著者

瀬川 高央

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報 公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.159-177, 2017-03-31

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During the 1980s, the peace movement and disarmament campaign were expanded in the Western and Eastern Europe. For example, the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) in the Britain a grass root peace movement had influenced on the nuclear policy of the Thatcher Administration, which it mobilized 250,000 people in the U.S. air force base at Greenham Common in 1982. Most of such movements also opposed deployment of the SS-20 ballistic missiles equipped with nuclear warheads in Eastern Europe by the Soviet Union. However, a part of the peace movements also criticized only to nuclear deployment in Western Europe by the NATO countries. For instance, the World Peace Council (WPC) had insisted official support for Soviet's disarmament proposal and nuclear deterrence policy. Because they were directly controlled and/or sponsored by the International Department of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the KGB. This article is to consider the analysis of intelligence that relates to European peace movement and the Soviet's active measures that the U.S. intelligence community, and to prove reliability of the U.S. intelligence reports.

著者

西村 淳

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報 公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.77-96, 2017-03-31

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Recently in the diversification of entities and types of social welfare services and the transition of the basic structure of services from placement to contract, it is required to construct integrated community care system in which local residents participate in the community services. This paper explores the issue of community care normatively by focusing on the public responsibility under these changes. More specifically, the paper first, reviews the theories of the relationship between the state and civil society, second, demonstrates social welfare systems as a public responsibility of support for social participation, and third, surveys the Japanese history of social welfare systems by focusing on three forms of participation in the social welfare.

著者

生沼 裕

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報 公共政策学

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.211-238, 2013-05-17

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For the purpose of evaluating the basic ordinances of local assemblies that have increased nationwide, this paper will compare the texts of the ordinances and analyze them, and examine whether matters prescribed by the ordinances were really executed with 18 basic ordinances of local assemblies in Hokkaido as case studies. The results confirm that there were some differences in the contents prescribed by the ordinances, and there were several cases that were not executed even though the ordinances included the regulations that were the grounds for such.

著者

若生 幸也

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.255-273, 2013

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This paper focuses on the special zones system for structural reform. The special zonessystem for structural reform receives a proposal from local governments and the private sector.This system is to increase the menu of regulatory reform. In addition, the application forcertification from the local government is to achieve region-specific regulatory reform.The number of proposals is decreasing. The rate of adoption is declining faster than that ofproposal. Compared with application proposals, low legal force measures have a higherprevalence of adoption. Therefore, the special zones system for structural reform has littleimpact on overall regulatory reform. This paper outlines solutions for this problem.

著者

西山 裕

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.187-212, 2016

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In Japan, there is a type of welfare providers who can give services to disabled persons and children on a voluntary basis, in addition to elderly people. This is called a "symbiotic welfare service" system. This study is intended to present a comprehensive policy analysis about the trend and features of subsidies provided by prefectural governments to the symbiotic welfare services as well as to clarify the direction and guideline for community-based welfare policies conducted by prefectures. The results of this policy analysis are summarized as follows: The symbiotic welfare service system has the advantage of addressing various welfare needs in each region, since it includes both legally provided services and voluntary services. More and more prefectural governments, noting this advantage, have started to give subsidies to the symbiotic welfare services since 2000, which has resulted in a dramatic increase in number of providers of the symbiotic welfare services as well as in diversification of services. In addition, the symbiotic welfare service providers are regarded as ideal partners in the integrated community care system which is currently built by the central government, and is able to develop this system effectively for not only the elderly people but also all people who need social service. Prefectural governments should support the symbiotic service providers from now on.

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報 公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.31-48, 2016-03-31

著者

生沼 裕

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.211-238, 2013

---

For the purpose of evaluating the basic ordinances of local assemblies that have increasednationwide, this paper will compare the texts of the ordinances and analyze them, and examinewhether matters prescribed by the ordinances were really executed with 18 basic ordinances oflocal assemblies in Hokkaido as case studies.The results confirm that there were some differences in the contents prescribed by theordinances, and there were several cases that were not executed even though the ordinancesincluded the regulations that were the grounds for such.

著者

鈴木 一人

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報 公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.139-158, 2012-03-30

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This article discusses the chronological development of EU's energy security policy and its problems. Because energy security is primarily a responsibility of national governments, the European Union (European Commission in particular) was not able to formulate unified energy policy. But at the same time, due to the lack of natural energy resources, EU member states needed to cooperate in order to increase bargaining power against energy rich regions such as Middle East or Russia. The problem of international negotiation became clear when Russia and Ukraine increased the political tension, and in order to secure supply of natural gas from Russia, EU launched the discussion with Green Paper which resulted the first comprehensive energy policy in 2007. Furthermore, the "Energy 2020", a new policy document suggested the necessity for EU to influence the process of rules- and standard-making to secure the free trade environment for energy resources. However, the division of competence between member states and EU still make it difficult to formulate comprehensive energy policy. Furthermore, dynamic change of international environment such as "Arab Spring" and Russo-Ukraine conflict, and different reactions and interests of member states complicated the EU strategy for energy rich regions. This structural contradiction of EU's energy security policy implies that EU may not be hegemonic power in international arena, but their role as a giant consumer of energy would have a power to shape international energy market.

