著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.3, pp.p464-497, 1992-12

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This paper aims to examine the history of Vietnam's "external" relations in a new perspective, especially with regard to its southern and western neighbors after its independence in the tenth century. As for its neighbor in the south, it has been said that Champa had suffered from constant and continual Vietnamese southward aggression or Nam-tien since the latter's independence. In my view, it was only in the latter years of the fourteenth century that the balance of power between Vietnam and Champa was definitely lost. Before then, their relations had rather followed the "Southeast Asian" pattern in which the two polities or mandalas often struggled with each other for hegemony on one hand while maintaining close relations with each other on the other. Concerning the western neighbors, its relations with the Yunnanese polities were central concerns of the Vietnamese polity in the early centuries after independence as they shared similar cultural traits and a comparable level of Sinicization. Later, when the Thai-Lao group became powerful on its western borders, rivalry within the Vietnamese realm between those in the non-Sinicized mountainous areas with Thai cultural traits and those in the Sinicized delta region became evident. In the early centuries after independence, Vietnam was not yet to show its arrogance of claiming to be the "unique Sinicized country with the central status in the Southeast Asia" for claiming preeminence over its southern and western neighbors. In the fourteenth century, however, the Vietnamese began to see their polity as the "Southern Country" or "Middle Kingdom of Southeast Asia" which was entitled to reign over the surrounding barbarians. Later, in the fifteenth century when Vietnam had more or less realized such a dominant position, especially in its relations with Champa and Laos, the country definitely established its self-image as the "Southern Country."

著者

藤井 律之

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.4, pp.607-644, 2001-03-31

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The origins of the title Te jin, Lords Specially Advanced, a Tang-era civil service prestige title 文散官 are found in the Han. During the Han, Adjunct Marquises 列侯 resident in the capital were permitted to attend court twice a month (on the first and fifteenth day), and they were awarded the Te jin title, which was the equivalent of that of Counselor-in-chief 丞相, a court rank which was later of the same status to the Three Dukes 三公 in the military hierarchy. The criteria for this court rank were distinguished on the basis of official compensation, from duke 公, minister 卿, grand master 大夫, and serviceman 士 status, and this was at the same time the ritual order. However, with the addition of generals 將軍 to the hierarchy during the turmoil of the Late Han, this ritual order was disturbed. During the Wei, there was a pressing need to reorganize the ritual order and regulate the title of general. Although the earlier status hierarchy was revised to duke, solitaire 孤, minister, grand master, and servicemen, there was no fundamental reform of the system. The succeeding Jin inherited the status hierarchy of the Wei, but by shifting the criteria of status distinction from compensation accorded each office to the rank associated with each office, it was successful in reforming the ritual order. In addition, by establishing a fifth-rank within the nobility that was superior to that of Adjunct Marquis, the Te jin title lost its original function in relation to the Adjunct Marquises and instead became associated with civil officials 文官. Moreover, because the hierarchical order of the Guang lu da fu, Grand Master for Splendid Happiness, whom were paired with the generals became rigidly formalized, the role of the Te Jin title grew increasingly diluted. However, during the Southern Dynasties, the Te jin title played a new role. As can be understood from the fact that one individual who had refused the post of Commander Unequaled in Honor 開府儀同三司, the pinnacle of the hierarchy of the Guang lu da in, was given the title Te jin. The Te jin title was inserted within the hierarchy of the Guang lu da fu. This also marks the beginning of its being the highest rank of the Tang civil service prestige titles. The shift of association of the Te Jin title from Adjunct Marquises to the Guang lu da fu, and its ultimate retention among the civil service prestige titles was due to the fact the functions fulfilled by the Adjunct Marquises in the Han were split between the Generals and the Guang lu da fu during the Wei, Jin, and the period of the Northern and Southern Dynasties and that it conformed to the trends toward the adoption of Tang prestige titles.

