著者
佐々木 史郎 Shiro Sasaki
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.22, no.4, pp.683-763, 1998-03-31

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the trade activity of theancestors of the indigenous peoples of the Lower Amur Basin in the 18thand 19th centuries and to reexamine the discourse of their society andculture in classical ethnography. They have usually been described ashunters, fishermen, or collectors of wild plants in much ethnographysince the late 19th century, and the primitiveness of their foraging lifestyle, fishing and hunting techniques, and social structure has often beenunderlined by anthropologists, ethnologists, and historians. Thepolicies of the former Soviet Union to rescue them from the poverty causedby their primitive level of production was based on such discourse ofthe scholars.However, were they really poor? Were their life style, culture, andsociety really primitive? Historical documents written by Japanese explorersand investigators in the 18th and 19th centuries, MogamiTokunai, Mamiya Rinzo, Nakamura Koichiro, and so on, indicate thatthey had a highly sophisticated culture and a complex society. For example,modern ethnologists often underline the fact that the peoples of theLower Amur were ichthyophagi, and that a piece of dried fish occupiedthe same position as a piece of bread in European meals. On the contrary,Japanese investigators said that their staple food was a cup of boiledmillet, usually put in a small bowl of china or lacquer ware. Thoughethnologists often described fish skin coats in detail, most of theirclothes were made of cotton, and their ritual costumes were even madeof silk. It is a fact that millet, cotton, silk, china, and lacquer ware werenot their original products, but Chinese or Japanese ones which theyobtained through trade with Chinese and Japanese. It is also a fact,however, that these things occupied an important position in theircultural complex. It is an injustice for researchers not to properlyevaluate them and not to pay any attention to the trade activity.The trade activity of the ancestors of the peoples of the Lower Amurin the 18th and 19th centuries was called "Santan trade" by Japanese investigatorsof the same centuries. "Santan" was an ethnonym of the peopleof the Lower Amur, which had often been used as a name of theancestors of the indigenous people of this region as a whole. It wasMamiya Rinzo who clarified who the Santan people were. In his investigationin 1809 and 1810 he found out that the Santan lived betweenthe villages of "Uruge" (bIppH, later Russian village "MaxcrMTojm cHA") and "Poru" Mon, later Ul'chi village "LlepxbIti Ap") , thatthey called themselves "Mango" (this is the same self denotation as"Mangguni") , and that their neighbors upstream along the river werecalled "Korudekke" (Goldok) and those downstream were called"Sumerenkuru". The range of habitation, the self denotation "Mango",and the linguistic materials indicate that the Santan people wereancestors of the Tungus-speaking peoples of the Lower Amur today,especially the Ul'chi (Olcha) and a part of the lower Nanai (Goldi) .The Santan trade has long been studied as a theme of historicalstudies of Northern Japan. However, though many facts have beenclarified from the historical point of view, historians have long overlookedan important one namely that it was trade that kept the levels of lifeand culture of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin in the 18thand 19th centuries higher than those described in ethnography. This isbecause the historians could not evaluate the function and role of tradeactivity in the society and culture of the indigenous peoples, becausetheir point of view was usually set not on the side of the indigenoustraders, but on that of authors or editors of literary sources, who wereoften government bureaucrats.This paper is one of my experiments, in which I try to describe thehistorical events of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin such asthe Santan trade from the point of view of those who were described inthe literary sources. The final end of the experiments is a diachronicreview of the society and culture of the peoples of this region, and Iwould like to sweep away such images as "primitive", "uncivilized" or"natural people", created by anthropologists and ethnologists since theend of the 19th century.As a result of an examination of the historical literature of Japaneseinvestigators, regional government archives of the Qing dynasty (the lastdynasty of China) , reports of ethnological researches by Russianethnologists, and my own field data, I can point out the followingcharacteristics of the trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amurand Sakhalin:1) The main peoples who were enthusiastically engaged in the Santantrade were the Santan and the Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the AmurNivkh) , and some differences were apparent in their trading styles. Forexample, the Santan people did their business on the main traffic route ofthis region, which went from Lower Sungari to the southern end ofSakhalin through Amur and the western coast of Sakhalin, they played arole of mediator between Japanese and Chinese, and obtained a largeprofit from this business. On the contrary, the Sumerenkuru traders extendedtheir business area to the tributaries of the Lower Amur, the coastof the sea of Okhotsk and the eastern coast of Sakhalin, and played arole of distributor of Chinese and Japanese commodities among thepeoples of these areas.2) Usually the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders did not fix a businessplace but often went round their customers, being engaged in sable hunting.However, the temporary branch office of the Qing dynasty, whichwas constructed at Kiji or Deren and opened every summer, often playedthe role of a periodical market, in which the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders did their business not only with Manchu officials and merchantsbut also with other indigenous traders.3) The trading crew of Santan or Sumerenkuru traders consisted ofseveral persons from a village led by a hala i da (chief of a clan) orgashan da (head of village) nominated by the Qing dynasty.4) The conceptual classification of trade and tribute was recognized bythe Santan and Sumerenkuru peoples.5) Credit sale was the main custom of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders in the 18th and 19th centuries. They applied it to trade with allcustomers without exception. The business with the Ainu, who, it wassaid, suffered from their debt to the Santan traders, was not a special oneto cheat them of their property.6) The trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalinswung between trade and tribute (in other words, between economy andpolitics) , influenced by the change of political conditions of this regionand the location of each people.6-1) In the 18th century, when the administrative system of the Qingdynasty was under construction on the Lower Amur and Sakhalin,tribute was superior to trade, because the regional administration of thedynasty was enthusiastically intervening in the social life of the people toestablish the sovereignty of the dynasty among them. After the end ofthe 18th century, however, when the dynasty was losing its politicalpower over the people of this region, the position of trade and tributewas reversed.6-2) The relation between trade and tribute was different among the peopleaccording to their location. I can classify them into three groups.The first is the people who lived on the main route of the trade, comparativelyfar from the regional centers of the countries (China andJapan) , i.e. the Santan and Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the Ul'chiand Amur Nivkh) . They could take advantage of their location to intensivelyconduct their trading business without administrative intervention.The second group is those who lived on the main route of thetrade, near to the regional center of the countries, i.e. the Korudekke(the ancestors of the Nanai) and the Ainu. Their location was too closeto the center to be free from the governmental power of the countries,though their status was higher than that of the people of the first group.It was more important for them to accomplish various obligations thanto be engaged in free trade. The third group is those who lived far fromboth the main trade route and the regional center of the countries, i.e.the ancestors of the Sakhalin Nivkh, Uilta (Oroks) , Orochi, Negidars,and Evenki hunters. They were providers of fur and consumers ofChinese and Japanese products for the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders.7) The prosperity of the Santan trade from the end of 18th century to themiddle of the 19th century was held by the political and economicbalance between China and Japan on Sakhalin, and the profits of theSantan and Sumerenkuru traders were much dependent on the differencein demand and prices between China and Japan. For example, therewas a great demand for sable fur in China, and the Chinese and Manchupeople paid much for it, while the Japanese were not interested in it at alland sold it to the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders much cheaper than inChina. Therefore, their trade activity was fatally damaged by thedestruction of this balance by the third power, imperial Russia.Though I could not completely carry out the second purpose of thispaper, i.e. a reexamination of the ethnographic discourse of the societyand culture of the people of the Lower Amur basin, I could make a firststep in accomplishing it by clarifying the characteristics of their trade activity.I would like to make further steps in other papers, in which I willexamine such problems as the political background of the Santan trade,the quality and quantity of the profit of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders, methodological problems of historical studies of the indigenouspeople of this region, and so on.
著者
佐々木 史郎
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館 = Hokkaido University Museum
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, no.1348, pp.86-102, 2013-03

