著者

岡安 勇

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.9, pp.1421-1452,1565-, 1983-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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In this paper I studied the seat-orders in the records of ancient China and then thought about the meaning of the emperor's facing west. Finally I came to a conclusion as follows. 1.The seat facing south or north between the sovereign and his subject (in this occasion the sovereign usually takes north seats) is a symbol of absolute relation of domination-obedience. No one but the sovereign can hardly take a seat facing south. Therefore, when the someone takes a seat facing south, it means that there is a relation of the ruler and the ruled among the present company at the meeting. 2.At the private meeting, there exists fundamentally different seat-order, that is, facing east and west. The meaning is clearly different from the above one. This occurs between host and guest, among families or teacher and pupil. The seats facing west are for hosts, the youngers, and pupils, who are inferior in the company. Then, the seats facing east are for guests, the olders and teachers, who stand higher. In the case of taking all-side seats, the order stands from facing east, south, north, and west. 3.Through understanding the difference between facing south or north and facing east or west, I thought over the emperor's power during and after the Han dynasty. Thus, I could find that the emperor, who is thought to give priority to the relation of domination-obedience in every respect, in fact, did not always take the seat facing south. When he was with the empress dowager 皇太后, the Supreme Lords 上公 (the grand tutor 太師・the senior tutor 太傅・the junior tutor 太保), the San-lao 三老 or the Wu-keng 五更 (titles given to elders who were honored by the emperor), he did not seat facing south. i)The empress dowager was never treated as a subject, not only at a private meeting but also at an official meeting (at least in 'Lin-chao-cheng-chih' 「臨朝称制」), and she could meet the emperor, sitting facing east. ii)The Supreme Lords, the council of the emperor, were in the post of Pu-chen-chin-li 不臣之礼 in the Later Han Dynasty. iii)The San-lao and the Wu-keng were treated with respect, given seats facing east or south, for the emperor had to teach people the order of the young and the old by Yang-lao-li 養老礼. When there was a strong relation of teacher and pupil, the San-Lao took a seat facing south, while the emperor took a seat facing north as a pupil. In this way, while the emperor was ruling he took a seat facing south as a symbol of power, and when he treated some subjects with respect, he took a lower-rank seat for himself. So, in such a case there was no domination-obedience relation between the emperor and his subjects. In other words, it is understood that the emperor recognized them as 'not subject' 「不臣」. The supreme Lords, the San-lao, and the Wu-keng were not the rank which threatened the emperor's position, but by making such a system, the dynasty seems to have dealt successfully with both domestic and foreign policy without falling into logical dilemma, which happened in following crises ; the change of dynasties, the invasion of different neighbour races and so on.

著者

大島 明子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.7, pp.1219-1252, 2008-07-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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In the research to date on government-military relations regarding the Japanese Army, emphasis has been put mainly on the relationship between party cabinets and the military high command. However, during the period between the establishment of a prefectural system to replace Tokugawa period feudal domains and the setting up of an independent general staff office (i.e., during the formation of Japan's modern armed forces), the Army consisted of groups affiliated to the feudal domains, resulting in ambiguity concerning the chain of command. Moreover, in the midst of clear divisions between civilian politicians manning the Cabinet (Sei'in 正院) and military personnel, opinions were divided over how a modern army should be formed; add in the political struggle brewing over the Treasury's jurisdiction over local entities, and there was an eminent danger of the Army disintegrating into smaller factions. Within this situation, the Ministry of the Army was granted broad powers, including control over personnel and military command, and enjoyed relative autonomy from the Cabinet in forming a modern army. However, from 1872-73, during which time the Imperial Guard was reorganized from troops sent by three powerful feudal domains to soldiers from divers regions, a plan was advanced by officers affiliated with Satsuma Domain and Minister of Foreign Affairs Soejima Taneomi 副島種臣 to invade Taiwan, and the Cabinet followed suit with plans of its own to recruit former feudal domain troops to form an expeditionary force. This article interprets these events as a political struggle between the Cabinet and the Ministry of the Army over military authority, and focuses on the participation of the Cabinet's Legislative Bureau (Sa'in 左院) at a time when it was aiming at both the abolition of the feudal status system and constitutional reform. The Legislative Bureau spontaneously cooperated in establishing a military conscription act and approached Tosa Domain with a plan for a "parliamentary body" that would deliberate on military affairs. An examination of this political process makes it possible to reinterpret political-military relations at that time in terms of a triangle involving the Cabinet, the Ministry of the Army and the Legislative Bureau (along with its regional administrators). What ultimately happened was that in June or July of 1873, a group led by councillor (sangi) Itagaki Taisuke of Tosa Domain halted the Legislative Bureau's attempts at constitutional reform by introducing a proposal to invade Korea, which led to political gridlock and the resignation of the invasion supporters in October. This incident should therefore be considered on two levels: constitutional reform vs. centralization of Cabinet power, and the struggle between the Ministry of the Army and the Cabinet over command of the military.

