著者

喜安 朗

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.5, pp.608-613, 1991

著者

大島 明子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.1, 2010

著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.6, pp.963-1008,1098-, 1982-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Dans son article sur "La place de la Revolution francaise dans l'histoire du monde", G.Lefebvre a bien affirme qu'elle avait ete, pour la premiere fois dans le monde, la revolution de l'egalite et, comme telle, avait marque le point de depart du mouvement democratique. Il avait raison quand il a constate que c'etait grace a la participation des classes populaires que la Revolution francaise avait pu etre la revolution de l'egalite. Sans aucun doute, l'originalite de la Revolution francaise, en comparaison avec les autres revolutions bourgeoises, consiste en ce fait qu'elle a ete accompagnee des revoltes des masses populaires, surtout de la "revolution paysanne". Mais, cette originalite de la Revolution francaise, d'ou vient-elle? Pourquoi devait-elle etre une revolution bourgeoise accompagnee de la revolution paysanne? Je voudrais proposer une solution a ce probleme en considerant la position internationale de la France au XVIII^e siecle et, en fin de compte, ajouter un autre point de vue a la place de la Revolution francaise dans l'histoire. On sait bien que, par sa grave crise economique du XVII^e siecle, la France avait pris un net retard sur l'Angleterre et, malgre sa croissance economique du XVIII^e siecle, elle n'a pas pu le rattraper. Ainsi, a la veille de la Revolution, elle a ete un pays relativement en retard dans le systeme mondial du capitalisme en cours de formation. A cause de cette position internationale, la societe francaise d'Ancien Reginie a ete marquee de trois traits caracteristiques : 1)une puissante bureaucratie ou "etatisme", indispensable, dans la rivalite commerciale du monde, pour diriger une economie nationale en retard ; 2)faiblesse de la bourgeoisie qui a ete, non seulement tardive dans sa croissance, mais aussi etroitement liee au regime existant par l'etatisme ou le dirigisme du gouvernement et par la voie d'anoblissement ; 3)survivance persistante d'une grande masse de petite paysannerie que la faible croissance industrielle de la France, en contraste avec le cas de l'Angleterre, n'a pas pu faire disparaitre au cours de l'industrialisation. Ainsi, la Revolution francaise devait etre accomplie, a cause de la faiblesse de la classe bourgeoise, par la participation de la masse paysanne. On peut dire que la Revolution francaise devait etre une revolution bourgeoise accompagnee de la revolution paysanne puisque la France avait ete situee au rang des pays relativement en retard dans le systeme mondial de cette epoque. Or, il existe une autre revolution accompagnee de la revolution paysanne. C'est la revolution russe. Certes, elle a bien depasse le cadre de la revolution bourgeoise. Mais, il y a une condition commune entre ces deux revolutions ; c'est que la France de la fin du XVIII^e siecle et la Russie du debut du XX^e, toutes les deux, ont ete situees au rang des pays relativement en fetard dans le systeme mondial de chaque epoque. A cause de cette position internationale, deux revolutions devaient etre accompagnees de la revolution paysanne. La difference entre ces deux revolutions, l'une a ete bourgeoise et l'autre proletarienne, pourrait etre expliquee par la difference des epoques : apres la Revolution francaise, la bourgeoisie a refuse le concours de la paysannerie (donc il n'y avait que des "reformes d'en haut" au XIX^e siecle), et, a partir du XX^e siecle, la revolte paysanne pouvait se reunir avec la revolte proletarienne pour donner le jour a la revolution socialiste. Ainsi, la Revolution francaise a ete la derniere des revolutions bourgeoises et la premiere des revolutions en pays relativement sous-developpes. En d'autres termes, elle se situe entre la revolution anglaise et la revolution russe.