In this brief paper I will discuss the socio-economic background of the changes in circulating routes of sable and silver fox fur and techniques for hunting these animals in the Circum-Okhotsk Sea region, beginning in the seventeenth century. Sable fur and silver fox fur were highly appreciated by the Chinese, Mongolians, and Manchurians, as well as the European people. According to the historical records of the Qing dynasty (the last and largest Manchurian-established dynasty in Chinese history), the dynasty imported a large amount of sable fur and silver fox fur from the present Lower Amur region and Sakhalin. Documents show that when the dynasty had just been established at the beginning of the seventeenth century, it promptly began to organize the people into "fur tribute payers." The sable and silver fox pelts were a politically and economically important strategic commodity for the people in northeast Asia. The Qing government determined that every household of the tribute payers had to pay a piece of sable fur each year, while the government gave them, in turn, a set of rewards that consisted of cotton and silk costumes and a certain amount of cotton cloth. It also decided that those who paid 304 pieces of sable fur, 2 pieces of highest quality fur (black fox), 2 sheets of carpet made of medium quality fur (yellow-blue fox) and 4 sheets of carpet of normal quality fur (red fox) were able to marry the daughters of Manchurian officers and become kin to Manchurian aristocrats. Local hunters in the Lower Amur basin and Sakhalin made every effort to develop techniques that enabled them to acquire more sable and fox in superior conditions. Fundamentally their hunting methods and tools consisted of using traps. They used nets, dead fall traps, and snare traps, which were able to capture fur-bearing animals causing little damage. No imperfection was permitted because the users were the imperial family of China. At the same time the people of the Lower Amur region quested for another way to access the fur resource. They noticed that the Japanese were eager to buy silk costumes and cloth in return for providing high quality fur, not appreciating the value of sable and fox fur. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the Lower Amur region people developed trading routes from northeastern China to Sakhalin and Hokkaido and enthusiastically engaged through the Ainu in trade activities with the Japanese. Starting in this century, Japan became a fur export country. Situations drastically changed in the middle of the nineteenth century, when modern countries like Imperial Russia and modernized Japan accessed the regions. Modernism radically changed the local hunter's methods, equipment, and values of hunting for fur-bearing animals. Moreover, it changed the status of the local people from the privileged tribute payer to the poor "primitive" hunter-gatherers.
著者
近藤 雅樹 佐々木 史郎 宇野 文男 宮坂 正英 熊倉 功夫
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
特定領域研究
巻号頁・発行日
2002