著者

吉川 忠夫

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.3, pp.p427-451, 1988-12

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Yuan Xingchong 元行沖 (653-729) was a Tang dynasty scholar during the age of Xuan Zong 玄宗. He was an intimate friend of Liu Zhiji 劉知幾, who authored the Shi tong 史通. One recognizes the mutual influence of these two scholars on each other in their writings. First this essay considers the Wei dian 魏典, a chronological history of the northern Wei dynasty authored by Yuan Xingchong, and his commentary on the Xiaojing 孝經. While Yuan Xingchong wrote a commentary which further amplified the notes on the Lei li 類禮 of Wei Zheng 魏徴of the early Tang, which in turn had been based on the text of the Li ji 禮記 that was reorganized by Sun Yan 孫炎 in the Wei dynasty (220-264 A.D.), the imperial dynasty did not use his text. To vent his resentment, Yuan Xingchong wrote the Shi yi 釋疑. In the Shi yi, Yuan Xingchong severely criticized "the study of commentaries on words and phrases." By "the study of commentaries on words and phrases, " Yuan Xingchong indicated a perspective like that taken by interpreters of the traditional classics, as represented by works such as the Correct Meanings of the Five Classics. Incontrast to that learning, Yuan Xingchong selected several excellent portions out of the various interpretations, and, following them, sought to establish his own perspective on learning.

著者

里井 彦七郎

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.3, 1958-12

著者

岩村 忍

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.3, 1955-10

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The present article is a shorthanded version of the author's lecture delivered at a meeting of The Society of Oriental Researches, Kyoto, in January, 1955. The author made extensive trips in Afghanishan in 1954, in the course of which he visited the mountainous home of the Hazara in the central Hindukush where he spent some time among this hitherto little known people. The author introduces the generally accepted view on their origin, i.e., the Mongol origin, and proceeds to describe the landscape of the Hazarajat. Next he refers briefly to the Hazaragi or the language of the Hazara and to the supposedly aboriginal people, the Barbars. The author's own observations of the life of the Hazaras are also mentioned, and he seems to entertain the view that, regardless of their origin (nomadic Mongols or others), their life is largely agricultural, while their social relations feudalistic. There is appended a summary of the discussion which took place after his lecture. In this we find various vestiges of the feudalistic system.

著者

牧田 諦亮

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.3, pp.362-363, 1962-12-31

著者

渋谷 由里

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.p84-117, 1993-06

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This paper aims to explain the logic and actual conditions of the rule over regional society, and regional society's wishes for and participation in politics in Fengtian under the regime of Zhang Zuolin (1916-28). Specifically, it considers the civil administration and finances of Fengtian, during the Baojing Anmin 保境安民 period (1922-24), with special attention given to Wang Yong Jiang, a central figure from the last years of the Qing to the rebellion of Guo Songling 郭松齡. Wang aimed for the stabilization and the independence of the administration and finances of Fengtian, being problems since the last years of the Qing. To accomplish his goals, it was necessary for him to make the Fengtian Army contribute to public order, to absorb regionally influential men into the lower levels of the regime, and to reflect in politics this group's desire for regional development. While the desires of locally influential men were manifested in the Rights Recovery Movement and while there were some successes such as the construction of railways and the establishment of Northeastern University 東北大學, political policies which demanded the long-term plan of the actualization of rule in the areas of financial stabilization and civil administration were not maintained under the strengthening of the military governance. So, it could be said there was a kind of limit. Nevertheless, for regional society, the Zhang Zuolin regime was the first regional government that may be judged as having made some contribution to society, and the first in which men from the Fengtian region assumed responsibility for both military governance and civil administration.

著者

石濱 純太郎

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.4, pp.376-384, 1936-04-20

著者

小倉 芳彦

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.4, pp.p483-508, 1979-03

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This papar is a preliminary attempt to examine the use of proverbs in literature as a part of the investigation into the process whereby orally transmitted words came to be written down. Proverbs reflect the social condition and the ethical concept of the people of where they are born. The skillful use of them in literature, therefore, can enhance its persuasive power by arousing the audiences' sympathy. Proverbs are called yen 諺in Chinese classics. Although there must have been a great number of them, only few have come to be written down, and they are limited to those selected due to the authors' particular needs and preferences. Yens are used effectively to carry euphemistic admonitions advices in Tso-chuan. They are found alongside with quotations from Shih-ching 詩経 and Shu-ching 書経 and sayings of ancient sages, often to show the wisdom from everyday life lacked in them. It is evident, thus, that the author of Tso-chuan did not regard the yen as something vulgar. The yens quoted in Shih-chi, on the other hand, are chiefly those concerned with the fate of men. This is perhaps due to the Ssu-ma Ch'ien's 司馬遷 own interest. There are also yens quoted in memorials presented by the bureaucrats of the time ; they, however, lack the fine quality such as in those found in Tso-chuan, and are nothing but vulgar. In addition, the book Ku-yao-yen 古謡諺 contains many proverbs and folk songs used in the literature of later times. In the present study, however, I limited my examination only to those used in Tso-chuan and Shih-chi.

