著者

高根 務 Tsutomu Takane

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.1-20, 2006

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本稿では,独立期ガーナのココア部門とンクルマ政権の盛衰との関係を検討し,当時の政治経済状況の問題点を指摘する。注目するのは,政治・経済の両面で脱植民地化を目指した独立期のンクルマ政権が,実際にはその基盤を植民地期の遺産そのものに置いていた事実である。反植民地主義を掲げるンクルマが国家建設を進めるために採用した具体的な方策は,植民地期の遺産であるココアマーケティングボードを中心とした体制を利用し強化することによって,開発のための資金を調達し,また自らの政治基盤を農村部に浸透させることであった。本稿では経済・制度・政治のすべてが複雑に絡まって表出するココア部門とンクルマ政権の関係を明らかにすることにより,現代ガーナの諸問題の根源にある独立期ガーナの政治経済過程を再検討する。

著者

河合 洋尚 Hironao Kawai

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.199-244, 2013

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中国広東省・福建省・江西省の境界部に位置する山岳地帯は,世界中に散住する客家の故郷であり,そこの漢族住民のほとんどが客家で占められていると,一般的に考えられている。ところが,この「客家の故郷」における1980 年代以前のデーターを整理しなおしてみると,この地の漢族住民は必ずしも客家として記述されておらず,また,客家としての自己意識をもたない住民も少なくはなかった。この事実を踏まえ,本稿では,特に1980 年代以降の一連の空間政策により「客家の故郷」をめぐるイメージが形成され,ここの漢族住民が客家とみなされていったプロセスを明らかにする。The border district of Guangdong, Fujian, and Jiangxi province is generallyconsidered to be the "homeland of the Hakka" and the Han inhabitantsof this district are normally considered to be the Hakka. In fact, however,the inhabitants are not always described as Hakka in the documents of 1980sand after and they have recieved their particular identity as the Hakka onlyrecently. This paper aims to make clear the process by which the space policysince the 1980s has fabricated the image of the "homeland of the Hakka" andthe Hakka ethnicity.

著者

楊 海英 Haiying Yang

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.4, pp.629-657, 2008

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清朝の光緒年間の初期に,「中興の臣」とされる左宗棠の部下で,湖南出身の劉福堂(別名劉厚基)という人物が赴任先の陝西の要塞都市である楡林で『圖開勝跡』という漢籍を編集した。同書には清朝末期の楡林地域の碑刻などが数多く抄録されているだけでなく,ときの辺疆における軍事状況を反映した絵画や隣接するオルドス・モンゴルを描いた地圖と絵画,さらにはオルドス・モンゴルの盟長をつとめていたバダラホ(1808–1883)が書いた満洲語の文章も収められている。こうした豊富な内容を有する『圖開勝跡』は清朝の西北部から中央アジアの東部までを巻きこんだ回民反乱時の陝西地域とオルドス地域の社会を活写した第一級の資料である。 劉福堂とバダラホ王の二人は協力し合って陝西北部の回民反乱軍を鎮圧した。反乱鎮圧後,バダラホ王は劉福堂の本『圖開勝跡』のなかに「凱旋圖」を書き添えて,自分の戦功をアピールした。「凱旋圖」にはオルドスの7 つの旗内にある寺院や遊牧民の天幕と家畜群,それに王(ジャサク,札薩克)の住む宮殿が活写されている。本論文ではまず「凱旋圖」が成立した歴史的な背景を解説し,その上で同圖が伝えるオルドス7 旗の歴史的・民族学的情報を抽出し整理する。バダラホ王の「凱旋圖」は19 世紀末のオルドス・モンゴルの政治と社会を研究するのに欠かせない重要な資料であることが明らかになった。In the early phase of the Guangxu ( 光緒) era, during the Qing dynasty,a Chinese administrator called Liu Futang ( 劉福堂, also known as Liu Houji劉厚基), who came from Hunan province, was engaged in the compilation ofa historical book titled "Tukai Shengji" ( 圖開勝跡). This book was writtenin Chinese. Liu Futang served the renowned Chinese statesman and militaryleader Zuo Zongtang ( 左宗棠). Zuo Zongtang is famous for his allegianceand distinction in his political and military career. He saved his country fromcivil wars and conflicts against foreign powers, thus re-establishing the powerof the Qing dynasty, which had been suffering from serious crises underminingChinese sovereignty. The compilation of the book was carried out in Yulin( 楡林), a fortress town in Shanxi province, where Liu Futang and his troopswere stationed. Included in the book are not only many epitaphs collectednear Yulin around the end of the Qing dynasty, but also paintings and drawingsdepicting military expeditions along the frontier regions of China. Thebook also contains maps and paintings of Ordos, Mongolia. Furthermore, it isworth noting that it includes a collection of writings in the Manchurian language,written by Jasagh Badaraqu (1808–1883) of Ordos Mongolia. "TukaiShengji" is an excellent collection of historical materials vividly describingthe circumstances of Shanxi and Ordos around the end of the 19th century,when the Hui Rebellion broke out, spreading over a vast region of north westChina and the eastern part of Central Asia. As far as I know, however, noin depth research of this book has been presented in the academic circles ofMongolian studies before.Liu Futang and Jasagh Badaraqu coordinated their military efforts andtogether calmed the Hui rebellion in north Shanxi. After successfully suppressingthe Hui uprising, King Badaraqu had several picture scrolls titled the"Return of the Army in Triumph" incorporated into "Tukai Shengji", whichwas being compiled by Liu Futang. It is understood that, by doing so, KingBadaraqu was pursuing publicity for his military distinction. Graphicallydepicted in these scrolls are temples in the seven Ordos banners in those days,tents and livestock owned by nomad tribes, the palace of Jasagh and otheritems. This paper extracts, streamlines and presents historical as well as ethnologicalinformation about the seven Ordos banners that is incorporated intothese seven picture scrolls. Based on that information, this paper discussesthe historical background against which the scrolls were produced, thus analysingthe specific nature of the paintings. It has been proved that these picturescrolls, the "Return of the Army in Triumph", are indispensable historicalmaterials for us to understand Ordos Mongol politics and society around theend of the 19th century.

