. Over the past few decades, most studies of crowd behavior have shared a similar view called "no-real-difference approach". This approach asserts the continuity between crowd and institutional behavior. Among this line of studies, Turner and Killian's "emergent norm approach" has been placed at the forefront. At the same time, Turner and Killian's theoretical explanation has been the subject of some criticisms. They may be divided into four types : 1) the arbitrariness of their explanation of crowd member's motive, 2) theoretical discontinuity between micro-macro level, 3) unfalsifiability of their definition of crowd behavior, and 4) unclearness of the emergent norm concept. The core of all the questions about Turner and Killian's theorization existed in the meaning they attached to the term "emergent" : they tended to use this term with the connotation of "spontaneously novel". Because of this connotation, "emergent norm" concept served as a cure-all in explaining seemingly novel phenomena (crowd behavior). To quote D. Bloor's term, this concept was "asymmetrical". Instead of their emphasis on empirical reality of crowd behavior, this concept made their theory both tautological and reality detached. In response to these criticisms, they modified the term "emergent norm" to "an emergent (revised) definition of the situation". This modification makes clear that the term "emergent" means "reorganized" conditions. Now we can estimate this modification makes their central concept symmetrical. And securing the symmetrical continuity between crowd and institutional behavior is the ethos of the "no-real-difference approach". So with this revised interpretation of emergent norm, this approach could secure the symmetrical continuity at the conceptual level and we could use this concept to empirical study of crowd behavior.
著者
小島 剛
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, pp.149-164, 2001-12-25

The purpose of this paper is to consider how the public who are not engaged in special scientific work understand and interact with science. Recently we are surrounded by various risks caused by science, so the public needs to know and participate in increasing more scientific related affairs. To deal with this issue of "Public Understanding of Science", first, we sum up the scientific enlightenment action and policy during the twentieth century in the United Kingdom. We refer in particular to the Royal Society's report The Public Understanding of Science. In this report an evidence is found of aims to increase the publics understanding of science for national prosperity, and a "deficit model" is given which regard the public as scientifically vacant, ignorant people. On the contrary, there are studies that aim to make it clear that the public understanding of science has its own actuality and positive significance. We take Misunderstanding Science? as the representative study of this kind. Two examples in this book are introduced in this paper, one explains how the patients of Familial Hypercholesterolaemia get on with scientific and medical knowledge, and the other explains how sheep farmers around the Sellafield Nuclear Plant get on with the scientists sent from the United Kingdom. From these examples, we can find that there are rationalities in the lay public's scientific judgment. However, these examples are local and specific, so in order to make it clear that the lay public's scientific judgment has the great power to make scientific policies more democratic, we introduce global consumers' action against Royal Dutch Shell concerning the Brent Spar, an old oil rig that was dumped in the Atlantic ocean. This affair happened as global consumers ignored the authorized scientists' opinions, displaying the power of the public's own judgment. The main theme of this paper, that the public understanding of science has the critical power for scientific governance, is arranged in the last section.
著者
小川 伸彦
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, pp.31-48, 1994-03-31

In his last work, Les Formes Elementaires de la Vie Religieuse (1912), Durkheim wrote in an often neglected footnote that "today society treats criminals in a different fashion than subjects whose intelligence only is abnormal; that is a proof that the authority attached to logical norms and that inherent in moral norms are not of the same nature, in spite of certain similarities. [...] It would be interesting to make a study on the nature and origin of this difference [...]". This article tries to clarify, through the following procedure, the significance of this 'moral-logical' distinction by drawing upon his theory of ritual. After showing how consistently this moral-logical dyad was held in his conception of both society and human nature, we re-define this dyad to correspond respectively to action-representation dyad. Then, in the main part of this article, Durkheim's account of some ritual types (ie. sacrificial, representational and mimetic) will be analyzed to show that effervescent ritual action and its moral success will inevitably mobilize two systems of representations, which contribute to the construction of the reality of societe; one "totemic" (that which is directly needed to be able to pursue the prescribed ritual action) and the other "categorical" (that which lies on the context level). Finally, the possibility of the extension of this theory will be examined and it will be proposed how we can use Durkheim's theory of ritual as a sociological perspective into social life in general and symbolic aspects of group identity in particular.
著者
大山 小夜
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.195-214, 1997-12-25