著者

小堀 愼悟

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.1, pp.1-34, 2020-06

著者

堀內 淳一

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.3, pp.409-442, 2020-12

著者

佐々木 愛

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.1, pp.35-74, 2020-06

著者

佐藤 武敏

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.3, pp.275-302, 1966-12-31

著者

井上 充幸

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.1-28, 2000-06

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Li Ri-hua, one of the typical intellectual in the late Ming, together with Dong Qi-chang 董其昌 were equally admired as connoisseurs of objets d'art and curios. Li's diary, Wei-Shui-Xuan Ri-Ji covers the years 37-44 of Wan-li 萬暦 (1609-1616), and by this we can observe his daily life in his hometown, Jia-xing 嘉興. This article attempts to examine the artistic taste of the intellectual and hence the cultural activities in those times by referring to the appreciations of arts like calligraphy, painting, ink slab, porcelain and all sorts of antiques described in this diary. Accordingly, appreciation and collection of objets d'art had originally been a personal taste of the intellectual, but had a vogue up to the late Ming. In those times, especially in the Jiang-nan region 江南, many collectors who flaunted their considerable collections of arts appeared. Xiang Yuan-bian 項元汴, his relative, Wang Ji-mei 王繼美 and his son, Wang Ke-yu 王砢玉 were typical ones. They had been living in Jia-xing for generations, and Li Ri-hua was able to appreciate many obiets d'art through companionship with them. With rapid economic development, the intellectual and even common people got absorbed in appreciation and collection of objets d'art in those days. As objets d'art became commodities and were widely traded, there was a sharp rise in demand for them, and their prices went up finally. At the same time, forgeries were produced in large quantities, so it became quite difficult to discriminate between the genuine and the fake. According to the diary, Li Ri-hua, as a famous connoisseur, was often asked to authenticate various objets d'art and curios and set prices for them. Besides, the article also discusses the relationship between "Shan-re" 山人 and the intellectual. "Shan-ren" were newly-risen intellectuals in the late Ming, who lived by their knowledge and skills and did not engage in any official position. "Wen-ren" 文人 had originally referred to the so-called "Shi-da-fu" 士大夫, but when some of the "Shan-ren" were regarded as the typical intellectual in the late Ming, the dividing line between the "Wen-ren" and the "Shan-ren" became ambiguous. Li Ri-hua was able to lay his academic foundation under the influence of the typical "Shan-ren" such as Zhou Lu-jing 周履靖 and Chen Ji-ru 陳繼儒 in those times. However, he had been trying to act as the most eminent intellectual without doing the job of making or appraising arts since he had become an official.

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.553-584, 2002-12-31

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Works of Chinese Islamic literature that frequently came to be written in the time of the late-Ming and Qing dynasties were translations of the contents of Arabic and Persian literature into Chinese, and this body of literature might lead us to suppose that the Sinification of Islam had occurred (a departure from the original meaning of the texts resulting from the authors' attempts to write to suit the Chinese environment and of the influence of the ideological permeation of the three faiths, Buddhism, Confucianism and Daoism, ). Heretofore, certain elements of Sinification in regard to the theory of Sufism have to a certain extent been made clear, but those aspects concerned with practical application of various themes have hardly been addressed. Thus l have examined those aspects and the background of this Sinification in terms of the arguments concerning the shaykh, the leader of Sufism, in Chinese Islamic literature and have come to the following conclusions. Because it was rare that anyone might be identified a shaykh in the sphere of Wang Dai-yu 王岱輿, Maqsad-i Aqsa, which was widely read in China, on the possibility of exceptions to the general principle of the need for a shaykh. Yu Hao-zhou 余浩洲 placed the attainment of knowledge as the first of the maqamat stations of spiritual training, in his arrangement of the various virtues of the Mirsad and Maqsad. In expounding its importance, Ma Zhu 馬注 also explicated the process of spiritual purification based on the Mirsad, but took the attainment of knowledge as the standard method of spiritual purification on the basis of some unspecified scripture. These attitudes that emphasized knowledge were contrary to view expressed in the Mirsad, but they agreed with requirement of the attainment of knowledge advocated by the A-hong 阿訇, who were the teachers closest to the authors and readers of Islamic literature in Chinese, and who solely taught interpretative reading of Arabic and Persian texts without instructing their students in spiritual training. It may be claimed that in Yu's device of creating one's own maqamat suitable to an individual's own environment was a sort of sinification. Although Wang, Ma, Yu, and later Liu Zhi 劉智, failed to address the rule of the Mirsad that had set the silsila, spiritual chain stretching back to Muhammad, as a precondition for a being shaykh, but, in this may be seen as their intention of opening the qualificationof shaykh to the A-hong, who lacked the silsila.

