著者
Timm Graßmann
出版者
The Japanease Society for the History of Economic Thought
雑誌
経済学史研究 (ISSN:18803164)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.1, pp.58-78, 2018 (Released:2019-09-03)
被引用文献数
1 2

Abstract: With the continuing publication of the complete works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (Marx-Engels-Gesamtausgabe, MEGA), a bulk of new material concerning Marxʼs studies of economic crises has been made available-with further releases expected to follow. These publications have revealed Marxʼs enormous efforts to examine in detail every economic cri-sis through which he lived. The most prominent examples are the three Books of Crisis (Kris-enhefte), which he compiled in 1857-58 amidst the first truly global economic crisis. This paper sets out to, first, provide an overview of new MEGA-texts regarding Marxʼs studies of contemporaneous 19th century revulsions. In the main part, a closer look will be taken at the origin of Marxʼs crisis studies in the 1840s. A comparison between his notes on James Millʼs Elements of Political Economy, written in the Paris Notebooks (1844), and his excerpts from John Stuart Millʼs Essays on Some Unsettled Questions of Political Economy, taken in his Manchester Notebooks (1845), reveals Marxʼs changing stance on classical political econo-myʼs ʻgeneral glut controversy,ʼ i.e., the debate over the (im)possibility of overproduction cri-ses in commodity-producing societies. In between his stays in Paris and Manchester, Marx took extensive notes on the works of Simonde de Sismondi in his Brussels Notebooks (1845), which played a major role in his break from anthropological-essentialist thinking. JEL classification numbers: B 00, B 51, E 32
著者
佐藤 空
出版者
経済学史学会
雑誌
経済学史研究 (ISSN:18803164)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.1, pp.49-68, 2016 (Released:2019-08-31)

Abstract: It is widely recognized that Edmund Burke, in his Reflections on the Revolution in France, claimed that the ancient constitution of England, chivalry, and the Christian religion had con-tributed much to the formation of the civilized states of Britain and Europe at large. This arti-cle shows that a distinct perspective of the history of civilization existed in the early writings of Burke, An Essay towards an Abridgment of the English History and Fragment: An Essay towards an History of the Laws of England, and also places the ideas of Burke in these works in the context of the early modern history of English historiography. The early writings of Burke clearly assert that throughout history, a civilization could be and had actually been shaped in England through numerous international exchanges between England and other countries. In doing so, his idea seems to have included a perception of empire, which was fur-ther advanced in his later political works. Burkeʼs ideas on conquest and international ex-changes are related to the views on English history developed by the seventeenth-century scholars Spelman and Brady in their works on feudal law; however, Burke was different from these scholars in considering conquest as a powerful driving force behind the formation of the English civilization. Although other historians of the early modern period had held simi-lar ideas about conquest, Burke distinguished himself from them by putting forward a gener-alized model of the civilizing process closely linked to various types of international ex-changes. JEL classification numbers: B 31, N 01.
著者
小林 純
出版者
経済学史学会
雑誌
経済学史研究 (ISSN:18803164)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.1, pp.21-47, 2014 (Released:2019-08-24)

Abstract: To understand the evolution of economics in German-speaking countries, we ought to start from the mid-nineteenth century. The historiography of German economics was strongly in-fluenced by the German Historical School (GHS). Knies (1852) wrote a short history of economics from the viewpoint of the historical method, which was becoming a mainstream methodology at the time. Controversy over the method, which began in 1883 between Menger and Schmoller, was described as “Methodenstreit.” Scheel (1882) wrote on the his-tory of economics in a famous handbook on the eve of this controversy, and his work can be considered as representing the heyday of GHS. Similar to Knies, Scheel also depicted the contours of economic theory developed in England. Max Weber edited a bulky handbook and asked Schumpeter to write an article on the history of economics in the handbook. Schum-peter (1914) there showed the logical status of GHS in the history of economics. Schumpeterʼs article thus deserves special attention from the modern viewpoint. This study makes use of his suggestion to clarify the characteristics of GHS by distinguishing be- tween the old, the new, and the newer schools. The old school insisted that the classical theo-ry never had universal validity. The new school continued in this direction, but with an em-phasis on the historical importance of legislative, judicial, and conventional institutions. The newer school used typology to describe history. Employing a model of the energetic man, Schumpeter presented his idea of the dynam-ics of history. Historical breakthroughs require the insertion of dynamic heterogeneous ele-ments into a static state. Historians provide the bridge to dynamics for the economic theory (statics). Schumpeter, at an early stage in his career as an economist, was the very founder of dynamics, and developed the idea of integrated social science, with which he could under-stand the meaning of the methodological criticism of GHS against universalistic theory in general and write a useful history of economics. With the aid of Schumpeterʼs idea, we redis-cover the potential intellectual and scientific fertility of the German Historical School. JEL classification numbers: A 12, B 15, N 13.
著者
江頭 進
出版者
経済学史学会
雑誌
経済学史研究 (ISSN:18803164)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.2, pp.41-58, 2012 (Released:2019-08-22)