平成17年度は北欧・東欧・ロシア(サンクトペテルブルグ)に所在する博物館のコレクションを重点的に調査し、近藤・佐々木・水口千里(研究協力者)・宮坂がその中心となり、コペンハーゲンとストックホルムでの調査に伊藤廣之(研究協力者)・藤井裕之(同)が参加した。また宮坂と小林淳一(研究協力者)がライデンとミュンヘンにおいて川原慶賀の作成した動植物の標本画と風俗画の調査をおこなった。ストックホルムでは国立民族学博物館が所蔵するツンベリーの収集資料(100点余)を調査し、金属製ボタン12点などを確認した。彼が持ち帰ることができた資料は小さなものばかりだった。日本資料とされる秤量器具の中には干の中国製品が混在していた。彼以後の収集に係る能面約50点をはじめとする工芸品類、和蝋燭、刻煙草、海藻などの産業資料も確認した。コペンハーゲンでは国立博物館において非公開資料の特別閲覧が許可され、和紙のコレクションや人力車とその乗客の生人形1体などを確認した。同館の常設展示は目本展示が非常に充実している。これは、同館のカイ=ビルケット・スミスと岡正雄の親交が深かったことにもよるが、民族学・考古学資料に限らず美術工芸資料と科学・産業技術資料にも見るべきものが多い。ドレスデンでは民族学博物館と衛生博物館に20世紀初期の衛生博覧会に日本が出品した資料が多数残されていた。明治時代末期に坪井正五郎が三越百貨店と提携して開発した教育玩具もあった。サンクトペテルブルグでは前年度に続きクンストカメラの所蔵資料を調査した。駅舎や鉄橋など近代初期の建造写真を多数収録した大阪製の「のぞきからくり」を発見したほか、江戸時代の望遠鏡などを確認した。ヨーゼフ・クライナー(海外研究協力者)は国際シンポジウムの成果を編集し『ヨーロッパ博物館・美術館収蔵の日本関係コレクション』2巻を刊行した。
著者
佐々木 史郎 吉本 忍 日高 真吾 齋藤 玲子 右代 啓視 宮地 鼓 ベレズニツキー セルゲイ マイコヴァ ナジェージュダ ソコロフ アンドレイ ペルヴァーク ヴィクトリア シャグラノヴァ オリガ プタシェンスキー アンドレイ
出版者
独立行政法人国立文化財機構東京国立博物館
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2014-04-01