著者

高本 康子

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.253-266, 2015

著者

費 孝通[著] 塚田 誠之[翻訳]

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.2, pp.461-479, 1997

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For sixty years, the author has been engaged in the study of ethnicgroups in China. This paper represents an attempt to provide an overallview of his personal experiences in this field which in turn sheds light onthe ways in which he has viewed ethnic identity. Prior to 1949, after havingbeen trained in the subjects of anthropology and sociology, theauthor started to conduct fieldwork in both Han and non-Han communities.After 1949, for the purpose of creating equality among all nationalitiesin China, the newly established People's Republic administereda major research program to identify ethnic groups within itsterritorial sovereignty. As a member of this program, the author was involvedin extensive nationality surveys. Through these surveys, he cameto realize that ethnic groups were shaped in the communal lives of theirmembers and transformative in time. This observation led the author toemphasize the significance of the social historical perspective inethnological studies.Even though the "Anti-Rightist Movement" and the "CulturalRevolution" deprived him of 23 years of academic life, the lessons ofethnic identification which he gained in the early fifties remained in theauthor's mind. In 1979, he re-started work among minority nationalities.Personal involvement in various research projects and in thepolicy-making process has made it possible to put forward a new argument.In 1989, summarizing his thoughts, the author put forword argumentthat China is an integrated nation with cultural diversity. In doingso, he had two criticisms in mind. On the one hand, he criticizes the ideathat one ethnic entity should be ruled by one independent state which haslegitimated various violent campaigns of ethnic separation in Europe.However, the author's own studies indicate that different ethnic groupshave lived together for centuries within China. Therefore, the Eurocentricdefinition of nation-state is not applicable in China. On the otherhand, historical studies of interrelationships among ethnic groups inChina have demonstrated that the Chinese nation was shaped through atwo-way process. From the bottom-up perspective, the history of theChinese nation is one through which diverse ethnic cultures and socialsolidarities became integrated into a higher level order. From the topdownperspective, the higher level order has never excluded lower levelethnic cultural systems. Such a two-way historical perspective offers acritique of those who attempt to draw a clear-cut demarcation line betweenthe Chinese nation and "other cultures" within it.

