著者

村井 章介

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.2, pp.229-266, 2007-09

著者

藤田 勝久

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.169-201, 1995-09-30

著者

内藤 戊申

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.2-3, pp.186-186, 1942-07-01

著者

鈴木 中正

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.4, pp.606-629, 1978-03-31

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The Ta-ch'eng sect which spread from Yunnan 雲南 to Szechwan 四川, Kweichow 貴州, the Yangtze 揚子 valley provinces, Chih-li 直隷, and to the capital of Peking北京 in the mid-Ch'ing period, was founded by Chang Pao-t'ai, a kung-sheng 貢生 from Ta-li 大理 prefecture of Yunnan. Like other founders of sects in the late Ming 明 and early Ch'ing periods, he held lower gentry status which one can identify with the "popular literati" 大衆的讀書人 as categorized by Tadao Sakai 酒井忠夫. The contents of his teachings are difficultto know, but the records of his attaining enlightenment and founding a sect at Mount Chi-tsu 鶏足山 give us a clue. Situated to the northeast of Ta-li, this mountain had become famous all over China as a sacred place of the Maitreya Buddha who would descend there and hold the Three Dragon Flower Meeting 龍華三會. Chang's enlightenment may have been based on Zen practices, but when he preached to a congregation of commoners, he seems to have included the Maitreya cult in his soteriological system. When the sect was suppressed in 1746, it had been divided into three sub-sects. One of them had a clearly anti-Ch'ing political color, but the others were presumably non-political. It seems the politically colored sub-sects had begun to cooperate with the kuo-fei bandits 嘓匪 and with mine-workers in Szechwan, a group of discontented, anti-regime fighters. Soon after their foundation, popular sects in China fell in to organizational and doctrinal disunity, a feature which corresponds to the characteristics of Chinese society observed by Mark Elvin as "the most fluid society in the world, " haunted by constant competition rather than harmony.

著者

菟原 卓

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.321-362, 1982-09-30

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This essay investigates the actual conditions of the vizirate during the latter half of the Fatimid dynasty and systematically comprehends its character in an attempt to consider its historical significance. When one traces the transition of the latter vizirate, the following points are confirmed : first, that all the viziers had come from the military class ; secondly, that in most cases they had had direct or indirect recourse to military force in establishing their accession ; and thirdly, that the entire climate of the political process during the latter period mostly evolved around the vizier. Speaking from an institutional perspective, the vizier controlled the highest authorities of the army, the administrative organization and the organization for religious affairs. The vizier was the actual controller of the state. Their supreme position is also verifiable from other aspects, including their exceptional remuneration, supervision of the mazalim, high status in ritual ceremonies, hereditary political position, and title of malik. The latter viziers who possessed such a great jurisdiction, occupying such a supreme position, threatened the supreme spiritual authority of the caliph. So the rule of the Fatimid dynasty based on the ideology of Isma'iliyya became nominal by degrees. At the same time, however, there was also a limit to their power ; namely, their having established their economic base in a deteriorating traditional system of tax collection. For this reason, the control of the Fatimids was not yet completely overturned and was able to continue to exist, despite the viziers having seized actual political power until Salah al-Din had put the military iqta' system into effect to the extent of establishing a new state organization.

著者

新免 康 菅原 純

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.552-522, 2002-12

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In the history of Eastern Turkestan of the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries, the family known as the Kashghar Khwaja consistently played an important role in the political activities of Turkic Muslims. It would be difficult to claim that a sufficient number of historical materials exist to recount their circumstances in detail. In this study, we have focused on a scroll that has been registered with the designation Prov. 219 in what is known as the Jarring Collection of the Lund University Library in Sweden. This manuscript consists of three parts: (A) a fatwa, a religious order; (B) a nesb name, a lineage, of Khan Khwajam; and (C) the tadhkira, legend, of Khan Khwajam. The first part, the fatwa, persistently advocates unconditional obedience to the descendants of the saint by citing a bogus Hadith. The second part of the scroll, section B, is basically a lineage of the Afaqiya branch of Kashghar Khwaja family that includes the names of both a large number of legendary saints and historical members of the Afaqiya Khwajas up to the 19th century. The third part of the scroll, section C, mainly describes activities of Burhan al-Din Khwaja, who resisted the Qing dynasty's conquest of Eastern Turkistan in the middle of the 18th century. It is uniquely valuable as a rare material of Turkic Muslim on important incident at that time. It is possible to say that a group who supported a Khwaja leader, who was alive at the time of its compilation, compiled this entire manuscript in the 19th century for political purposes. In short, this manuscript directly reflects characteristic aspects of political activities of the Afaqiya branch of the Kashghar Khwaja family in the 18th and 19th centuries.