著者

鯨井 千佐登

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.7, pp.1277-1278, 1989-07-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

齋藤 貴弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.12, pp.2101-2125, 1997

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The cult of the healing god Asklepios was a very popular one in the Greco-Roman world. The so-called Telemachos monument (SEG. XXV. 226) tells a story about the introduction of this god in Athens in 420 B.C. We already have many studies about Asklepios, but very few of these studies present an appropriate view concerning the significance which the introduction of Asklepios had on politics and religious activities in Athens in the last half of the fifth century. In conclusion, the author argues that the introduction of Asklepios in Athens was a religious policy to reconstruct the Athenian religious piety which had been squashed by the great plague. The new festival for Asklepios involved the following major themes. The Epidauria, the new festival for Asklepios, was an attempt to link the god Asklepios with the Eleusinian goddesses. Such an association would strengthen the Eleusinian cults by providing the Greek people, especially the Delian League, a concept they could easily identify with. In turn, this plan was supposed to provide Athens with a revival from the plague, and to encourage her allies to dispatch offerings of "first fruits" to Eleusis. The introduction of the festival and the construction of a shrine were carried out in cooperation with the Epidaurian priests, Eleusinian priests and Telemachos, all according to a detailed plan. But conflict arose between the Kerykes and Telemachos. The problem involved the enlargement of the Asklepieion, the sanctuary of Asklepios in the city. Telemachos' motive for an enlargement of this site would have concerned the establishment of the healing cult. Finally, this incident clearly identifies the religious changes that were occurring at this time. Furthermore, the multiplicity of values held by the people of Athens during this period can also be identified.

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.2, pp.1-39, 2017

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本稿は、『大串兎代夫関係文書』(国立国会図書館憲政資料室所蔵)中から、大串が敗戦直後に断片的に書き残した憲法改正論はどのようなものか明らかにし、天皇に統治権を残しているという形式をもって国体・帝国憲法に固執した者と批判してきた従来の日本国憲法成立史の枠組を修正するものである。<br>大串は、終戦の詔書を非常大権の発動と捉え、詔書にしたがい、自主的にポツダム宣言を履行し民主化を進めようとした。特に大串が拘ったのは、バーンズ回答で示された日本の政府形態は日本国民の自由意志で決定するという点であった。大串はこれを国体の問題と捉え、国民投票によって天皇制存続を決定した後に、憲法改正をすべきと考えた。<br>大串の憲法改正案の特徴は、次の三点である。<br>第一に、前文として国民宣言と憲法上諭を設け、統治権が天皇に帰属すること、統治権者としての天皇の権威が国家存立の基礎にあること、ただし統治権の施行は国民に対して責任を負う政府が行うことを宣明し、国体の本質を明らかにした。天皇が国民意志にもとづき統治権を行うことは本文でも明記され、天皇の役割は儀礼的な権限や裁可に限られた。<br>第二に、憲法上諭で、憲法改正の発議権を国民に認め、改正手続の法的正当性を確保しようとした。<br>第三に、同時代の草案ではあまり見られない国民投票、地方自治の章が設けられ、国民の権利として、法の下での平等、教育、勤労、選挙が明記された。<br>このように大串の憲法改正案は天皇に統治権を残したが、それは国民の総意で国家権威として認められ、役割も儀礼的なものに限定されていた。よって実質的には、日本国憲法の象徴天皇制とほぼ同じ内容を備えていた。さらに、国民意志にもとづく政治を徹底し、国家の重要事案の最終判断を国民投票に付そうとしていた点では、一種共和主義的なものを志向しており、その点では社会民主主義者や共産主義者と相重なる特徴を有していた。<br>

著者

西川 杉子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.105, no.11, pp.1-29, 1996-11-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

朴澤 直秀

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.6, pp.1115-1142,1208-, 1995