著者

赤嶺 淳

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.1, pp.59-112, 2000

被引用文献数

1

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東南アジア海域世界の人々は,香料や乾燥海産物などの生物資源をもとめて移動分散をくりかえす傾向が強い,と指摘されてきた。本研究の目的は,人々の移動を誘発した資源のなかでも干ナマコに焦点をあて,ナマコ資源の経済的価値の多様性と利用状況について報告することにある。従来の海域世界論研究では,干ナマコやフカのひれなどの乾燥海産物をめぐる人の移動とネットワークに着目する必要性が唱えられてきたものの,実際の流通事情を調査したものはほとんどなかった。また,干ナマコも一元的に高級食材として理解されるにとどまっていた。ところが,現在のフィリピンでは20種の干ナマコが生産され,高級種と低級種との価格差が30倍におよぶように,干ナマコ資源の価値は多元的である。さらに,近年においては低級種の価格は上昇する傾向にある。また,香港やシンガポールなど干ナマコの主要消費地とフィリピンでおこなった聞き取り調査によって,多様な経済的価値をもつ干ナマコが,高級料理と大衆料理の異なった料理に区別されて使用されていることがあきらかとなった。そのような消費概況と各種の統計資料から,本稿はフィリピンのナマコ資源の特徴を低級種の大量生産にもとめた。そして,パラワン島南部マンシ島の事例にもとついて,その仮説の実証を試みた。マンシ島でみられる干ナマコ生産の現状を「フロンティア空間の重層性」と解釈し,ナマコ資源の価値変化に敏感な漁民像を記述した。In this paper I discuss variation in trepang or holothurian resourceutilization in the Philippines generally, and on Mangsee Island, in thesouthern part of Palawan Province. Many scholars working inSoutheast Asian maritime societies have noted the dynamic human networksinvolved in pursuing dried sea products like trepang or shark fins.However, few scholars have dealt with the actual materials of the trade.This paper establishes that 20 species of trepang are traded in thePhilippines at present, and that the price of the most expensive is some30 times greater than that of the cheapest. Moreover, in recent years,lower quality trepang has been acquiring more commercial value.Trepang today is not just an exclusive expensive foodstuff as mentionedin historical records it is also an ordinary material used in the present.The cheaper trepang species are consumed more than ever before in thePhilippines and elsewhere. One of the most important aspects of thePhilippine trade is that the country exports a huge volume of trepang oflower commercial value. Here, I interpret fishing activities on Mangsee,where mostly lower value species are harvested today, in relation to theisland's 30 year history as a location for modern frontier settlement.

著者

三田 牧 Mita Maki ミタ マキ

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, pp.81-133, 2008-12-25

著者

Matisoff James A. マティソフ J.A.

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.105-252, 1995-08-10

著者

大胡 修

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.3, pp.486-519, 1979-01-23

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This report describes the fishing activities of the Galelanpeople of North Halmahera. The data were collected from Septemberto November, 1976, when the author conducted fieldwork inLimau Village. Observations were made from two differentperspectives; (1) the relationship between fishing gear and techniques,and (2) utilization of traditional canoes in social activities.1) Fishing. In general, fishing is of secondary importancein the of subsistence economy, the people mainly depending onsago and several kinds of root crops, including banana and yam.Fishing activities shift seasonally according to the migration andassociated behavior of fish. Several fishing techniques are employed,including handline (pa hau), longline (pa lia), rod and line(pa totobe), scoop net (pa siu), gill net (pa soma bodo), fish trap(igi), and fish hedges (sero). Handline fishing is the most importantsubsistence pursuit. Fish traps and fish hedges seem tohave been introduced from Sulawesi by migrants. The othertechniques appear to be indigenous to Limau.2) Canoe. All canoes in Limau are of the double outriggertype. They are used now for fishing activities and formely also forlocal transportation. Thus can be classified into two types; smalldugouts (awa) and medium size dugouts (bolotu), and large, plankcanoes (pakata). A particular type of canoe is used with specificfishing techniques. The awa and bolotu are used for handline,longline, rod and line, gill net, and the pakata is used only with thescoop net.