著者

倉田 淳之助

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.4, pp.247-257, 1943-11-25

著者

金 民寿

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.p262-299, 1989-09

著者

羽田 明

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.3, 1964-02

著者

閒野 英二

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.559-590, 1987-12-31

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In the first half of the sixteenth century two excellent histories of Central Asia, namely Babur-nama of Babur Padishah and Tarikh-i Rashidi of Haydar Mirza, appeared. Figuratively speaking, these histories are two stars shining brightly in the sky of Central Asian historiography. Before and after them, they have no equals. Then why not only one, but also two excellent histories could appear almost simultaneously in that period in Central Asia where such histories are rare from ancient times? In order to answer this simple but important question, the author tries to examine the mutual relationship between Babur Padishah and Haydar Mirza. The author's conclusions are as follows : 1. Centering around the Moghul Khans, the families of Babur and Haydar associated with each other very friendly. 2. With such relationship for a background, Babur and Haydar associated closely twice : firstly between 1505 and 1507 and secondly between 1509 and 1512. 3. The participation of Muhammad Husayn, Haydar's father, in the Moghul's revolt against Babur in Kabul broke off the first association. But the generous and humanistic attitude of Babur toward Muhammad Husayn and others impressed young Haydar. 4. In 1509 Babur invited Haydar, whose father was killed by the Uzbeg, to Kabul and took care of Haydar with great hospitality. Babur's fatherly interest in Haydar removed the bitterness of orphanage and the poison of banishment from the latter's mind. Haydar passed a long time in the service of Babur, in perfect happiness and freedom from care. Babur always took Haydar by the side of himself and encouraged Haydar to study. After nearly one year's stay in Kabul, Haydar accompanied Babur on an expedition to Central Asia and entered Samarkand with Babur triumphantly. But, being unable to hold Samarkand, Babur retreated to Hisar, from where Haydar separated from Babur and went to Andijan to join Sa'id Khan. Thus close and warm relationship between Babur and Haydar, which lasted almost three years, came to an end. 5. Babur and Haydar set a high value on each other's abilities. Haydar in particular regarded Babur as the most talented prince in the house of Timur. 6. Since Haydar held Babur in such a high respect, it is probable that Haydar conducted himself after the model of Babur in many respects. If it be true, it is also probable that Haydar's Tarikh-i Rashidi was composed after the model of Babur's Babur-nama. The author wants to make certain of the last presumption by comparing the structure, contents and style of the two histories in another paper.

著者

間野 英二

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.p559-590, 1987-12

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In the first half of the sixteenth century two excellent histories of Central Asia, namely Babur-nama of Babur Padishah and Tarikh-i Rashidi of Haydar Mirza, appeared. Figuratively speaking, these histories are two stars shining brightly in the sky of Central Asian historiography. Before and after them, they have no equals. Then why not only one, but also two excellent histories could appear almost simultaneously in that period in Central Asia where such histories are rare from ancient times? In order to answer this simple but important question, the author tries to examine the mutual relationship between Babur Padishah and Haydar Mirza. The author's conclusions are as follows : 1. Centering around the Moghul Khans, the families of Babur and Haydar associated with each other very friendly. 2. With such relationship for a background, Babur and Haydar associated closely twice : firstly between 1505 and 1507 and secondly between 1509 and 1512. 3. The participation of Muhammad Husayn, Haydar's father, in the Moghul's revolt against Babur in Kabul broke off the first association. But the generous and humanistic attitude of Babur toward Muhammad Husayn and others impressed young Haydar. 4. In 1509 Babur invited Haydar, whose father was killed by the Uzbeg, to Kabul and took care of Haydar with great hospitality. Babur's fatherly interest in Haydar removed the bitterness of orphanage and the poison of banishment from the latter's mind. Haydar passed a long time in the service of Babur, in perfect happiness and freedom from care. Babur always took Haydar by the side of himself and encouraged Haydar to study. After nearly one year's stay in Kabul, Haydar accompanied Babur on an expedition to Central Asia and entered Samarkand with Babur triumphantly. But, being unable to hold Samarkand, Babur retreated to Hisar, from where Haydar separated from Babur and went to Andijan to join Sa'id Khan. Thus close and warm relationship between Babur and Haydar, which lasted almost three years, came to an end. 5. Babur and Haydar set a high value on each other's abilities. Haydar in particular regarded Babur as the most talented prince in the house of Timur. 6. Since Haydar held Babur in such a high respect, it is probable that Haydar conducted himself after the model of Babur in many respects. If it be true, it is also probable that Haydar's Tarikh-i Rashidi was composed after the model of Babur's Babur-nama. The author wants to make certain of the last presumption by comparing the structure, contents and style of the two histories in another paper.