著者

鍵和田 賢

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.8, pp.1377-1410, 2012-08-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Historians who study early modern Germany used to regard "the confessional age" as a stagnant era characterized by religious conflicts and wars; however, recently the age is regarded more and more as a time of the establishment of coexistence between a number of confessions. Now the task is to shed light on the problem of how this "confessional pluralism" was concretely formed. Furthermore, the research has begun to take notice of inter-confessional communication as the basis of that "pluralism". Following these recent arguments, this article examines inter-confessional negotiations in the city of Cologne during the congress for the Peace of Westphalia. Though Cologne was ruled by Catholic magistrates, the city was also inhabited by Protestants. Between 1647 and 48, three Calvinist communities of Cologne who were impressed by the progress being achieved by the Peace Congresses in Munster and Osnabruck, attempted to negotiate with the magistrates. The Calvinists sought the right to attend services in neighboring territories, which was forbidden, and consequently succeeded in winning this right from the magistrates. After the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia, these Calvinist communities tried to obtain the right to hold services inside the city and also attain civil rights for Protestants. This time, however, instead of negotiating with the magistrates, the Calvinists petitioned the Evangelical estates of the Empire for those rights at a conference of the Holy Roman Empire. The magistrates brought this action into serious question, because it damaged their right to make decisions regarding religious issues inside the city. Consequently, the magistrates hardened their attitude toward Protestants in the city, and the Calvinists failed to accomplish their goals. When magistrates subsequently threatened the Protestants by issuing a decree to expel them, the Calvinist communities recognized the need to change their approach, deciding to respect the inviolable right of the magistrates regarding religious issues inside the city. Consequently, a framework for "confessional pluralism" in Cologne arose, in which all internal religious problems would be negotiated with the magistrates first. Thereafter, the magistrates expressed the intention to permit Protestants to live inside the city provided that they respect their authority to adjudicate internal religious issues. The author concludes that the series of subsequent negotiations that followed these events formed the foundation of "confessional pluralism" in Cologne.

著者

二宮 宏之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.9, pp.1590-1592, 1999-09-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

福井 憲彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.11, pp.1843-1845, 2010-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

白 玉冬

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.10, pp.1639-1674, 2011

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On the route described in Marwazi's Taba'i' al-hayawan (The Natural Properties of Animals) from the Karahan Dynasty's capital of Kashgar to the Qidan Dynasty's capital via Hetian 和田 and Shazhou 沙州 (i.e., Dunghuang) there lay the town of Khatun-san located a two-months journey from Shazhou, which corresponds to Zhenzhou Keduncheng 鎮州可敦城, the fortress within the territory of the Toquz (or Nine) Tatars of the central Mongolian Plateau. Another point on the route, Utkin, located a one-month's journey from Khatun-san is also mentioned in 10th century Uighur documents as Otukan, which corresponds to the Hanggai Mountains of present day Mongolia. Judging from this route between Qidan and Shazhou and the era of envoys exchanged between the Qidan Dynasty and the Tang Dynasty's Guiyi 帰義 Army, which governed Dunhuang between 848 and 1039, the Tatars who are recorded in the Dunhuang document collection in various conditions of war and peace with the Guiyi military regime can be identified as the same Toquz Tartars of the Mongolian Plateau. The documents indicate that during the 10th century, the Toquz Tatars formed an independent political entity and documents preserved on the reverse side of Sogd language items P.28 and P.3134 inform us that these nine tribes were engaged in the Silk Road trade during the 10th century through Uighur merchants of the Nestorian Christian faith. The author of this article concludes that the Toquz Tatars must have enjoyed close relations with the Western Uighur Kingdom, the homeland of these merchants, and that the conversion of the central Toquz tribe, the Kereit, to Nestorianism was no doubt due in large part to their contact with the Uighur Silk Road merchants.

