著者
佐藤 泉
出版者
成蹊大学アジア太平洋研究センター
雑誌
アジア太平洋研究 = Review of Asian and Pacific studies (ISSN:09138439)
巻号頁・発行日
no.42, pp.71-85, 2017

This paper considers two Japanese-speaking authors from the linguistic view. Park Kyong Mi places "translation" at the core of poetic experience, and senses the inner gap of language. Sakiyama Tami, a Novelist in Okinawa, tries to put a voice inside the language through conflict between Japanese as a literary language and everyday language.
著者
松田 潤
出版者
成蹊大学アジア太平洋研究センター
雑誌
アジア太平洋研究 = Review of Asian and Pacific studies (ISSN:09138439)
巻号頁・発行日
no.41, pp.45-61, 2016

In this paper, the topics concerning of mourning and melancholy are discussed in reference to "Namaeyotattearuke Nakaya Kokichi Ikousyu"(1972). First, the potential and limit of Nakaya's participation in Movement at Ryukyu University though 1960s which was triggered by the death of his niece in the incident of 1959 Okinawa F-100 Crash will be examined in a historical context. I will further examine that the movement was aiming to overcome an aspect of its sectionality and inflexibility and to criticize the significance of Reversion Movement in Japan in the context of historical trend in Neo-leftism. Secondly, Nakaya's journey for 40 days in his "motherland Japan" was the second trigger after the death of his niece to change his perspectives. Nakaya's arrest for occupation in Legislature of the Government of the Ryukyu Islands was evaluated to be separation from representative politics and to be in the process of population becoming "people". Lastly, the poem of Nakaya's which was believed to be Nakaya's fail in political conflicts should be dealt. Nakaya endeavored to perpetuate his poem and death by the means of opposition to the contemporary political system. In addition, whether the way of incorporation of the trace of alterity and endless mourning work or not should be.
著者
板橋 拓己
出版者
成蹊大学アジア太平洋研究センター
雑誌
アジア太平洋研究 (ISSN:09138439)
巻号頁・発行日
no.39, pp.111-127, 2014

Konrad Adenauer (1876-1967), the first chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, played the crucial role in achieving the conclusion of the German-Israeli Compensation Treaty (Wiedergutmachungsabkommen) of 10. September 1952. This treaty laid the foundations for "reconciliation" between Israel and the Federal Republic of Germany after the bitterness created as the result of Nazi persecutions of Jews during the Second World War. This paper examines the West German policy toward Israel during the "Adenauer era." It is well known that Adenauer politics can be expressed in two keywords: "Kanzlerdemokratie (chancellor democracy)" and "Westbindung (integration into the West)." But these two words are rarely applied to the German Israelpolitik because of its moral characteristic. This paper shows that the German-Israeli Compensation Treaty of September 1952 actually provides a prime example of Adenauer's "Westbindung"-policy through "Kanzlerdemokratie (unilateral action by the Chancellor without consulting his cabinet or parliamentary party)." Adenauer recognized that the FRG as the legal successor to the German Reich had a duty to accept responsibility for the crimes committed by the German government. Although Adenauer felt deep shame about Nazi persecutions of Jews, he was not simply concerned with German moral debt. A conclusive motive for the completion of the Compensation Treaty was the concern that without such an action Germany's integration into the West would be endangered.
著者
野崎 与志子
出版者
成蹊大学アジア太平洋研究センター
雑誌
アジア太平洋研究 (ISSN:09138439)
巻号頁・発行日
no.38, pp.39-51, 2013

The present study explores the shifting perspectives of women's labor market participation in relation to gender dynamics of marriage and childrearing in the United States. First, the study looks at U.S. statistical data concerning women's labor participation, career trajectories, and the glass ceiling phenomena to demonstrate that the pattern of U.S. women's labor participation has shifted to the U curve from the M curve of the 1960s, but that very few women reach top executive positions. Although we can describe the situation of the women conceptually by using the term "glass ceiling", it is not clear what the term specifically addresses, which calls for case studies. The present study, then, proceeds to examine the case of former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, Michel Flournoy, the Pentagon's highest-ranking woman in history, who resigned from her position in order to be at home for her teenaged children. The study analyzes the interview text of Flournoy with National Public Radio (NPR) and the comments made by listeners (these texts are available at the NPR website). The analysis shows that Flournoy made the choice to leave her position not because she was forced to take on childrearing responsibilities at home, but because she regarded it as once-a-life-time opportunity, that she was quite content with her decision, and that she thought that it was not the "end" but a "stop" of her career. The comments of listeners were diverse, including a suggestion for a new life course for women and a question concerning the lack of media interest in working class women. The study concludes by discussing the issues of "time" (or "work-life balance") for working women in general, and women assuming leadership positions in particular.
著者
小林 盾 大﨑 裕子 川端 健嗣 渡邉 大輔
出版者
成蹊大学アジア太平洋研究センター
雑誌
アジア太平洋研究 = Review of Asian and Pacific studies (ISSN:09138439)
巻号頁・発行日
no.42, pp.115-126, 2017