This paper aims to consider how the Chicago school of economics influenced the economic thought of Friedrich Hayek in his period at the University of Chicago, where he was a follower of the Committee of Social Thought from 1950 to 1962. This period is well known as “Hayekʼs transformation”‐from a theoretical economist to a thinker of liberalism. Therefore, to under-stand the development of his thought, it is im-portant to know who influenced him during this period. This paper will explore the relationship between Hayek and the members of the Com-mittee of Social Thought, by analyzing his works, correspondence, and typescripts written during this period. On the one hand, the similarities and differences between Hayekʼs liberalism and that of the Chicago school are pointed out. Hayek and several economists of the Chicago school were members of the Mont Pelerin Society and were anti-communists. Despite the tendency to place both Hayek and the Chicago school under the general banner of anti-socialism or anti-Keyne-sianism, they actually diverged widely on points of methodology and liberalism. However, it is an inevitable consequence that different methodol-ogies produce different economics, and the forms of liberalism based on these economics also differ. JEL classification numbers: B 25, B 41.
著者
藤本 建夫
出版者
経済学史学会
雑誌
経済学史研究 (ISSN:18803164)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.2, pp.63-82, 2011 (Released:2019-08-20)

The “welfare” of a nation and the “welfare state” should be considered separately. Various economic and social ideas were born during the interwar period and the war. One of these was the welfare state theory against the Nazis state. W. Beveridge, a Keynesian economist, discussed the “welfare state” from the premises of an effective, state-controlled economy. In Germany, the liberalist group of the anti-Nazis prepared for the theoretical core of social economics( social market economy) for the after-war period, which was not only opposed to the Keynesian state and economy but also criticized the Hayekian fundamentalism of the market economy. One of the leading theoreticians, W. Röpke, found preconditions for the more human and affluent economic society in the competing market economy and the decentralization( subsidiarity). In rising productivity, the diligent and saving workers and the “conform state interventions” are capable of creating a humane economic society. Röpke’s way of thinking harmonized with Catholic doctrines. On Reconstruction of the Social Order( Pius XI, 1931) was an extremely important document for him. Politically, it justifies the decentralization by stating that the greater association should be assigned to subordinate organizations. In terms of the worker-employer relationship, the worker shares ownership or management in that the worker contract can be modified by a partnership contract. Here, the welfare of workers will rise, though the state does not take care of individual workers like Beveridge Plan. This is also the Röpke’s goal of “welfare.” JEL classification numbers: B 25, I 31, P 46.
著者
山根 卓二
出版者
The Japanease Society for the History of Economic Thought
雑誌
経済学史研究 (ISSN:18803164)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.2, pp.21-37, 2009-02-05 (Released:2010-08-05)
参考文献数
54

By exploring a theory of human sciences that is the basis of Karl William Kapp's concept of institutional economics, this paper aims to clarify the originality of his social cost theory. The difference between the so-called external dis-economy theory, which is part of mainstream economics, and Kapp's social cost theory is a disagreement about rationality. The former assumes that entrepreneurial behavior to maximize profit is simply rational. Therefore, the cause of social loss, such as environmental disruption is not attributed to the entrepreneurial behavior per se, but is attributed to externalities called “exceptional cases.”On the other hand, in Kapp's social cost theory, irrational human actors are assumed. Kapp, who lived through Nazi oppression, and who was inspired by the methodology of psychologist Erich Fromm, sought to explain human irrationality by people's self-deceptive behaviors. In the background of conscious corporate desire for money and profit are the wholly unconscious human needs for stability, continuity, power, and social approval. And the fulfillment of these needs might be pursued even at the price of one's existence or well-being. For Kapp, social cost is a socio-pathological phenomenon generated collectively by enterprisers who, in their conscious minds, firmly believe themselves to be “sane.” While mainstream economics might define rationality solely from the perspective of monetary desire, Kapp takes unconscious needs into consideration as well as conscious needs, and seeks to define rationality within a comprehensive structure of human need, including biological and cultural needs. This is what is called substantive rationality. In order to develop this standard, Kapp's theory had to integrate economics with other social sciences, and even with the natural sciences.