This article deals with one of the major social problems in Japan which sociologists have both individually and systematically paid little attention to : the increase of multiple-debtors, those who borrow money from various kinds of lenders. This article aims to provide a broader contextual picture behind this social problem, from which further empirical investigation can be carried out. I have collected and analyzed the available statistical data from three main sources : creditors, borrowers, and court records. In my conclusion, I suggest that we specify the conditions and processes of the problematic situation. Firstly, I examine the development of the consumer credit market, based on the data from the annual report "Consumer Credit Statistics of Japan", edited by the Japan Consumer Credit Industry Association. Consumer credit institutions have succeeded in granting large sums of credit, particularly since the oil crisis of the mid-1970's, focusing on high-interest consumer finance. As a result, outstanding credit has grown into a large burden of debt on consumers. Secondly, I make a chronological and cross-sectional analysis of borrowers by using the Annual Report on National Accounts and the Annual Report on the Family Income and Expenditure Survey, both published by the Japanese Government. The use of credit has spread rapidly throughout national households, in contrast to the decrease in disposable income and savings. A large propotion of many peoples' income is now used to pay off debt, such as housing loans, loan repayment installments, revolving and lump sum credit, consumer finance and so on. Thirdly, I clarify the recent growth of consumer bankruptcy, referring to the public records from the Annual Report of Judicial Statistics, issued by the Japanese Supreme Court. Using this data, this article shows various trends over the course of the last five decades. It demonstrates for the initial period that the total number of bankruptcy petitions did not pass ten thousand before the early 1980's. By contrast, although a slight decrease can be observed in the data for the mid and late 1980's, the data for the 1990's portrays a steady rise, peaking with the figure for 1996,when more than fifty thousand petitions were filed. Finally, after contextualizing the increase of these multiple-debtors into the three trends as stated above on a macro-quantitative level, I conclude that the research in this area needs to move away from the simple explanation of this social problem in terms of individual skills as regards money management, and move onto the specification of the conditions and processes under which people get into trouble with debt, as well as how the system of credit has developed during the postwar period.
著者
ライカイ ジョンボル
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
京都社会学年報 : KJS
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.189-200, 2002-12-25

Due to industrialization the values and norms of traditional families, regardless of cultures and societies, underwent sweeping changes bringing about new features of the family. These changes are generally called the modernization of the family. Numerous family researchers have made enormous efforts to describe the characteristic features of the modern family, efforts which have not been as simple as they may seem to be. These features have been examined from various aspects such as family structure (type and size), relationships between family members (internal aspects), as well as connections between family and society (external aspects). So far these features have mainly been studied separately, paying little attention to possible relations between them. However, according to a survey of thirty people, carried out by the author in 2001 in Kyoto city, such relations are possible. Though the original aim of the survey was not to explore possible relations, it was found that there is a reversed relationship between nuclearization of the family and growing `parental love' towards children in the ideal family pattern. That is to say, while the interviewees mainly prefered the two-generation nuclear family type .for their own happiness, they chose the -three-generation family type as an ideal model for socialization of their children. There is a contradiction here. If one admits both nuclearization and growing `parental love' towards children undergoing simultanously as features of the modern family, then it is surprising to see such a reversed relationship between them in the ideal family pattern. If the nuclear family type is a generally accepted ideal form, then it should refer to each of the family members. However, the interviewees regard it .as an ideal merely for their own happiness, but not for the socialization of their children. Though there is no full explanation for this phenomenon yet, it must .be taken into account that.the present survey was carried out in 2001, a time when the modern Japanese family had already been swinging since the late 1970's~ slowly entering a post-modern period. Thus, one should reconsider the (possibly -changing) meaning of `parental love' in a changing society, while examining if the result of this survey merely refers to the Kyoto area, or if it is a much more general phenomenon.