著者

杉島 敬志

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.3, pp.573-846, 1991-03-18

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The Lionese are an ethnolinguistic group numbering approximately150,000 who inhabit the central part of Flores,Eastern Indonesia. The population of this region is dividedinto numerous traditional domains (tans). These were autonomouspolitical units until early in this century. The dataon which the present study is based were collected during myfield research conducted from May 1983 to March 1985 inTana Lise, one of these traditional Lionese domains.The Lionese economy remains a subsistence one, dependenton the slash-and-burn or swidden cultivation of rice, maize,cassava, sweet potatoes, and various vegetables. Recently cashcrops such as coffee, cloves, and cacao have been introduced inmountainous areas, and irrigated paddy fields are found inflatland in the mountains and near the coast.It is only the swidden agriculture with which multiple andcomplex agricultural rituals are interwoven. These rituals appearto be symbolic behavior apparently related to a cosmologyor world view. But the Lionese people do not know and cannotexplain the symbolic meaning paired with the rituals by asemiological code. They answered my questions about themeaning or purpose of the rituals in a general way by saying'It is our custom' or 'We must perform it that way.' Accordingly,these agricultural rituals are rule-following behaviorrather than symbolic behavior. If this is the case, is it thenimpossible to advance the scientific study of these rituals beyonda mere description of them?My answer is 'no,' because in many cases the Lionese agriculturalrituals can be interpreted relevantly. Therefore wecan proceed from simple description to a fairly detailed interpretationof these rituals. The aim of this study is to describe theLionese agricultural rituals in detail and to investigate the culturalrepresentation of agricultural rituals (i.e. interpretations devisedby the Lionese themselves concerning their agricultural rituals)by means of the concept of relevance developed by Dan Sperberand Deirdre Wilson [SPERBER and WILSON 1986].After the exposition of a theoretical framework in the introductionof this study, three sections follow. In section one,there is undertaken a description and analysis of the knowledgeand beliefs concerning social organization, crops, deities, and thesettings for these agricultural rituals such as the ceremonial house,the village and the garden. These will furnish the backgroundknowledge or 'context' for interpreting the agricultural rituals.In section two, an exhaustive description is presented of allthe agricultural rituals, together with the agricultural practice,seasonal changes in natural phenomena, and the annual cycleof 'seasonal beliefs,' such as the visitation of moro nggele (mysterioushead hunters from overseas) and mitleik e (dreadful witchesfrom the east end of Flores), the coming of balu re' e (season ofdisease and death), and the occurrence of tana watu gaka (MotherEarth crying for the golden treasure kept in the ceremonialhouse).In part one of section three, by amplifying the discussionof section one, the agricultural rituals are interpreted by meansof investigating the contexts that make them relevant. Accordingto the cultural representation of the agricultural rituals thatemerges from this investigation, the crops are the wives given to(male) human beings from Mother Earth and Father Heaven,while the agricultural cycle is the life cycle of the daughters ofthese deities. In the next part of this section, it is shown thatthe seasonal beliefs are a set of images implied by the culturalrepresentation of the agricultural rituals.In parts three and four of section three, the followingproblems are discussed.The people of Tana Lise are not given equal status in thecultural representation of the agricultural rituals. Or, more correctly,through participating in the agricultural rituals, they aredifferentiated into chiefs near to the deities and those far fromthem.Tana Lise is subdivided into a number of semi-autonomoussubdomains (maki) ruled by a chief. The chief, as the personnear to the deities in each maki, exercises various powers, andsome of these chiefs do the same thing at the domain level.Accordingly, the rules of agricultural rituals (i.e. the ruleswhich the people obey when performing the agricultural rituals)or the agricultural rituals themselves as rule-following behavior,work in the same way as the 'power-conferring rules' or the'secondary rules' defined by H. L. A. Hart [HART 1961].Finally, in the conclusion of this study, a brief discussioncenters on the reason why the Lionese people restrict their commentsto the rules of the agricultural rituals and are silent on thecultural representation of the agricultural rituals. As Ivo Streckerpointed out, no anthropological theory has so far answeredthis problem satisfactorily [STRECKER 1988:203].In my view, it is important to recognize that the Lioneseagricultural rituals are rule-following behavior in order to understandthis problem. The rules of these agricultural ritualsare simply accepted by the people holding to an 'internal pointof view' (the viewpoint of 'the group which accepts and uses rulesas guides to conduct' [HART 1961:86]). I suggest as a possiblehypothesis that their silence on the cultural representation of theiragricultural rituals is derived from holding to an internal pointof view, and maintaining silence on the cultural representationof them has the effect of making the rules of these agriculturalrituals function in the same way as the 'representations in quotes'defined by Sperber [SPERBER 1975:99-106].

著者

佐々木 史郎 Sasaki Shiro ササキ シロウ

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.3, pp.321-373, 2015-01-30

著者

深田 淳太郎 Fukada Juntaro

出版者

人間文化研究機構国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.3, pp.377-420, 2014-03-25

著者

岸上 伸啓 Kishigami Nobuhiro キシガミ ノブヒロ

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.725-752, 2003-03-28

著者

小馬 徹 Komma Toru コンマ トオル

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, pp.117-165, 1989-07-27

著者

佐々木 高明 ササキ コウメイ Sasaki Komei

出版者

人間文化研究機構国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.2, pp.211-228, 2009

著者

大村 敬一

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.1, pp.25-120, 2002

被引用文献数

1

著者

菅瀬 晶子 Sugase Akiko スガセ アキコ

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.4, pp.465-510, 2015

著者

菊田 悠

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.2, pp.231-278, 2005

著者

永ノ尾 信悟

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.3, pp.521-532, 1984-12-25

著者

中田 友子 Nakata Tomoko ナカタ トモコ

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.2, pp.237-270, 2014