著者

川崎 康司

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, pp.238-218, 2002

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An Old Assyrian letter (TC 317) adressed to a lady named Waqartum, by Puzur-Assur is a purchase order of textiles being produced by the lady's workshop. It proves that the two parties were in a long and intimate partnership on business, and with the fact and the other evidences Professor K. R. Veenhof has already demonstrated that Assyrian women enjoyed an important role in trading firms managed by their fathers, husbands, and brothers: production of textiles. One question still remains, however, to understand the relationship of both figures, since Puzur-Assur is by no means a family member of Waqartum, neither her husband nor another relative. Waqartum is certainly a nickname of Ahaha, the gubabtum-priestess and the daughter of a famous merchant Pusuken, and she has four brothers whose names and businesses are well-known. What reasons and opportunities, then, made her do single-handed business with the strerrger outside her own family? In this artile, the present author examines Ahaha's career, analysing 'her archive' (47 texts mention her in total) and rearranging the information of them into three periods as follows: (1)In her youth, Ahaha, who had already been nominated a gubabtum-priestess, has been living unmarried. together with her mother. Lamassi. in Assur, while her father and elder brothers were engaged in managing their trading firm, often travelling abroad on business. Meanwhile she started hercareer on textile production by her mother and mastered the business, that is proved mainly by letters of her parents. (2) Many legal documents and letters written down immediately after her father's sudden death, are found in her archive, and almost of them are in concerns with the assets of Pusu-ken and his firm Lawsuits and settlements were concluded in Kanish concerming the assets among his children and buisness partners. One remarkable fact is that Ahaha has right to receive a large inheritance, including some naruqqu-funds invested on his partners by her father at least and possibly also the textile workshop. She remained, however, outside the negotiations managed by her brothers since she somehow stayed alone in Assur, and even her share on the inheritance was kept and used by her brothers without her permission, while only her younger brother. Buzazu, stood by Ahaha as her represetative, but the others-especially her eldest one, Assur-muttabbil, who inherited his father's business and the position of the new head of the family-never and often even against her. Even she personally became in debt because of the maintenance of the family's household in Assur, while Assur-muttabbil should have taken responsibility on it. (3) Letters communicated between Puzur-Assur and Ahaha appear after the latest period of (2). He was a well-established merchant and a business partner of Buzazu. He had, however, been once a junior partner of Pusu-Ken, travelling on business between Kanish and Assur, and that may be the reason Ahaha personally knew him a long time and trusted him. The most important facts for understanding their relationship is that among her inherited share of naruqqu-funds existed that of Puzur-Assur, and that she was still holding her share on it and even investing more on him, while having already converted the funds of the other merchants into money and cleared off the business relations with them. Consequently, the reconstruction of her career thus shows us that Ahaha has enough capital to run her own textile workshop and has quite reasons and chances to have a very trustworthy partner and patron besides her brothers: Puzur-Assur It is also notable that the Old Assyrian society, either or her position of priestess, allows Ahaha such rights and opportunities on her career, although her case might be quite unique.

著者

春田 晴郎

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, pp.19-43, 2006

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In this paper, heterographic writing systems, or kun-reading systems, in the world are classified according to their mother scripts, in which heterograms were/are written but read in other languages. Below are these mother scripts, including numerals: 1. numerals; 2. several pictograms ; 3. Latin alphabets, in which Irish heterograms were written ; 4. Sumerograms, read as heterograms in Eblaite, Akkadian, Hurrian (rarely), Hittite, Palaic (rarely), Cuneiform Luwian, Hattic, Urartian and Elamite, and phonetically written Akkadian words also read heterographically in Hittite and Urartian ; 5. Aramaeograms, employed as heterograms in Parthian, Middle Persian, Sogdian, Khorazmian and possibly in some inscriptions in Mtskheta, Georgia and in Armenia ; 6. Kanji (Sinograms), used for the invention of new scripts in some heterographic ways or read as heterograms in Bai script, Goba script, writing of Hani people, writing of Khamu people, Chuang script, Nushu (Women's script), Chunom (former Vietnamese script), Khitan scripts, Jurchin script, Uighur, Korean and Japanese.