著者

芝田 文男

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1, pp.58-78, 2007

著者

村上 裕一 小磯 修二 関口 麻奈美

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報 公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.119-137, 2017-03-31

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This paper is one of the first and most comprehensive studies to investigate the meaning of the Abe II administration’s ‘Local Revitalization Policy’ and to review local governments’ reactions in Hokkaido. Based on our survey of all the local governments in Hokkaido during October and November 2016, this paper concludes that the policy has provided a chance for farsighted governments, especially for those experiencing a sharp decline in young people, to realise the emerging problems of a shrinking society and to work on a solution. However, the policy has also been so sudden and almost arbitrary that the local governments’ respective conventional systems were forced to work hard applying for unwieldy grants and following the detailed directions given by the central government. The results of our survey imply that the Central and local governments in Japan share discretion. The Central government maintains discretion in deciding nationwide policies and provides administrative guidance to the respective local governments, whether big or small and rich or poor, allowing them to formulate policies suitable to their own requirements. This is done while maintaining the Central government’s overall policy design through the use of informational, budgetary, and regulatory tools.

著者

石井 吉春

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報 公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.39-57, 2009-03-31

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In the municipality hospital, the deficit that reaches 200 billion yen a year is summed up. Therefore, the reform of management is requested, and the reform is advanced based on "Reform guideline of the public hospital". The population density of north Hokkaido is especially low. Therefore, the municipality hospital bears a basic medical treatment while suffering a deficit. And most hospitals according to "Guideline" are urged by the necessity the number of beds reduction, and the conversion to the clinic. In this research, the medical demand of north Hokkaido is examined, and it searches for the direction of management reforms in the municipality hospital.

著者

松本 勝明

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報 公共政策学

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.127-141, 2015-03-31

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Nationals of EU member countries (EU citizens) have the right to move and reside in other member countries. However, it is permitted for the member countries to attach restrictions and conditions to this right. When nationals of EU member countries move to another member country and reside there, they can generally receive the same social benefits as the citizens of that country. However, to avoid excessive financial burden on member countries, which accept nationals from other member countries, they are not responsible for providing social assistance benefits to jobless nationals of other member nations. In Germany, for example, such people do not receive basic security benefits provided to individuals seeking jobs (Hartz IV benefits). This treatment has become the object of debate. By taking up issues such as this, this paper examines the relationship between human movement that transcends national borders and the receiving of social benefits.

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報 公共政策学

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.3-25, 2015-03-31

著者

村上 裕一

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報 公共政策学

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.143-168, 2015-03-31

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This paper begins by describing the establishment of the Scientific Technical Administration Committee (STAC) in 1948, the Science and Technology Agency (STA) in 1956, and the Council for Science, Technology, and Innovation (CSTI) in 2014 in Japan. These agencies have something in common in that they were somewhat expected to work as governmental ‘control towers (CTs)’ of Japan’s science, technology, and innovation policy, with political leadership in the contemporary Cabinet. Second, this paper shows some of the agencies’ similarities and differences, including the following: (1) they have been initiated and supported mainly by the industrial sector (and the STA would not have been established without a nuclear budget), (2) the STAC and the STA emphasized ‘comprehensive coordination’ as an important part of their mission between related ministries, though the CSTI is expected to be a ‘CT’ or a ‘headquarters’ for the administration to initiate resource distribution or science/technology policy decisions, and (3) the STAC and the STA showed their relatively positive attitudes toward a rather wide range of science/technology policies, though the CSTI is quite passive toward some policies such as research & development of nuclear and medicine, which are in fact directed by other ‘CTs’ or the like. Two hypotheses emerge from the discussion above: the ‘CT’ is a product of the Central Government Ministries Reform (2001); it can cause another authoritative dispute between some ‘CTs’ in the Cabinet Office. These two hypotheses will be tested through further research including the following: (1) investigating the background of the establishment of other ‘CTs’ and their relationships with the political leadership in the Cabinet, (2) analysing that leadership’s impact in the existing administrative system in the bureaucracy, and (3) describing in more detail the STAC, STA, and CSTI’s actual practices regarding their policy coordination/implementation and resource distribution.

著者

先崎 卓歩

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

no.4, pp.59-89, 2010

被引用文献数

1

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After the Meiji era, entering in higher education had been difficult because the people's desires to receive higher education were very high in Japan. The age ended by the falling birthrate at the end of the 1990's, though entrance examination kept constant effects to scholastic improvement in high school education. The inefficient articulation between high school and university has emerged. This paper points out major features concerning educational articulation between high school and higher education in historical perspective.

著者

鈴木 一人

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報 公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.139-158, 2012-03-30

---

This article discusses the chronological development of EU's energy security policy and its problems. Because energy security is primarily a responsibility of national governments, the European Union (European Commission in particular) was not able to formulate unified energy policy. But at the same time, due to the lack of natural energy resources, EU member states needed to cooperate in order to increase bargaining power against energy rich regions such as Middle East or Russia. The problem of international negotiation became clear when Russia and Ukraine increased the political tension, and in order to secure supply of natural gas from Russia, EU launched the discussion with Green Paper which resulted the first comprehensive energy policy in 2007. Furthermore, the "Energy 2020", a new policy document suggested the necessity for EU to influence the process of rules- and standard-making to secure the free trade environment for energy resources. However, the division of competence between member states and EU still make it difficult to formulate comprehensive energy policy. Furthermore, dynamic change of international environment such as "Arab Spring" and Russo-Ukraine conflict, and different reactions and interests of member states complicated the EU strategy for energy rich regions. This structural contradiction of EU's energy security policy implies that EU may not be hegemonic power in international arena, but their role as a giant consumer of energy would have a power to shape international energy market.

著者

芝田 文男

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報 公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.58-78, 2007-03-31

著者

佐野 修久

出版者

北海道大学公共政策大学院 = Hokkaido University Public Policy School

雑誌

年報公共政策学 (ISSN:18819818)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.57-79, 2011

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In Japan, five hospital PFI projects have already started, but these two projects has been canceled PFI contract. The factors in these canceled cases is that, the management plan for hospital project was incomplete, understanding to PFI was not enough, public sector and private sector partnership was insufficient, it wasn't the framework to have effective function for PFI project.