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The clarification of the actual relationships between authorized Buddhist sect temples and their patrons (danka 壇家) is necessary if we are to 1)better our understanding of religious policy and registration of community members under the Tokugawa regime, 2)discover the actual patterns of everyday life in rural and urban Japanese society during that time, and 3)expand the study of ideas existing among the various social strata of the time. In the research on the subject to date, scholars have come to understand the relationship (jidan 寺壇 relationship) in the literal sence and have proceeded to investigate the relationship from the viewpoint of the relationship between political power and Buddhism or the common people. However, at the same time, we should also try to understand this relationship between temples and their patrons in terms of the organization of the congregations themselves, referred to in the source materials as danchu 壇中, thus focussing on the relationships between patrons. This viewpoint also demands that we look at the relationships between patrons and non-patrons of a temple living in the same area: that is, the relationship between those who were members of speciflc danchu and those who were not, resulting in an important insight on the local society around a given temple. In reality, temple-patron relationships were much more complicated in many areas depending on regional characteristics, and each member of a local community was entangled in patron relationship to different temples in the area. It is this intricate pattern of jidan relationships that is the focus of the present paper: that is, the author is attempting to examine the relationship between temples and their patrons in terms of the patron organization and the entanglement of belief systems in any one village or local area. For this purpose, he presents the case of the area around the village of Yoita 与板, Santo-Gun 三島郡, in the region of Shimo-Echigo 下越後. Shin 真 Buddhism has been predominant around the area. After clarifying the local patron organizations, he attempts to place the resulting temple-patron relationships in terms of beliefs by going beyond the temple-patron relationships and viewing, the total relationship between the religious institutions and the local community as a whole through an analysis of local kami 神 beliefs, centering around village guardian deities, in addition to a description of how the Yoita branch of the Nishi-Honganji 西本願寺 Shin sect was established. From these examples, he concludes that 1)a village-level patron organization existed with the function of not only local beliefs but the relationship between the patron organization and its patron temple (danna-dera 檀那寺), or religious sect, and 2)a relationship that transcended relationships between individual temples and their patrons also existed, which tied local religious institutions (shrines and temples alike) to all local groups and individuals.

著者

山下 将司

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.5, pp.804-810, 2010

著者

福島 恵

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.12, 2004

著者

福島 恵

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.2020-2021, 2009

著者

森田 貴子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.6, pp.1205-1231,1319-, 2001-06-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

三川 譲二

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.5, pp.828-833, 1994

著者

池和田 有紀

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.12, pp.2066-2067, 2005-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

田中 克行

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.6, pp.1099-1134,1266-, 1993

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The hanzei system as a land policy of the Muromachi bakufu is well-known and has been repeatedly investigated. However, it is less known that the original meaning of hanzei is literally "half-payment" of the tax. This meaning precedes the hanzei law promulgated by the Muromachi bakufu, and it had already appeared in the Kamakura period. During the Sengoku period, villagers in a suburb of Kyoto declared a hanzei and demanded their taxes be reduced by half. In this paper, the author investigates this type of hanzei by each of these villages and tries to regard it as one development of the yearly rice tax (nengu) reduction protests, which had been carried out by shoen-level leagues (shoke-no-ikki). The grounds for village hanzei lay in military mobilization by the bakufu. The bakufu, noticing the military forces built up by the villages (goshu), mobilized them in the suburbs of Kyoto and allowed them tax exemptions in the form of hanzei. For the villagers, who paid nengu, the hanzei exemption meant half-payment of that tax. However, even in those cases where hanzei was not permitted by the bakufu, the villagers proclaimed it anyway. For them, hanzei fell under the category of a nengu reduction. In this sense, the hanzei movement is a variation of the nengu reduction protests. Hanzei was proclaimed not only by isolated villages, but also by groups of villages over a wide area, which formed leagues called sogo or kumi. The ordinal nengu reduction protests were also regionally widespread. The hanzei movement was closely related with war mobilization and leagues calling for social justice by the government (tokusei-ikki). Hanzei was proclaimed as a part of tokusei, which was expected to be carried out with the outbreak of a war, and nengu reduction, even when not in the form of hanzei, was essentially an important part of tokusei proclamations.