著者

蟹江 秀明

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.41-52, 1967

著者

三田 武繁

出版者

東海大学文学部

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

no.108, pp.101-124, 2018-03-30

著者

三小田 敏雄

出版者

東海大学出版会

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.51-71, 1966-02-05

著者

三田 武繁

出版者

東海大学文学部

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

no.110, pp.1-34, 2020-03-30

著者

石丸 煕

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, pp.23-43, 1997

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Le Kamakoura-shogounat, qui a ete fonde par MINAMOTO YORITOMO, a la fin du 12^e siecle, changeait son systeme de la politique. La 1^<ere> epoque : la dictature du Shogoun (YORITOMO), la 2^e epoque : la politique du Shikken (le directeur du gouvernement, de HOJO TOKIMASA a HOJO TSUNETOKI), et la 3^e epoque : l'autocratie par Tokouso (la famille de la ligne de HOJO, de TOKIYORI a TAKATOKI). Les chercheurs de ces dernieres annees disent que le systeme de la conference du Kamakoura-shogounat a commence apres la mort de YORITOMO (1199), c'est a dire, pendant l'epoque de l'autocratie du Shikken. Mais dans la periode de YORITOMO, on deja faisait de temps en temps la conference pour aider la decision du Shogoun, dont ily a les preuves dans "AZOUMAKAGAMI", la chronique officielle du Kamakoura-shogounat, comme les mots Goungui, Sata et Hyojo.

著者

今橋 理子

出版者

東海大学文学部

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

no.65, pp.1-18,図10p, 1996-09

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During the last years of his life, Katsushika Hokusai (1760-1849), the most well known ukiyoe artist of the late Edo period, left us an original painting entitled Watermelon, now in the collection of the Imperial Household Agency. Over the years numerous researchers have assessed the unusual shape and composition of the watermelon in the painting as striking evidence of Hokusai's originality. However, I question whether this repeated assessment would have been made if Hokusai had not included his signature, which is clearly evident in the painting. Eastern paintings of vegetables and fruit are commonly known as "Vegetable drawings"(sosai-zu) and are considered as belonging to the broad category of fower-and-bird pictures. With a style far removed from that of traditional vegetable drawings, however, Hokusai's Watermelon evokes among viewers a feeling contrary to what they might have expected from such a painting. Eastern flower-and-bird paintings traditionally have something in them that allows a hidden meaning to be drawn out from animals or plants depicted. Similarly, we need to investigate whether or not the watermelon in Hokusai's painting-considering the unexpectedness of its style-is imbued with a hidden meaning. To corroborate my interpretation of Watermelon, I have made use of the painting entitled Tanabata by Sakai Hoitsu (1761-1828). Hoitsu's painting is not a portrayal of the modern-day Japanese celebration known as Tanabata, or Star Festival, but rather depicts Tanabata's predecessor, Kikkoden, a ceremony carried out by the imperial court beginning in the eighth century, which in turn had its origins in early China. Kikkoden combined astrology with the romance of the Milky Way-the love story of the Herdsman (in Japanese tradition, the star Altair in the constellation Aquila) and the Weaver (the star Vega in the constellation Lyra). Japanese paintings entitled Kikkoden are usually genre paintings portraying the full year's worth of ceremonies ; it was tacitly understood from early times that depictions of the Kikkoden or Tanabata festivals within these paintings would show a scene from the seventh lunar month, when these festivals were held. In Hoitsu's Tanabata, however, human figures, ordinarily found in genre paintings, are missing. Only string given in offering and a basin filled with water-two items symbolic of the climax of Kikkoden-are depicted. By extracting these two motifs from Kikkoden, Hoitsu turns them into symbols for the ceremony. When Hokusai's Watermelon is viewed once again, this time in light of this understanding of Hoitsu's work, the congruence between the two paintings is striking. Since watermelons were in early China and Japan an important item given as an offering during Kikkoden, the watermelon half and the long, thin rind in Hokusai's painting can be seen as corresponding exactly to Hoitsu's basin and string. Further, we can discover of a bit of the romanticism involved in how the Japanese, inheritors of the romance of the Milky Way story from China, have since the time of the Man'yoshu "borrowed" the heroes of that story in their own love poetry. Essentially, then, Hokusai's Watermelon is a genre painting in which Kikkoden is represented by a watermelon, and is a narrative painting of the romance of the Milky Way.

