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著者
高嶋 雅明
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, no.1, pp.107-109, 1976-07-20 (Released:2009-11-06)

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著者
吉原 英樹
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, no.1, pp.131-133, 1976-07-20 (Released:2009-11-06)
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, no.1, pp.134-153, 1976-07-20 (Released:2009-11-06)
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, no.1, pp.107-120, 1975-08-25 (Released:2009-11-06)
著者
豊原 治郎
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, no.2, pp.1-21,a1, 1975-10-10 (Released:2009-11-06)

This article is in a series of my projected researches regarding the American-Canadian commercial-business history from the latter half of the 18th century to the first half of the 19th century.This paper consists of three facets: a general description of the socio-economic development of Baltimore during the latter half of the 18th century; a brief analysis of some commercial-business-historical characteristics of Baltimore's maritime industry and her foreign-coastwise trades; and lastly some considerations of the entrepreneurial activities of Robert Oliver, “the commission merchant-importer-exporter, typically a stay-at-home-merchant” in Baltimore during the eighties. In onther words, this article becomes one of my works based upon economic-business-historical approaches.In making this paper, I had a lot of valuable opportunities to read through some original data in Washington National Archives.
著者
塩見 治人
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, no.2, pp.22-48,2, 1975-10-10 (Released:2009-11-06)

The aim of this paper is to investigate the historical function of the Taylor system in the American arms industry. For this purpose, I treat firstly, what was the main problem of management in the arms industry in the late 19th century, and secondly, what role did the Taylor system have in this sector.The Taylor system of management was first brought into the arms industry at the Watertown Arsenal in 1909, followed by the New Heaven Plant of the Winchester Repeating Arms Co. in 1915. Till the introduction of the Taylor system, the New Heaven Plant adopted the line production method, while at the Watertown Arsenal, layout of the production line was so confused that they did not even bring machinery of the same type into the same section of the shop. Both of these plants, however, were managed by the similar traditional simple line organization. In both cases, such a management organization resulted in the functional disorder of management before the end of the 19th century.The Taylor system, being introduced into the two plants for the purpose of reform, by separating the management function from operation and subdividing it into specialized functions, created the base of the modern line and staff organization in the arms industry.
著者
斎藤 毅憲
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, no.2, pp.49-77,3, 1975-10-10 (Released:2009-11-06)

In this paper I tried to investigate into an aspect of the American management movement up to the 1920s, from a viewpoint of the development of collegiate business education. Accordingly, the rise of business management could be treated so far as it became to be a subject of business education.A concrete study I make first is how management was introduced into the curriculum in the first half of the 1910s. The second point is the fact that the management was not regarded to be the most important subject in business school in the 1920s, in spite of its increasing and diverse advancement in the business world.
著者
間 宏
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, no.1, pp.5-28, 1975-08-25 (Released:2009-11-06)

The tenth annual meeting of the Business History Society of Japan was held at the University of Tokyo on the 5 th and 6 th of October 1974. On the first day we had a free-topic session as usual and twelve papers were reported. All of the five papers in this special issue were read at the common-topic session on the second day of the meeting.In the opening address, professor Keiichiro Nakagawa of the University of Tokyo, who was one of the organizers of the latter session, emphasized the significance of the study on “Cultural Structure and Entrepreneurship” for us, Japanese business historians. Professor Nakagawa stated that after the Vietnam War American business historians have lost interest in this kind of study, but, he continued, we should actively continue to pursue it.Professor Hiroshi Hazama of Tokyo Kyoiku University explained some sociological and psychological approaches to the relationship between entrepreneurship and cultural factors, specifically entrepreneurial or managerial ideologies and cultural values, following Max Weber's thesis. He also examined the applicability of these approaches, which were arguments founded on facts of Western societies, to the Japanese society.Professor Johannes Hirschmeier of Nanzan University and professor Tsunehiko Yui of Meiji University clarified the relationship between the traditional value system and businesses in the process of industrialization in Japan. Professor Yui expressed a noteworthy hypothesis on the traditional value system in the Tokugawa era and referred to impacts of the system on business activities after the Meiji era. Professor Hirschmeier explained the characteristics of the “spirit of capitalism” in Japan compared with that in Western countries.Professor Kazuo Sugiyama of Seikei University presented the result of his close investigation concerning financial and investment behaviors of cotton-spinning and railway companies in the Meiji era. These behaviors were considered not separately but as a complete process from the decision-making on investment by top management to the setting of equipments they are related to different stages of development of companies and to their cultural background.The final speaker, professor Shigeaki Yasuoka of Doshisha University, pointed out the conditions of business control of the Zaibatu by monopolistic ownership before World War II in Japan with historical and cultural views. He especially made clear the reason why the Zaibatu, which had grown up in the Tokugawa era or in early Meiji, limited the investors of their head companies to their families and why they could control many modern companies though they had kept premodern traits.The panel discussion on the common topic was presided by professor Kin-ichiro Toba of Waseda University and professor Hidemasa Morikawa of Hosei University.

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著者
酒井 正三郎
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, no.1, pp.29-33, 1975-08-25 (Released:2009-11-06)
被引用文献数
1 1

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著者
小林 袈裟治
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, no.1, pp.51-53, 1975-08-25 (Released:2009-11-06)

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著者
中野 卓
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, no.1, pp.102-106, 1975-08-25 (Released:2009-11-06)
著者
工藤 雄一
出版者
経営史学会
雑誌
経営史学 (ISSN:03869113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, no.2, pp.28-54, 1974-11-25 (Released:2009-10-19)

Private enterprise in Great Britain has caused problems of industrial pollution in local communities since the Industrial Revolution. For instance, the Leblanc soda industry established in the context of the Revolution, was one of the most notorious pollution-producing industries, because in its early days it allowed itself to escape “muriatic acid gases” (HCl), destroying property, comfort, and health of the local inhabitants and deteriorating their 'quality of life'. James Muspratt, who became the founder of the soda industry in Lancashire in 1823, was confronted with the problems of atmospheric pollution by HCl and the antipollution movements of the inhabitants around his works in Liverpool, St. Helens, and Newton, as his forerunners and his followers were. None of them took any means to prevent the gases from escaping into the atmosphere, while the French inventor of the soda process tried to do so by building a large ceramic container and a large lead chamber from the beginning of his operations. It was owing to considerable burdens of the prevention costs that they did not do so.The object of the present author is to elucidate what process the entrepreneur Muspratt applied to soda making, how he and his sons managed their chemical firm, what damages he did to his neighbours, how much he compensated for the damages, what means he took to prevent them, and whether they were effective for the purpose or not.In sum, the Muspratts were forced to close their works, remove them, and pay the compensations, and to adopt various means of abating the HCl nuisances. Thus they changed their business policy from externalisation of 'social losses' and the prevention costs in their early days of operations through mere internalisation of them to higher internalisation of them in the mid-nineteenth century. It seems that they tried to improve the inhabitants' 'quality of life' through pollution abatement and so perform 'social responsivity of private enterprise for local community' as possible as they could.They, however, had to deal still with the problems of soil, water, and air pollution by “alkali waste” which became nationally serious in the 1870s.