著者

安藤 潤一郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.8, pp.46-71,141-140, 2002-08-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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During the mid-19^<th> century, a chain of large-scale Muslim uprisings broke out in northwest and southwest regions of Qing Empire, simultaneously with the Taiping Rebellion and other violent disturbances. These uprisings are quite important to consider when one is to studying ethnic problems, nationalism, and geopolitics in modern East Asia from the cases of china's Muslim minorities. This article focuses on, among them, the Yunnan Muslim Uprising (雲南回民起義) especially on its earliest stages, in which serious conflicts between Han-Chinese (漢人) and Muslim residents (回民) took place in the western part of Yunnan laying the foundation for a widespread uprising, and examines concretely how these conflicts were generated and what made them structural. The conclusions reached are: 1. The conflicts became tangible action at the beginning of 19^<th> century, as the huge tide of immigration to this area brought about a rapid increase of population and intense competition among the people. However, at first, the rift between Han-chinese and Muslims was only a part of various fissures within the local society, and neither "Han" nor "Muslim" was a unified socio-ethnic collectivity. "Han" was usually divided into several ethnic categories, mostly based on birthplaces, and Muslim also consisted of divers segments. 2. However, it may be assumed that the "Muslim" category defined by Islamic faith, practices, and customs was perceived more strongly than other types of social fissures. Moreover, the socio-economic advantages enjoyed by Yunnan 'Muslims as the earliest immigrants and their widespread networks formed by a myriad of mosques (清真寺) attracted many Muslim newcomers to concentrate, providing them with a basis for mutual aid, security, and social opportunity. 3. On the other hand, the weakness of the local administrations and the extremely competitive nature of the immigrant society gave rise to secret societies bound by pledges of brotherhood (焼香結盟) as a system of mutual aid and security deep-rooted in local society, which drew people beyond preceding various social divisions. Such collectivities were quite similar to their Muslim counterparts mentioned above, and it could be said that they were different manifestations of the same group-forming motivation. 4. Therefore, the two types of collectivities came into intense conflict as they grew larger and stronger. Also, the reinforcement of the religious elements in each of them remarkably delineated and essentialized the "Muslim" category. Thus, seeds of Han / Muslim conflict were widely disseminated in local society, and consequently, entering into this dichotomous structure of conflict became an option in seeking self-interest ; then, divers forms of discord came to be reinterpreted upon this strcture.