著者

定方 晟

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, pp.1-23, 1995

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It is well known that Kenji Miyazawa, a Japanese writer of the Taisho and early Showa periods, is an ardent follower of the teaching of the Buddhist Sacred Scripture Saddharmapundarika-sutra. In his fairy tales, indeed, do we find frequently motifs deriving from this teaching. But, strange enough, his most important work "Night of Galaxy Railway" is full of Christian images and scanty of Buddhist ones. These Christian images are so beautiful that many readers tend to think that this is a work of Christian faith. This is a misreading. Jovanni, a young hero of the work, did not get off the train when many Christian passengers got off at the "Southern Cross" station, which is the entrance to the Christian paradise. He even said to a young Christian girl, "Your god is not a true god". The author does not explain why Jovanni disapproves the Christian god and its blessing. I suppose that Christianity, having a doctrine of Judgement, does not give happiness to all living beings. To Jovanni who has an ardent desire for "true happiness for all" as he repeatedly says, Christianity does not give satisfaction. Poor readers only see that which is criticized and fail to see criticism itself.

著者

柳原 伸洋

出版者

東海大学文学部

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, pp.83-93, 2015

著者

松本 富士男

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, pp.11-27, 1982

著者

吉野 誠

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, pp.1-18, 2000

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In 1871 departure of the Iwakura mission afroad left Saigoo Takamori at the head of a caretaker government. In 1873 an argument erupted over how to deal with foreign affairs toward Korea. Saigoo obtained government aproval for a personal diplomatic mission to Korea. But when the Iwakura mission returned, the decision was reversed. This paper examines this argument.

著者

速水 侑 ネビン パトリック

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.81, pp.156-130, 2004-09-30

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This article presents the results from a questionnaire survey conducted in order to determine the effects of population influx on traditional Shinto behavior as performed by residents in two regional cities. This study focuses mainly upon New Years' shrine visits (hatsumode) and festival participation (matsuri), both considered to be traditional Shinto behavior, while treating shrine visits as individualistic behavior and festival participation as collectivistic behavior. The goal was to show how population influx affects the choice of shrine or festival and the reasons for performing that behavior. Factors considered include length of residence, parishioner relationship, frequency of behavior and age; survey format and hypothesis was inspired by Morioka (1968). The results for shrine visits show that while there is a relationship between length of residence and the "delocalization" of behavior, hatsumode continues to have strong social importance as a traditional custom, whereas in the results for festival participation there is an increasing shift from shrine festivals to secular municipal festivals, with the most popular reasons for going to festivals ("festivals are popular and fun" and "to ensure good childhood memories for one's children") reflecting this shift.

著者

菟原 卓

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, pp.94-104, 1998

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It is well known that Islam favors commerce. Especially in the medieval period, trade was regarded as an honorable occupation, and prosperous merchants were highly esteemed in social life. Merchants were active not only in the field of economy, but also in the development of Islamic culture, and sometimes in politics. People of high standing were also sometimes involved in commerce. In the present article, I would like to show that the Fatimid ruling circles were also engaged in trade during the early period of their dynasty. According to the primary sources, the Isma'ili imams, including the first Fatimid caliph al-Mahdi, disguised themselves as affluent merchants until the establishment of their dynasty. It is very likely that they were actually operating a kind of trading firm. After the establishment of their state in North Africa, the caliphs ceased to engage themselves personally in commercial activities. However, a crown prince was active in business before his accession to the throne, and other members of the royal household were associated with merchants in the market. As for courtiers of the dynasty, a prominent major-domo owned one or more commercial ships, and his profit from trade was so enormous that he could even support the expansion of the Fatimid state financially.

著者

中川 久嗣

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, pp.56-78, 1997

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Dans son premier livre, Histoire de la folie, Michel Foucault a propose d'analyser le phenomene de la folie elle-meme et presente une these sur l'exclusion de la folie par Descartes dans sa Premiere Meditation. C'est L'Ecriture et la Difference de Jacques Derrida qui a severement critique tous les projets de Foucault en les declarant trompeurs, impossibles et fous. D'apres Derrida, nous ne pouvons accuser notre raison qu'en elle, et le doute methodique de Descartes qui arrive a son comble par la convocation du Malin Genie, n'est pas un exemple d'exclusion de la folie, mais simplement celui de la possibilite de penser a la folie. Dans ce traite, j'ai essaye d'eclaircir le pouvoir du sujet doutant de Descartes qui fait resolument avancer sa meditation metaphysique en separant le reve de la folie. Pour Foucault qui veut eviter la pensee cartesienne, penser a la folie, c'est d'introduire l'Autre a la raison sans aucune transformation et aucune exclusion. On pourrait appeler cette maniere de penser une "interiorisation du dehors". C'est bien la nouvelle possibilite et moralite de notre raison.

