著者
村瀬 敏夫
出版者
東海大学
雑誌
東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.1-46, 1959
著者
菟原 卓
出版者
東海大学
雑誌
東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.78, pp.250-240, 2002

This paper is intended as a supplement to my three articles hitherto published on the administrative offices and the civil servants under the Fatimids. The purpose here is twofold : to give a clearer understanding of the categories of civil servants by collating the information that I have so far acquired ; and to consider the meanings and usages of "Tawqi" as an administrative term in order to complement the explanation of the functions of civil servants, which I have previously published.
著者
三佐川 亮宏
出版者
東海大学
雑誌
東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.75, pp.1-28, 2001

"Der Begriff eines deutschen Reiches hat sich wohl am fruhesten in Italien ausgebildet ; im Beginne des 11. Jahrhunderts begegnet er zuerst. Mehr als in Italien ist in Deutschland der Ausdruck ublich, und noch in der Zeit Heinrichs IV....ist er in allen deutschen Gebieten heimisch geworden, wie ja gerade der Reichsgedanke, das Bewuβtsein der politischen Zusammenfassung, der staatlichen Einigung der deutschen Stamme vor allem lebendig war"(Vigener). Gegenuber diesem ublichen Erklarungsversuch, der das Aufkommen des Begriffes regnum Teutonicum unter der Regierung Heinrichs IV.(1056-1106) in Zusammenhang mit der allmahlichen Ausbreitung des deutschen Volksbewuβtseins bzw. Nationalgefuhls bringt, hat E.Muller-Mertens im zweiten Teil seines Buches "Regnum Teutonicum. Aufkommen und Verbreitung der deutschen Reichs - und Konigsaufassung im fruheren Mittelalter"(1970) ein ganz anderes Bild dargestellt : Derjenige, der fur die Verbreitung der Terminologie in Deutschland eine ganz entscheidende Rolle spielte, sei niemand anders als Papst Gregor VII.(1073-1085) gewesen. Er habe den Begriff bewuβt als politischen "Kampfbegriff" benutzt, um den imperial-hegemonialen Herrschaftsanspruch des ottonisch-salischen Konigtums prinzipiell in Frage zu stellen, d.h. mit der Absicht, die Herrschaft des salischen Konigs, des rex Teutonicorum-nicht rex Romanorum, wie der Konig sich selbst nannte-, auf das Reich nordlich der Alpen, das regnum Teutonicum, zu beschranken. Im ersten Teil dieses Aufsatzes wurde es versucht, die uberrraschenden und anregenden Thesen von Muller-Mertens in wichtigen Punkten zu referieren, daneben aber auch seine Ergebinisse, unter Heranziehung der anderen neueren Literatur, z.T. zu revidieren, vor allem fur die Bewertung der politischen Dimensionen des Begriffs "deutsch" bei Lamperts von Hersfeld (†1081/82).
著者
今橋 理子
出版者
東海大学
雑誌
東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, pp.35-49, 1996