This paper scrutinizes on transformation of the romantic love ideology in Japan. The ideology has characterized the modern family by uniting love, marriage, and sex (and therefore birth). The paper decomposes the ideology into two sub norms: the "love and marriage combination" norm and the "marriage and birth combination" norm. Still, these norms are yet to be quantitatively examined. So, data are collected in the 2015 Japanese National Survey on Social Stratification and Life Course (SSL-2015) with 12,007 respondents. They are asked whether they agree that love is indispensable for marriage and that marriage is so for birth. Results are shown as follows. (1) By distributions, about 80 percent agree with the both norms. (2) By comparing proportions, most young males and females relax the norms. However, young females tighten the "marriage and birth combination" norm. (3) As a result, by odds ratios, young males present consistent patterns on the two norms, while young females not. Therefore, mostly the romantic love ideology has been relaxed, but the "marriage and birth combination" norm survives and even revitalizes. This means that the ideology has been transformed and diversified, which may affect future forms of the family. These findings are obtained only in quantitative analyses.
著者
近藤 正
出版者
成蹊大学アジア太平洋研究センター
雑誌
アジア太平洋研究 (ISSN:09138439)
巻号頁・発行日
no.38, pp.247-261, 2013

This paper presents a brief process of creating a 72 spell calendar out of Henry D. Thoreau's Journal. The 72 Spells is a kind of Japanese calendar that shows the seasonal transitions by dividing one year into 72 segments. It serves as the basis of the Saijiki or the book of season-words which is commonly used among Japanese haiku and renku poets. Since 1969, when Octavio Paz organized the first international renku session in Paris, there has been a growing worldwide interest in the international renku. Consequently, there has been a growing need for an international version of the Saijiki. The 72 Spells can provide a common framework for classifying seasonal words on a global scale. In this paper I show the process of making a 72 spell calendar by analyzing the 1852 section in Journal. With the rapid development of databases and computer linguistics in the backdrop, I originally began a project of making a 72 spell calendar out of the database of the Journal. However, a lack of budget and limited time have forced me to present only a simplified version. Further information can be found in another paper, "Thoreau's Concept of Spring: A Comparative Study with the Japanese 24 Seasonal Periods and the 72 Spells," in The Journal of the Faculty of Economics (Seikei University), No. 45(1), to be published on July 20, 2014.
著者
高 一
出版者
成蹊大学アジア太平洋研究センター
雑誌
アジア太平洋研究 (ISSN:09138439)
巻号頁・発行日
no.39, pp.57-66, 2014

The Korean Peninsula has been in the knife-edge situation for several decades. In March 2013, North Korea announced that it would not be bound by the Armistice Agreement any longer, hinting that it would withdraw from the Armistice system. The announcement reminds us of the fact that the Korean War has just temporarily ceased yet to end permanently. This article aims to provide the North Korean perspectives on the Armistice Agreement system in order to understand the contemporary crisis and establish peace in the Korean Peninsula. First, by reviewing the origin and process of the Korean War, this article examines the ways in which the Armistice Agreement system was established. The Korean War was a civil war fought over post-colonial state-building, which later escalated into an international war with Sino-American intervention. In that sense, South Korea and the United States on one side and North Korea supported by China on the other side were the direct actors in the war. The Korean War ended in an armistice rather than a peace treaty, maintaining the military confrontation among these countries since 1953. Second, the article points out the substantial change of the Armistice system in the early 1970s. Due to the Sino-American rapprochement, North Korean leaders wanted to seize the chance of terminating the Armistice and signing a peace treaty. Therefore, they urged China to support this goal and mediate with the Americans. However, China rather ended up in prioritizing the cooperation with the US to maintain the Armistice Agreement, which disappointed the North Korean government. In this sense, the Armistice Agreement system in the early 1970s, from the North Korean point of view, further sustained the military confrontation of North Korea versus the US-South Korea alliance. Third, the article demonstrates diplomatic efforts made by North Korea since the late 1970s. Due to the experience in the early 1970s, North Korean leadership started to seek for both direct negotiations with the US and tripartite negotiations with the US and South Korea, in an attempt to exclude China. This tendency has been continuing to this day. In conclusion, this article proposes the following measures to end the Armistice Agreement and sign a peace treaty: dialogues between North and South Korea, tripartite negotiations among North Korea, South Korea and the US, quadripartite negotiations including China, and six-party negotiations including Japan and Russia. By so doing, the nuclear development by North Korea could be in the process of resolution and international security in North East Asia would be improved.
著者
池内 了
出版者
成蹊大学アジア太平洋研究センター
雑誌
アジア太平洋研究 (ISSN:09138439)
巻号頁・発行日
no.39, pp.89-100, 2014

From the impacts of 3·11 disasters, we are obliged to reflect on our ways of life with respect to the use of nuclear power. They are, for example, we are caught by Security Myth, we are insensitive to Immorality of Nuclear Age, we ignored to inquire the Social Responsibility of scientists and engineers and so on. The present civilization is based upon the modern science and technology and we were apt not to raise any queries on them. Thinking about ourselves, we must acquire the critical views to the present status of science and technology. On this point, the most important problem is so called the Trans-science Problem which denotes there are many problems which cannot be answered only by science, though they are related to science. In order to resolve these Trans-science Problem, it is necessary to deploy the philosophy, thoughts, ethics and social thinking as well as scientific considerations. Such a cooperation between human science and natural science is asked to overcome the Civilization Crisis in Japan and the World.