本研究では日本とロシアの博物館に収蔵されているシベリア、極東ロシアの先住諸民族と日本の先住民族アイヌの織機と布製品を調査し、北方寒冷地域における織布技術の分布と布の機能を明らかにしようとした。その成果として、以下の2つの結論を得ることができた。第1には、北方寒冷地域における独自の織布技術と布の分布が、当初の予想に比べてはるかに北に広がり、種類も豊富だったことである。第2には、アイヌの事例が他の北方諸民族と比べると特異で、近代化の波に洗われたのにもかかわらず、独自の織布技術と布を現代まで継承してきた点である。それはそれらが民族アイデンティティと結びついていたからではないかと考えられる。
著者
佐々木 史郎
出版者
日刊工業新聞社
雑誌
原子力工業 (ISSN:04334035)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.12, no.3, pp.5-11, 1966-03
著者
佐々木 史郎 Sasaki Shiro ササキ シロウ
出版者
北海道大学スラブ研究センター
巻号頁・発行日
pp.10-37, 1996-09-01

民族の共存を求めて 1
著者
佐々木 史郎 小谷 凱宣 荻原 眞子 佐々木 利和 財部 香枝 谷本 晃久 加藤 克 立澤 史郎 佐々木 史郎 出利葉 浩司 池田 透 沖野 慎二
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2005

本研究は、北海道内の博物館に収蔵きれている、アイヌ民族資料の所在を確認し、その記録を取るとともに、その資料が収蔵された歴史的な背景を解明することを目的としていた。本研究で調査対象としたのは、北海道大学北方生物圏フィールド科学センター植物園(北大植物園)、函館市北方民族資料館、松前城資料館である。この3つの博物館が調査の対象とされたのは、資料の収集経緯に関する記録が比較的よく残されていたからである。3年にわたる調査の結果、北大植物園が所蔵する2600点に及ぶアイヌ文化関連の標本資料全点と松前城資料館が所蔵する320点余りの資料の全点について調書が作成され、写真が撮影された。また、函館市北方民族資料館では約700点(総数約2500点の内)の資料について、調書作成、写真撮影を行った。その結果、総計約3500点を超えるアイヌ文化の標本資料の詳しい調書と写真が作成された。本科研での調査研究活動では、標本資料の熟覧、調書作成、写真撮影にとどまらず、当該資料が各博物館に所蔵された経緯や背景も調べられた。植物園の資料の収集には、明治に北海道開拓指導のためにやってきた御雇外国人が関わっていたことから、彼らに関する史料をアメリカの図書館に求めた。調査の過程で、これらの博物館、資料館の資料が、明治から大正にかけての時代に収集されていたことが判明した。それは時代背景が明らかな欧米の博物館に所蔵されているアイヌ資料の収集時期と一致する。本科研の調査により、以上の3つの博物館のアイヌ資料は、すでに数度にわたる科研で調査された欧米の博物館の資料に匹敵するほどの記録と情報を備えることになった。それは、記録がない他の国内の博物館のアイヌ資料の同定、年代決定の参照に使えるとともに、アイヌ文化の振興と研究の将来の発展に大きく寄与することになるだろう。
著者
田口 洋美 佐藤 宏之 辻 誠一郎 佐々木 史郎 三浦 慎悟 高橋 満彦 原田 信男 白水 智 佐藤 宏之 辻 誠一郎 佐々木 史郎 原田 信男 白水 智 三浦 慎悟 神崎 伸夫 前中 ひろみ 高橋 満彦 岸本 誠司 中川 重年 梶 光一
出版者
東北芸術工科大学
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2006

本研究が開始された翌年平成18年度においてクマ類の多発出没が発生し、捕殺数は約5000頭、人身事故も多発した。本研究はこのような大型野生動物の大量出没に対する対策を地域住民の歴史社会的コンテクスト上に構築することを主眼とし、東日本豪雪山岳地域のツキノワグマ生息地域における狩猟システムと動物資源利用を「食べて保全」という市民運動へと展開しているドイツ連邦の実情を調査し、持続的資源利用を含む地域個体群保全管理狩猟システムの社会的位置づけとその可能性を追求した。