Among the paintings left by Sakai Hoitsu (1760-1828), a late-Edo-period painter known for reviving the Rinpa (or Korin) school of painting in the city of Edo, is a singular work entitled Kannon (i.e., the bodhisattva Avalokitesvara). This work differs from the usual Oriental "white-robed Avalokitesvara" paintings in that Kannon is not shown holding in her hand either the standard lotus flower, or sprig of willow in a water jar. Rather, in front of her and to the viewer's right there appears a porcelain celadon vase in which five summer flowers - hollyhocks, pinks, lychnises, hydrangeas, and lilies - have been arranged. In contrast to india ink paintings of Kannon, the flowers in Hoitsu's work are richly colored, attracting and holding the viewer's gaze. It is known that the creation of Kannon was connected to the hundredth anniversary of the death of Ogata Korin (1658-1716). Korin was the prime mover behind the earlier flourishing of the Rinpa school and the painter most highly regarded by Hoitsu, who donated the work to Korin's family temple, Myoken-ji, in Kyoto, where it remains today. It has therefore traditionally been inferred that Hoitsu "arranged" the flowers in the vase in commemoration of Korin's death anniversary and that he used summer flowers because Korin died in June. What has never been clear, however, is why the five flowers noted above were chosen ; indeed, Hoitsu's Flowers in a Vase, painted for the same anniversary, contains the identical five kinds of flowers arranged in a water jar. Hoitsu obviously had a reason for selecting them. In my paper, I will attempt to discern what Hoitsu's intended meaning may have been. The particular flower or bird, or the particular combination of flowers and birds, found in an Oriental flower-and-bird painting ordinarily has an auspicious meaning associated with it, one that the members of the painter's audience will usually be able to identify owing to their shared cultural experience. No traditional, specific meaning, however, can be discerned in the combination of the five summer flowers in Hoitsu's two paintings. To unlock the meaning, I have investigated how the five flowers have been used in classical tanka and haiku poetry - in which Hoitsu himself was unusually well versed - beginning with the eighth-century Man'yoshu. For example, the combination of hollyhocks and lilies has traditionally meant, "We will meet in the next world" when it appears in classical poetry. I found other meanings for other groupings of the five flowers in question. In the course of my research it became clear that Hoitsu clearly did not use the five flowers merely to commemorate Korin's death in the summer ; being familliar with Japanese history and literature, Hoitsu put together his combination with scruplous care in order to express the meaning he desired. Another point of interest is that Korin was particularly fond of the hollyhock and, in fact, replaced his family crest with one depicting a stylized version of this flower. This helps explain why, in Hoitsu's two paintings, the hollyhock is placed highest in the shin position, the all-important central position in traditional flower arrangement. Modern critics tend to view the beautiful flower arrangements in the paintings of the Rinpa school, including the two works discussed here, as random combinations. This evaluation focuses on the beauty of the paintings' form, but essentially denies their interpretive value. However, I believe that the surprising hidden meanings woven into the paintings of the Rinpa school are one of the greatest sources of the paintings' appeal.
著者
今橋 理子
出版者
東海大学
雑誌
東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, pp.35-49, 1996

Among the paintings left by Sakai Hoitsu (1760-1828), a late-Edo-period painter known for reviving the Rinpa (or Korin) school of painting in the city of Edo, is a singular work entitled Kannon (i.e., the bodhisattva Avalokitesvara). This work differs from the usual Oriental "white-robed Avalokitesvara" paintings in that Kannon is not shown holding in her hand either the standard lotus flower, or sprig of willow in a water jar. Rather, in front of her and to the viewer's right there appears a porcelain celadon vase in which five summer flowers - hollyhocks, pinks, lychnises, hydrangeas, and lilies - have been arranged. In contrast to india ink paintings of Kannon, the flowers in Hoitsu's work are richly colored, attracting and holding the viewer's gaze. It is known that the creation of Kannon was connected to the hundredth anniversary of the death of Ogata Korin (1658-1716). Korin was the prime mover behind the earlier flourishing of the Rinpa school and the painter most highly regarded by Hoitsu, who donated the work to Korin's family temple, Myoken-ji, in Kyoto, where it remains today. It has therefore traditionally been inferred that Hoitsu "arranged" the flowers in the vase in commemoration of Korin's death anniversary and that he used summer flowers because Korin died in June. What has never been clear, however, is why the five flowers noted above were chosen ; indeed, Hoitsu's Flowers in a Vase, painted for the same anniversary, contains the identical five kinds of flowers arranged in a water jar. Hoitsu obviously had a reason for selecting them. In my paper, I will attempt to discern what Hoitsu's intended meaning may have been. The particular flower or bird, or the particular combination of flowers and birds, found in an Oriental flower-and-bird painting ordinarily has an auspicious meaning associated with it, one that the members of the painter's audience will usually be able to identify owing to their shared cultural experience. No traditional, specific meaning, however, can be discerned in the combination of the five summer flowers in Hoitsu's two paintings. To unlock the meaning, I have investigated how the five flowers have been used in classical tanka and haiku poetry - in which Hoitsu himself was unusually well versed - beginning with the eighth-century Man'yoshu. For example, the combination of hollyhocks and lilies has traditionally meant, "We will meet in the next world" when it appears in classical poetry. I found other meanings for other groupings of the five flowers in question. In the course of my research it became clear that Hoitsu clearly did not use the five flowers merely to commemorate Korin's death in the summer ; being familliar with Japanese history and literature, Hoitsu put together his combination with scruplous care in order to express the meaning he desired. Another point of interest is that Korin was particularly fond of the hollyhock and, in fact, replaced his family crest with one depicting a stylized version of this flower. This helps explain why, in Hoitsu's two paintings, the hollyhock is placed highest in the shin position, the all-important central position in traditional flower arrangement. Modern critics tend to view the beautiful flower arrangements in the paintings of the Rinpa school, including the two works discussed here, as random combinations. This evaluation focuses on the beauty of the paintings' form, but essentially denies their interpretive value. However, I believe that the surprising hidden meanings woven into the paintings of the Rinpa school are one of the greatest sources of the paintings' appeal.
著者
飯塚 浩一
出版者
東海大学
雑誌
東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, pp.122-136, 1996