著者

真下 裕之

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.3, pp.534-489, 2012-12

著者

五十嵐 大介

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.3, pp.505-475, 2007-12

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With the implementation of the highly systematic and well organized Iqta system, which depended on the completion of the cadastral survey (1313-25), referred to as al-rawk al-Nasiri, in Mamluk ruled Egypt and Syria (1250-1517), the Mamluk state and political system were constructed on this foundation. In this manner, the regimes of foreign military rulers, which were based on the Iqta system, which had been developed in the Arab-Muslim world since the latter half of the tenth century, reached an apex in the highly systematized Mamluk regime. As the fundamental land system of the period, the Iqta system served as the axis of political, military and governmental systems and formed the system that was the core of the ruling structure in which the Mamluks, who comprised the ruling class, controlled rural areas through possession of the Iqta lands and thereby held a grip on the supply of food, public works, economic and religious activities of the cities through the redistribution of the wealth obtained from the rural areas, and this influence reached throughout the entire society. However, the rapid expansion of the amount of land designated as waqf (religious endowment) following the latter half of the fourteenth century had a great influence on the Mamluk regime. This was not limited to the fact that due to the transformation of the state's land (amlak bayt ai-mal) into the waqf, the amount of land that could be distributed for the Iqta's was decreased and the economic foundation of the Mamluks continued to shrink. The increasing importance of the waqf, which was fundamentally independent from state control, as a self-regulating system for the redistribution of wealth that linked the cities and rural areas is thought to be link to the problem of relativizing and reduction of the social role of the Iqta system. From this point of view, I employ narrative and archival sources in this study to consider the sudden expansion of the waqf, whose social role from the late fourteenth century to the early sixteenth century in Egypt and Syria reached a stage that could not be ignored, the influence of the expansion of the waqf on the Mamluk regime, and amidst these factors, how the Mamluk military ruling class maintained the ruling structure, particularly in regard to the economic aspect. As a result, I make clear that they were involved at various levels in the waqf system as donators and beneficiaries, as administrators, and as leaseholders of waqf land, and thereby they were able to obtain wealth and social influence and were also able to maintain the Mamluk regime of ruling structure by incorporating the waqf system within it.