著者

山口 英男

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.9, pp.1507-1545,1672-, 1991-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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The evaluation of a historical character of the local administrative mechanism of the 10th century, which was composed of kuni 国 (a province) and gun 郡 (a district), is an important problem for understanding the flow of the history of Japan from ancient times to the middle ages. It was formerly understood that management of gun by kuni was reinforced in the 10th century. However, strong doubts have arisen on this point in recent years. In this paper, the author attempts a new, overall evaluation concerning the local administrative mechanism of the 10th century and comes to the conclusion that the conventional opinion is merely a one-sided understanding of the events of the 10th century. The local administration under the Ritsuryo 律令 system was carried out by hokushi 国司, who were appointed from the central aristocracy, and by gunji 郡司, who were local powerful clans under the kokushi. In the latter part of the 9th century, however, the overseers of kokushi, called zuryo 受領, came to personally take administrative responsibility of kuni. As a result, zuryo began to delegate administration not to subordinate kokushi but to local influential persons, including gunji and migrant aristocrats. They were able to obtain both economic and political benefits by taking advantage of their duties. This form of administration was formally approved by a law issued in 902 A.D. Influential local persons called zoshikinin 雑色人 engaged in the administration of kuni, functioning as kuni-no-tsukai 国使, hogandai 判官代 or as constituents of tokoro 所, and were authorized to take charge of the administration of gun as gunji without official titles stipulated in the Ryo 令 codes, This assumption of the general duties of local administration by influential persons in the region was the biggest change in the local administrative mechanism of the 10th century. In accordance with these changes, the role of gunji, instead of the role of kokushi, became more important in some areas of local administration. Moreover, because people who had the same social attribute as zoshikinin conducted both of the duties of kuni and gun, the administrative unity of kuni and gun was strengthened. Corresponding to the appearance of this new management form, the bureaucratic arrangements of local administration progressed. As the result of the bureaucratic arrangements of local administration by influential persons in the region, it became possible for zuryo to appoint to kuni level positions their personal subordinates who were not related to the region. Against these actions of zuryo, local influential persons organized resistance movements characterized by listings of grievances called Kokushikaseishuso 国司苛政愁訴. In the middle of 11th century when these movements had ceased, the Zaicho-kanjin system of local bureaucracy was formed, and the political status of influential persons in the region was established.

著者

志内 一興

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.4, pp.563-585,695-69, 2001

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In 1979, a bronze tablet called "Tabula Contrebiensis" was found at Botorrita, 20 km south of Zaragoza, in the middle Ebro valley in Spain (Roman Hispania). There inscribed 20 lines of Latin text, including a dispute over irrigation among the indigenous people. It can be dated 87 B. C. Hispania had its first contact with Rome in 218 B. C., the date of the outbreak of the Second Punic War, and was conquered completely in 19 B. C. by Vipsanius Agrippa. In the course of Roman conquest, it has been assumed that a cultural change, referred to as "Romanization" or "Latinization", was carried out, and it really had profound effects on Hispania. In fact, now in Spain, we can see many traces of ancient Rome. And so, this inscription, at first glance, can be interpreted as signifying advances of uses of Roman law procedure or Latin language by indigenous people. On the other hand, however, when we examine the text taking account in detail several terms used in it, in the light of other contemporary Latin inscriptions and the conditions in which it was inscribed, we can identify clearly indigenous people in Hispania experiencing Roman Empire and not bound by such an interpretation. In this sense the author shows in this article that "Romanization" is not cultural change that took place only between militarily and culturally superior Rome and indigenous Spaniards. It's a more complicated phenomenon. This paper is the author's first step toward the work of inquiring into "experienced Rome" by contemporary people.