The "Information society studies" suggest the coming of the society that information is more important for the production of goods and services, rather than working hours and capital. Besides it makes indices which characterise the information society, demonstrates the emergence of the new society by the use of those indices, and proposes the information policies based on that demonstration. However, the age of the, "information society" is described to be the end of the social development history, and there are many problems-what is information? what is the difference between information and knowledge? what is the value of information? etc.-which have not been solved. Accordingly I would like to deal with the "socio-information studies", which investigate the relationship between the change of the social structure and the "socio-information" which is not the measurable thing, but the "social discourse" which acquire the specific historical meaning in a society. In addition, I am taking a fresh look at the media studies of Marshall McLuhan, who was a Canadian scholar of English literature and studied the social change from the viewpoint of the philosophy of technology, and am considering the possibility of McLuhan's work as the approach of the "socio-information studies".
著者
五十嵐 沙千子
出版者
東海大学
雑誌
東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.85, pp.72-60, 2006

Wie ist die Offentlichkeit moglich in der Postmoderne? Das ist das Thema der vorliegenden Arbeit. Das Problem, auf welcher Weise die Offentlichkeit moglich ist, ist sehr wichtig, weil die Offentlichkeit unter der Bedingungen der Postmoderne unmoglich erscheint, sie aber dennoch zugleich sehr notig fur die Postmoderne ist. Das Problem wird im Offentlichkeitsgedanken von Hanna Arendt und in der Kritik der Postmoderne gegen Arendt auftreten. Warum kritisierten die Postmodernisten wie J. Habermas und J.-F. Lyotard Arendt? Im vorliegenden Aufsatz sollen Lyotards Einwande gegen Arendt behandelt werden.
著者
五十嵐 沙千子
出版者
東海大学
雑誌
東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.86, pp.176-160, 2006

Wie ist die Offentlichkeit moglich in der Postmoderne? Das ist das Thema der vorliegenden Arbeit. Das Problem, auf welcher Weise die Offentlichkeit moglich ist, ist sehr wichtig, weil die Offentlichkeit unter der Bedingungen der Postmoderne unmoglich erscheint, sie aber dennoch zugleich sehr notig fur die Postmoderne ist. Das Problem wird im Offentlichkeitsgedanken von Hanna Arendt and in der Kritik der Postmoderne gegen Arendt auftreten. Warum kritisierten die Postmodernisten wie J. Habermas and J. -F. Lyotard Arendt? Im vorliegenden Aufsatz sollen Lyotards Einwande gegen Arendt behandelt werden.
著者
吉田 欣吾
出版者
東海大学
雑誌
東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.75, pp.67-86, 2001

Language rights can be protected in two levels, namely, under national and international law. This paper deals with linguistic minorities and language legislation in Finland, which has language legislation providing relatively high level of support for minority languages. Finland has two national languages, Finnish and Swedish. Swedish is at the same time a minority language in Finland. In addition to Swedish, Finland has Saami, Romany and Finnish sign language as its minority languages. We should also make a distinction between Swedish speakers of the Åland islands and mainland Swedish-speaking population. The province of Åland has a extremely high level of autonomy, and the only official language there is Swedish. So Finland has five minority groups, Swedish speakers of Åland, mainland Swedish-speaking population, the Saami people, the Roma and the users of Finnish sign language. We can divide language legislation concerning linguistic minorities into three groups, on the basis of principles of territoriality and personality. Language legislation for Swedish speakers of Åland and the Saami people is based on the territorial principle, while that for the Roma and the users of sign language has to be based on the personality principle. Language legislation for mainland Swedish-speaking population is based principally on the principle of personality, but has some features of the principle of territoriality at the same time. The most important one of those features is linguistic classification of each commune. Communes are to be bilingual if the Swedish-speaking or Finnish-speaking minority reaches or exceeds 8 per cent or 3,000 persons of the population. Otherwise communes are to be unilingual. There are only 21 Swedish unilingual and 43 bilingual communes of all 453 communes in Finland. Language rights based on the principle of territoriality are generally supposed to reach a higher level than those based on the principle of personality. This assumption holds good also in the case of Finland except the case for mainland Swedish-speaking population. They are granted extremely high linguistic rights, though language policy for them is based principally on the principle of personality.
著者
飯塚 浩一
出版者
東海大学
雑誌
東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.71, pp.31-43, 1999