著者

仲松 優子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.9, pp.1727-1728, 2014

著者

後藤 篤子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.10, pp.1513-1551,1649-, 1982-10-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Sidonius' Carmina et Epistulae offers invaluable information about Gaul in the 5th century, which was a theater of progressive transformation from Antiquity into early-medieval German society. The purpose of this article is to consider Sidonius' idea and its metamorphosis in response to the changing realities of those days. This would help us understand the mentality and historical role of the Gallo-Roman aristocracy in this period. Sidonius' idea and its metamorphosis which can be deduced from his works in this article are as follows. His first panegyricus on Western Emperor Avitus, his father-in-law, shows his enthusiasm for "Gallicanism", a spirit he shared with the Gaulish senators. This panegyricus, on the other hand, demonstrates how the adherents of "Gallicanism" railed against the Italian government and senators who placed more emphasis on the defense of Italy than on that of Gaul. The "Gallicanism" that we can see therein never aimed at a separation of Gaul from the Roman Empire. This nature of his "Gallicanism" is also illustrated by the fact that Sidonius did not participate in the plot known as coniuratio Marcelliana. This fact and the dedication of his second panegyricus to Emperor Majorian, who had been an enemy of Avitus, illustrate how Sidonius' "Romanism" could easily overcome his sympathy for "Gallicanism". After Ricimer assassinated Majorian, Sidonius perceived the weakness of the Western Roman Empire evidenced by the expansion of the German tribes and Ricimer's dominance from behind the throne. In his third panegyricus on Emperor Anthemius, his "Romanism" was all the more energetic. Therein, he appealed for cooperation between the Eastern and Western Empires to save the Roman World. Sidonius' poems and letters show his "anti-Germanism". For him, what distinguished the Romans from the Germans was possession of Latin culture. In his mind, Latin literature was the essence of Romanitas, a spiritual link between all members of the nobility, and a scale by which to measure a man's value. At the same time, he encouraged the holding of public offices by the nobility as an opportunity to demonstrate loyalty to the Empire and to reveal "Romanism". For Sidonius, the only imaginable materialization of Romanitas was the Roman Empire, which had guaranteed the political, economic, social, and cultural privileges that he enjoyed as a Roman senator. He had retained, therefore, his loyalty to the Empire and, after being appointed to the bishopric of Clermont-Ferrand, he became a spiritual leader in the Gallo-Roman resistance against the Visigothic siege of Clermont. The result was, however, the cession of Auvergne to the Visigoth, which Sidonius viewed as a barbarous outcome and the ruin of the Roman Empire's last chance to develop into the materialization of Romanitas. From that point on, Sidonius was separated spiritually from the Roman Empire. This, however, never meant that he left behind his ideal of Romanitas completely. While concealing his "anti-Germanism", Sidonius insisted on his Roman spiritual superiority over the Germans. On the one hand, Latin culture became more and more valuable to him as a symbol of Roman nobility. Meanwhile, because of his experiences during the siege of Clermont, Catholicism began to occupy an increasingly important place in Sidonius' "Romanism". After the collapse of the Roman Empire, from Sidonius' point of view, Catholicism became a spiritual anchor which he hoped could sustain German-governed Gaul as a "Roman Gaul". The Catholic church became the sole remaining base of Romanitas. The holding of the episcopate, as a substitute of public office, became a tenet of his "Romanism". Devotion to Catholicism meant devotion to Romanitas for Sidonius. In truth(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

松本 和明

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.3, pp.1-38, 2017

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本稿は近世畿内近国における大坂町奉行所による寺社支配について、京都・大坂両町奉行所間での元禄五年(一六九二)寺社改めの意図・方式の差異を確認し、従来の理解に対して再考を促すとともに、その差異をふまえ近世中後期における奉行所寺社支配の実態を追究することを目的とした。<br>第一章では、京都・大坂両町奉行所における寺社改めの意図・方式を確認した。その結果、京都町奉行所支配国においては「一宗之寺社本末由緒」改めを目的に、主に本末関係に依拠した方式で作成が指示された結果、多くの場合本末関係の把握にとどまったこと、対して大坂町奉行所支配国においては「寺社敷地境内間数」改めを目的に、個別領主・町在・寺社人が関与する方式で作成され、すべての寺社の詳細が把握されるというように、両奉行所間において目的・方式・結果いずれも差異が生じたことを明らかにした。<br>第二章では、まず摂津国武庫郡西宮社に即して寺社改帳と寺社支配との関係を編年的に分析し、そのうえで支配国内における他寺社の公事訴訟と寺社改帳との関係を追究した。さらに、寺社改めのあり方と関連づけて享保七年(一七二二)の国分けや、寺法・社法出入の再評価を試みた。その結果、①寺社改帳は公事訴訟や諸届けに奉行所が判断を下すための台帳であるが、②大坂町奉行所支配国では幕末期まで元禄寺社改帳が寺社台帳として機能し続けるいっぽう、京都町奉行所支配国ではかかる事例を追跡しがたい、③寺社支配のあり方は寺社改めの意図・方式に規定されており、国分けの際の寺社支配権分割や、寺法・社法出入など寺社改めでは把握できない案件もそれとの関係のなかで理解する必要がある、とした。<br>以上の分析から、元禄五年寺社改めの歴史的意義は畿内近国固有の施策として把握されるべきであること、そして大坂町奉行所寺社支配のあり方は寺社改めの方式に規定されたものであり、かかる視座は寺社支配の実態・全体像の把握にもつながる、と結論づけた。

著者

倉橋 正直

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.9, pp.1500-1508, 1986-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)