著者

吉見 義明

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.8, pp.1278-1281, 1981

著者

藤田 覚

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.12, 2005

著者

柿沼 陽平

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.5, pp.825-831, 2011-05-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

藤田 覚

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.10, pp.1544-1554, 1981-10-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

高垣 亜矢

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.10, pp.1743-1765, 2012

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The aim of this article is to reexamine the characteristic features of the distribution structure of the cow and horse leather industry in western Japan focusing on the activities of deputy managers (tedai 手代) in charge of wholesale warehouses and their temporarily employed eta (穢多) subordinates (tesaki 手先). During the region's late premodern period, the leather that was produced by the inferior caste of eta from the hides of dead animals was sent to the village of Watanabe in Osaka, where the leather wholesaling industry was concentrated. The most influential research done to date on the people who directed the distribution of leather from these warehouses is the work done by Tsukada Takashi, who has argued that within the intermediary role played by the wholesalers in both buying and selling, leather merchants gained control of distribution. That being said, based on the results from research concentrating on the history of distribution during the period, which has shown definite differences between wholesalers and middlemen, the author assumes that it was tedai who functioned as middlemen, and concludes that it is necessary to reconsider tedai activities. To begin with, the author explicitly shows that the role of wholesale middlemen was represented by the activities of warehouse deputy managers and that the buying and selling of leather was directly transacted by them on the basis of personal relations established between deputy managers and local eta. Secondly, tesaki were also involved in leather commerce, their role was temporary in merely helping to collect freight for the wholesalers. Since tesaki were temporary employees, they could be employed by other wholesalers. In such cases, tesaki posed a disturbance the leather collection of their former employers. Although the activities of tesaki were similar to those of tedai, there was a difference in that the former traded on the basis of transient relationships for profit, while the latter worked for the profit of warehouse which they served. The author concludes that the activities of tedai and the eta caste tesaki brought about significant changes in both the structure of leather distribution throughout western Japan, in general, and in the internal village structure of Watanabe, in particular. In so doing, this type of leather merchant as the dominant actor in the leather trade. Thus, leather merchants such as tedai and tesaki who actively engaged in transactions had a large impact on the traditional order of the leather wholesale distribution system.

著者

服藤 早苗

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.6, pp.1089-1095, 1988-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

岩下 誠

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.1, pp.114-115, 2011

著者

井上 貴子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.3, pp.321-354, 1998

著者

右田 裕規

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.9, pp.41-63, 2017

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一九世紀後半から二〇世紀初期の君主制国家では、王室の祝祭を記念するための商品が大量に売買されていた。多種多様な商品が祝祭の記念品として流通し、厖大な人口がそれらに群がる光景が日本を含めて一様に拡がっていた。内外の君主制ナショナリズム研究の一部、とりわけ「伝統の発明」論を理論的枠組みとした研究群の解釈では、一連の祝祭記念商品は歴代君主の事蹟を中心とした国民的記憶を持続的に保持・想起させる重要な媒体として社会的に作用したとされる。しかしながら近代都市消費文化についての諸知見に従うと、世紀転換期の大量生産流通機構の成立が都市世界で生成した知覚と欲望の様式は、伝統性や持続性とは対称的な質を含みこんでいた。つまり近代的な経済技術機構が都市居住者たちに惹起したのは、過去ではなく新奇さや現在性を価値づける反-伝統的な態度、新しい商品を次々に欲望・忘却する反-持続的な態度であった。本稿では、この知見を参照項としつつ、大正・昭和初期の日本社会とりわけ都市世界での祝祭記念商品の売買様式の相貌について検討する。呈示するのは次の二点である。第一に、同時代の都市住民たちは祝祭時の記念商品群を(当該の祝祭の時事的新奇性と結びついた)ある種の「流行品」としてしばしば解読・欲望していたこと。第二に、都市購買層の間では一連の記念商品を短期的に消費・処分する傾向が見られたことである。この二点から、祝祭記念商品という媒体が(君主一族の事蹟で枠づけられた)国民的記憶の編成運動に対して含んだ反作用的な契機が本稿では指摘される。いいかえると、祝祭記念商品の大量生産・流通という史的場面から、産業資本主義と君主制ナショナリズムの協同的契機を一義的に読みとる一部研究の解釈図式の問題性が、都市世界での記念品売買の相貌に即して析出される。