The broadcast media have generally been regarded to have the great influence on the enormous audience. Accordingly politicians would like to regulate them and create the political climate convenient for themselves. As a matter of fact you could find a lot of examples of political pressure on the broadcast media when you would examine the history of broadcasting. The typical one is the censorship, but politicians have found the indirect way of control of journalistic activity of broadcast media. The structure of the British broadcasting has consisted of both the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) which has been financed by the licence fee, and the Independent Television which has been constituted by the various companies financed by the advertising. Politicians have often applied pressure on the BBC by taking some programmes off the air, criticising the BBC in the parliament speech, appointing governors who is critical of what the BBC does and so on. I think that the ways of control over the BBC have been developed mainly during the Thatcher era. In this essay I would like to consider the arrangement of the government control over the BBC, the transformation of the way of control under the Thatcher government and its effect on the management of the BBC in 1990s.
著者
三佐川 亮宏
出版者
東海大学
雑誌
東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.76, pp.1-28, 2001

H.Grundmann hat in seinen Uberblick uber "Volksgeschichte (Origo gentis)" festgestellt : "Deutschland aber bekam im Mittelalter keine Darstellung seiner Volksgeschichte, als fehlte ihm der Blick auf eine gemeinsame Vergangenheit. Jeder Stamm hatte, nur teilweise aufgezeichnet, seine eigenen Erinnerungen, die noch nicht zu einer gemeinsamen Tradition verschmolzen waren, als die Stammesverbande sich auflosten...". Gab es im Mittelalter wirklich keine Origo gentis Teutonicorum? Es ist H.Thomas zu verdanken, daβer uns auf eine merkwurdige Geschichtserzahlung uber "Julius Caesar und die Deutschen" im mhdt. gedichteten Annolied, das um 1077/81 vermutlich in Koln bzw. Siegburg entstand, aufmerksam gemacht hat. In dem Strophen 19-28 berichtet der unbekannte Dichter zuerst uber Caesars Kampf gegen die vier Volker der Schwaben, der Bayern, der Sachsen und der Franken, und die Unterwerfung dieser Volker eines nach dem anderen durch ihn. Dabei wird jeweils die Origo des betreffenden Volkes im Sinne der Herkunftssage erzahlt, und es folgt weiter : weil Caesar in Rom nicht in der gebuhrenden Weise empfangen wurde, kehrt er zu den deutschen Landern zuruck, gewinnt als Bundesgenossen die vorher Besiegten. Mit ihnen vertreibt er Cato, Pompeius und den Senat in einer gewaltigen Schlacht und gewinnt damit alle Reiche. Seitdem waren die deutschen Mannen (diutschi man) in Rom geliebt und geschatzt... Nach dieser Geschichte oder genauer "Geschichtsklitterung" sind die Deutschen nicht wie ihre vier Volker (gentes) eine Abstammungsgemeinschaft, sondern erst durch die Unterwerfung durch Caesar und durch ihrem Bund mit ihm zu einer neuen, einheitlichen Gemeinschaft zusammengefugt worden. Das Romische Reich verdankt seinerseits seine Grundung als Monarchie, als Alleinherrschaft der Hilfe der Deutschen : Origo gentis Teutonicorum et Romani Imperii. Im zweiten Teil dieses Aufsatzes geht es hauptsachlich darum, Komplexitat des Identitatsproblems der Deutschen im romisch-imperial bzw. christlich-universal gepragten Mittelalter vor allem auf Grund von historiographischen Werken nachzudenken. Daneben wird aber auch die Zeitgebundenheit des neuzeitlichen Volks-und Stammesbegriffs erneut gepruft.