著者

イザンベール 真美

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, pp.54-68, 2000

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This study is aimed at studying revolutions and rebellions in the light of the modern world-system perspective. This first article tries to demonstrate the link between world rebellions and the Kondrarieff's long wave. Many scholars have studied international war data in relation with the long cycle but there are such a small number of works which spotlight and examin deeply rebellions i.e., internal wars with a world-systemic view. The basic source of data is the Small and Singer's famous list of wars since 1816. The author presents a working hypothesis, the magnitude (number of killed by day) of rebellions is stronger during the A2 periods = hegemonic matuarity periods of the modern world-system. This hypothesis is explained by the relative deprivation theory as James Davies or Ted Gurr showed and is also tested statistically. Further reflexion about rebellions and revolutions in the modern world-system is needed then will be done in following articles of this series.

著者

吉野 誠

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, pp.1-18, 1999

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This parer examines the foreign policy of the Japanese ministry of foreign affairs toward Korea in 1870-1872. They did so while continuing to emphasize the humiliating situation in which they had been placed at the same time as they denied the relationship of equality with Korea under samurai rule. The fundamental idea was that Korea should submit to the Emperor as had occurred in the past since the Emperor was now, again, the ruler of Japan. The realization of the transition to imperial rule was the core of the problems with Korea during the Meiji Restoration. The letter from Tsushima to Korea which included the Chinese characters for "emperor" and "imperial decree" was an expression of this type of idea and met with rejection by Korea, which warned against such wording. The focus of the letter issue truly was in the "acceptance or refusal of the transition to the imperial court." The theory of direct transfer to the imperial court, which recognized the ancient subordination of Korea from the beginning accompanied the "dispatch of the Emperor's envoy" and the insistence upon a military attack of Korea. Seikanron was an argument for the invasion of Korea that was linked to the idea of the revival of imperial governance, and its promotion during the early years of the Meiji Restoration may be said to have been inevitable.

著者

寺崎 章二

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, pp.1-16, 1979

著者

小池 佑二

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, pp.138-122, 2004-03-30

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16,17世紀に編纂されたアステカの文書には,スペイン人による征服前の出来事が記されているが,その中には日食の記述もしばしば見られる。それらの日食を,0ppolzer著『食宝典』と照らし合わせて,その信憑性を吟味するのが本論の第1の目的である。日食に関する記述のある文書として,Codice Aubin,'Anales de Cuauhitlan','Anales de Tlateolco', Relaciones originales de Chalco Amaquemeacanを採り上げ,そこに記録されている日食が,『食宝典』に掲載されているどの日食に当たるかを検証した。その結果,日食中に「星が全て現われた」等の誇張とも思われる表現があるにしても,大半の記述は正しいことが判明した。幾つかの記述についてはそれに相当する日食が現実には起こっていないが,それは,単なる記録の誤りか,予測したのだが,現実には起こらなかった(あるいは雨天ないし曇で見えなかった)日食を記したのではないかと推定される。次に,メキシコの先住民が,日食や月食に対してどのような観念を抱いていたかを,当時の記録から探るのが第2の目的である。彼らは,日食・月食を不吉な前兆とみなし,人間の生け贅を捧げたりもした。前述の文書では,征服後の時期についてはほとんど日食の記述が見られない。それは,征服後にはキリスト教宣教師が先住民の改宗に努め,太陽崇拝と関わる土着の風習である人身供犠を禁止したので,先住民は日食に関する記録を残さなくなったためだと考えられる。

著者

定方 晟

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, pp.134-106, 2006-03-30

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This article consists of following chapters. 21. Monastery and monks 22. The Essenes 23. Therapeutes 24. Philon 25. Manichaeism 26. Christian literature and Buddhist parabols 27. Saved savior 28. Addenda This article will be the last one of my serial articles "Gnosticism and India-Historical materials", as I retire under the age limit from Tokai University this year.