著者

梅原 郁

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.4, pp.625-633, 1976-03-31

著者

永田 英正

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.3, pp.298-322, 1965-12-31

著者

仲山 茂

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.4, pp.661-670, 2010-03

著者

宇都宮 淸吉 藪内 淸

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.4, pp.271-282, 1940-06-30

著者

青木 健

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.3, pp.614-583, 2006-12

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This study begins with a reexamination of the research of S. Wikander that was conducted 60 years ago on the geographical transition of the iconography of the imperial ideology of the Sassanian kingdom. The study also incorporates the achievements of research on Zoroastrianism, from Wikander to the present day, and then hypotheses that the reason that the Sassanid kings moved their place of pilgrimage to Azerbaijan after the 5th century was associated with the sacred fire, Adur Gusnasp, in Siz and the imperial throne, Takht-i Taqdis. The author has drawn upon evidence from archaeological and written material (in Pahlavi, Arabic, and early-modern Persian) and art historical hypotheses, to create a compilation of fact, legend, and theories on both. As a result, I was able to come up with a chronology based on the weight of the facts. In addition, I sought the reasons for the changes seen in the chronology in light of advances in the study of Zoroastrianism since the time Wikander. As a result the following prospect on the holy fire and the sacred throne were attained. Firstly, the author conjectures that as regards the holy fire, Adur Gusnasp, there was a relationship in which "changes in Zoroastrian thought" resulted in the "modification in imperial ideology of the Sassanid kingdom." In short, there was a chain of influence during the 5th century, from the "linking of the legend of the founder to of Azerbaijan" to "royal pilgrimage to Azerbaijan after the king's enthronement" to the "iconoclastic movement" and finally to the "destruction of stone relief of Xwarnah, symbolizing the right to rule" and the "increase in the importance of the sacred fire of Adur Gusnasp." As regards Takht-i Taqdis on the other hand, it appears to have been a temporary phenomenon based on the initiative of Khosrow II, and I am unable to posit any influence of Zoroastrian thought. The imperial throne can be thought of as an artifact of the attempt by Khosrow II, who held a firm grasp on imperial legitimacy inherited from his grandfather Khusrow I to construct his own imperial ideology free from Zoroastrian thought by highlighting the glory of his military exploits. However, due to a lack of detailed records, it was impossible to specify just what the nature of ideology that might have been.

著者

山本 進

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.2, pp.241-272, 2016-09

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Traditional studies of the history of firearms in East Asia have placed great importance on specifying the time when European guns were first introduced and technical comparison of guns made in each East Asian country. Although the authors differ in some respects, they have a common understanding that the gun introduced into Japan by Portuguese in 1542 or 1543 inaugurated a new epoch in the history of firearms in East Asia. However, there are few studies that discuss how guns were used on the battlefield. This article reexamines the history of the development of guns during the Joseon period of Korea history from the point of view of their tactical use. Guns had been introduced into Korea from China during the late Goryeo 高麗 period, and Joseon's King Sejong 世宗 attempted the full-fledged development of firearms, but few were used in battle as a result of their inaccuracy and a shortage of gunpowder. After the king's death, the guns were only used for fireworks. But after the pillaging of the Japanese piracy during Jiajing 嘉靖 era (1522-66), China and Korea made large-scale guns and Portuguese-style cannons that could be loaded on warships. In contrast, the harquebus spread as a battlefield weapon among the warring lords of Japan. At the beginning of the Japanese invasion in 1592, Japanese harquebus overwhelmed Korean bows, and Japanese forces were able to advance to Pyeongyang in a short time. However, after the Ming army entered the conflict, the Chinese troops fired cannons from outside the effective range of harquebus, triggering a Japanese response that revealed the weak points of the harquebus--its inaccuracy, short range and the difficulty of reloading. Japanese forces were put on the defensive. In the end, logistic superiority decided the war. After the war, the Joseon government attempted to maximize firearms by having each district supply a regular quantity of guns, powder and bullets every month, but this led to mass production of inferior goods. On the technical side, a long-range harquebus called a "thousand-step gun" was developed, but its use did not spread. As a result, the late Joseon was unable to mount a strong army, and we see that Joseon chose military tactics designed to outrange its enemies by shooting many guns from a long distance. The tactic of using guns to create a barrage and not at narrowly defined targets was used not only in Joseon but also by Western countries.

著者

坂本 勉

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.4, pp.657-694, 1993-03-31

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Raw silk had been the principal export article of Iran since medieval times. In 1864, however, pebrine, silkworm disease which originally broke out in France and Italy, spread to Iran by way of Ottoman territory, and devastated raw silk production in the province of Gilan. Raw silk trade simultaneously declined. Restoring the production and trade of raw silk was critical task, since Iranian economy considerably depended on the raw silk export. Uninfected silkworm eggs were imported from Japan in an attempt to meet the problem, but the Japanese silkworm eggs were not suited to the soil of Iran and the attempt failed. From the beginning of 1890s, silkworm eggs were imported from Bursa, and consequently raw silk production in Gilan recovered. However, the export trade never surpassed earlier level, and changed its article from raw silk to cocoons. This trade was controlled by Greek merchants from the Ottoman empire. Thus Iranian silk trade was continued but under conditions of greater subordination to the worldwide capitalist economy system than previously.