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.584-553, 2002-12

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Works of Chinese Islamic literature that frequently came to be written in the time of the late-Ming and Qing dynasties were translations of the contents of Arabic and Persian literature into Chinese, and this body of literature might lead us to suppose that the Sinification of Islam had occurred (a departure from the original meaning of the texts resulting from the authors' attempts to write to suit the Chinese environment and of the influence of the ideological permeation of the three faiths, Buddhism, Confucianism and Daoism, ). Heretofore, certain elements of Sinification in regard to the theory of Sufism have to a certain extent been made clear, but those aspects concerned with practical application of various themes have hardly been addressed. Thus l have examined those aspects and the background of this Sinification in terms of the arguments concerning the shaykh, the leader of Sufism, in Chinese Islamic literature and have come to the following conclusions. Because it was rare that anyone might be identified a shaykh in the sphere of Wang Dai-yu 王岱輿, Maqsad-i Aqsa, which was widely read in China, on the possibility of exceptions to the general principle of the need for a shaykh. Yu Hao-zhou 余浩洲 placed the attainment of knowledge as the first of the maqamat stations of spiritual training, in his arrangement of the various virtues of the Mirsad and Maqsad. In expounding its importance, Ma Zhu 馬注 also explicated the process of spiritual purification based on the Mirsad, but took the attainment of knowledge as the standard method of spiritual purification on the basis of some unspecified scripture. These attitudes that emphasized knowledge were contrary to view expressed in the Mirsad, but they agreed with requirement of the attainment of knowledge advocated by the A-hong 阿訇, who were the teachers closest to the authors and readers of Islamic literature in Chinese, and who solely taught interpretative reading of Arabic and Persian texts without instructing their students in spiritual training. It may be claimed that in Yu's device of creating one's own maqamat suitable to an individual's own environment was a sort of sinification. Although Wang, Ma, Yu, and later Liu Zhi 劉智, failed to address the rule of the Mirsad that had set the silsila, spiritual chain stretching back to Muhammad, as a precondition for a being shaykh, but, in this may be seen as their intention of opening the qualificationof shaykh to the A-hong, who lacked the silsila.

著者

北村 敬直

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.3, 1961-12

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In January, 1877, China Merchants' Steam Navigation Company purchased at the amount of 2, 200, 000 Shanghai Tls. Shanghai Steam Navigation Company which was an affiliated company of Russel & Company, resulting in a sudden expansion of the former's business, but this event initiated a series of public controversy on the corruption therein during 1880-81 with Wang Hsien-ch'ien playing an active part. Memorials to the throne were drafted by Liu K'un-i and Li Hung-chang, relying on the reports of investigation by Liu Jui-fen and Li Hsing-jui, while the Tungli Yamen made its own investigation as the agency in charge of such an affair. In the present article the different views and standpoints on the affair are analysed, and attempt is made to explore the effects of the China Merchants' Steam Navigation Company affair to its contemporaneous events.

著者

間野 英二

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.4, pp.p591-615, 1976-03

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An exanimation of the problems of the Timurid genealogy on the basis of the available sources from the Mongol period and from the hands of Timur's contemporaries suggests the following conclusions. First, the genealogy of the Timurid line is probably authentic. However, what mattered to Timur himself was not this genealogical record but rather his position--which he won by his abilities--as a son-in-law (kuragan) of the khan's family and his status as amir or beg. But for the Timurid princes, descendents of Timur, the situation was quite different. What they needed was not a veritable account of their ancestor, who spent much of his existence as a bandit; they wanted stories full of splendor and glory dealing with their ancestors. Therefore the Timurid genealogy, which had never been an issue for Timur himself, became for his descendents a web of traditions centering around a fictional Oath ;retrieved from the dust, it remains in the sources embellished with the additions of court historians.

著者

内藤 戊申

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.1, pp.1-13, 1936-10-13

著者

倉田 淳之助

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.4, pp.247-257, 1943-11-25