著者

佐藤 公彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.1, pp.43-80,145-143, 1982-01-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Eight trigrams sect (Pa-kua-chiao 八卦教) was the most popular religious secret society in north China through the Ch'ing dynasty, and in the process of its expansion we can often find a lot of boxing training by its members. In this paper we will consider the relationship between the Eight trigrams sect and boxing training such as I-ho-chuan (義和拳), etc.. Eight trigrams sect is said to have been founded by a man called Li Ting-yu (李廷玉) in either the Shun Chih (順治) or Kang Hsi (康煕) reign periods at the beginning of the Ch'ing dynasty. It was organized according to the principle of the division into eight trigrams, and also divided into a "Wen" (文) or literary sect, and a "Wu" (武) or military one which had widely developed itself ; the society consisted of four "Wen" trigrams and four "Wu" trigrams. The combination of Eight trigrams sect and boxing training had already taken place in early Yung Cheng (雍正) period. In the Wang Lun (王倫) rebellion (1774), which was raised by a society called Ching-Shui-Chiao (清水教), a branch of the Eight trigrams sect, the boxing styles used inside the sect had been Pa-kua-chuan (八卦拳, Eight trigrams boxing), Chi-hsin-hung-chuan (七星紅拳 Seven star red boxing), and I-he-chuan (義合拳, Righteous harmony boxing). From this we can see that the I-ho-chuan was the same as the White Lotus religion or more precisely as the boxing which had combined with the military sect of Eight trigrams sect, Ching-Shui-chiao. From the incident of the I-ho-chuan in 1778, 1783 and 1786, we can guess that the I-ho-chuan had close relationship with the Li (離) trigram, a branch of the Eight trigrams sect. In 1813, Eight trigrams sect raised an uprising. A careful examination of the materials on the boxing in this uprising such sources as those on general leader of the military sect, Feng Ke-shan (馮克善), the group members led by Sung Yueh-lung (宋躍〓) and the case of Ke Li-yeh (葛立業) who learned and practiced I-ho school boxing (義和門拳棒), show that I-ho school boxing had been practiced inside Sung Yueh-lung's group in the Chili-Shantung boundary area, and that this group belonged to the chain of Li trigram. Hence we can easily identify the I-ho school as one of small regional group in the Li trigram in Eight trigrams sect. It becomes clear that the reason why boxing was combined with the Li trigram, representative of Wu trigrams, depends on the principle of organization. The boxing practiced in the Eight trigrams sect had been influenced by its religious thought, and came to have incantationary-religious characteristics, The I-ho-chuan and Eight trigrams sect in Chin-hsiang (金郷) county seem as though they were in conflict, but this example proves that there was a close relationship between the two. It is clear that historically boxing such as the I-ho-chuan, Pa-kua-chuan, etc., expanded widely in the north-west Chili-Shantung boundary area and south-west region of Shantung, by maintaining continuous relationship with Eight trigrams sect. Another phenomenon, however, also appeared. Social disturbance and confusion after the late Tao-Kuang (道光) period, brought about a wide expansion of the boxing training that was not directly related with Eight trigrams sect. The boxing which had combined with Eight trigrams sect, though taking on religious character, gradually started to secede from it, was accepted as a function of violence or defence in rural society. In the Hsien-Feng (咸豊) and Tung-Chih (同治) Periods, boxing which had permeated into rural society gradually came to be related to "Tuan militia" (団) and the "Allied village societies" (lianzhuanghui 連荘会) coexisted with the order of rural society, and built up the social foundation for the organization of I-ho-chuan society. Eight trigrams sect, not only scattered widely in this way, but also combined forces with bandits in the process of the mutual permeation with(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

石井 規衛

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.9, pp.1596-1597, 2011-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

山本 英貴

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.4, pp.539-560, 2008-04-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article attempts to clarify the process of writing and copying the diary of the Tokugawa Shogunate through an analysis of the Keeper of the Diary (Nikki-gakari 日記掛) and comes to the following conclusions. To begin with, the office of Diary Keeper was created sometime between 1737 and 1746, consisting of one supervisor and two assistants. The Keeper was to direct the various Bakufu offices to submit to him reports of their activities and then hand them to the Diary Secretariat (Nikki-Kata Omote-Yuhitsu 日記方表右筆) for entry into the Bakufu diary. This secretariat was looked after by one supervisor and one assistant rotating on a monthly basis, and the system which lasted until at least 1822. Secondly, since no copies of the Bakufu dairy existed at the time the Keeper was set up, the office issued a report in 1791 describing the reproduction of the diary and how much of it had been preserved or lost. Consequently a project was launched to copy the extant parts of the diary, with talented scribes from outside the office specially assigned to copy the content recorded between 1631 and 1790. From that time on, the Keeper and Diary Secretariat cooperated in making the copies, thus marking a significant change in how the Bakufu dairy was recorded. Another copying project was conducted during the Koka 弘化 Era (1844-47) when the Ohikaecho 御扣帳 copy of the dairy was completed.