著者
岡 道男 岡 道男
出版者
同志社大学
雑誌
同志社法學 (ISSN:03877612)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, no.2, pp.42-88, 1968-12-25

資料
著者
岡 道男
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典學研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, pp.1-22, 1988-03-18

The telos of the menis is not, as is generally assumed, Achilles' reconciliation with Priam, but the death of Achilles and the fall of Troy The menis, which, personified by the adjective 'oulomenen' (1 2), seems to have a kind of life of its own, does not cease bringing about the desastrous results even after the reconciliation in Book 24 The death of Achilles is foreshadowed by many prophesies and especially by the death and funeral of Patroclus, which obviously are modelled on those of Achilles, in the same way the fall of Troy is anticipated by the death of Hector who alone protected the city These two events, besides the fulfilment of Zeus' promise to Thetis, are implied by the Dios boule in the proem Also in Virgil's Aeneid and in the Odyssey (where the hero's home-coming reaches the telos only when he has appeased Poseidon), the telos of the theme is realized later than the time frame of the poem This interpretation is confirmed by the basic structure of the Iliad Just as Hector is made the sole defender of the city, so Achilles becomes the sole protector of the Achacans, with the consequence that the two heroes inevitably come to a deadly confrontation Hector at first fights with Patroclus, Achilles' substitute (cf 16 838 ff), then with Achilles himself, and his death not only seals the fate of Troy but also completes the destiny of Achilles (cf 18 95 f) The interlocking of their destinies is emphasized by the fact that they fall alike into ate and bring ruin on their countrymen, and finally, fully aware of their own ate and fate, endeavour to win honour Further, Achilles' turning back from the front after the opponent's death in Book 22, though he has been told by Thetis that his death must come immediately after that of Hector, keeps the audience in suspense for the fulfilment of the prophesy, until the poem ends with the impression that both the death of Achilles and the fall of Troy occur almost simultaneously in the reopened battle after Hector's burial This impression is strengthened by the truce of twelve days Thus the two events, which seem to have been narrated separately in the tradition, are placed in the immediate future beyond the end of the poem and made the telos of the menis. In the epic tradition before the Iliad, it was Odysseus' ruse of the wooden horse that destroyed Troy It is against this background that Achilles has become the sacker of Troy Giving priority to Achilles' bie over Odysseus' metis, the poet nevertheless has respect for tradition. e g. Odysseus too is ptohporthos in the Iliad He appears, however, to assert that Achilles, by killing the sole defender of Troy, had virtually destroyed the city before the wooden horse gave it the coup de grace The implication of 'the sacker of the city' can be contextually evoked in the passages where the name of Achilles is accompanied by this epithet (15 70-7, 21 544-550, 24. 108 etc) In the age of Homer a poet is praised for telling his story 'truthfully' as well as 'kata kosmon' and 'kata moiran' (cf. Od 8 489 ff, 496) In the Iliad the poet, while adapting his story to the changes of the society, tells it more 'truthfully' by identifying Achilles with 'the sacker of the city', and more 'kata kosmon' and 'kata moiran' by making the fates of Achilles and Troy the telos of his theme In such a reinterpretation and refinement of traditional stories is to be sought the originality of Homer
著者
岡 道男
出版者
日本西洋古典学会
雑誌
西洋古典学研究 (ISSN:04479114)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, pp.1-22, 1978-03-23 (Released:2017-05-23)

In the traditional Greek epic there is an oft-repeated theme of the confrontation or clash between valour(ανδρεια) on the one hand and stratagem(μηχανη) and prudence (φρονησι&b.sigmav;) on the other, where Odysseus usually stands for the latter, cf. Il. 19. 148-237, Schol. B. E., Od. 8. 77 etc. The fatal contest for Achilleus' arms between Aias and Odysseus also seems to be a variation of the same theme, cf. Pindar, N. 7 and N. 8. Now the opening verses of the Aeneid could be understood in the traditional background of such a theme, if the much-discussed avma virumque is to be interpreted as a hendiadys meaning virum armatum i. e. virum armis insignem (ci. Ovid, Trist. 2.533 f.) ; Virgil may have modelled the opening of the Aeneid on that of the Odyssey in order to bring out the heroic qualities of Aeneas which are clearly opposed to the ανδρα πολυτροπον=virum versutum (Livius Andronicus). This view is made probable through the following observations : 1. Aeneas is noted not only for his pietas but for his military prowess(1.544 f., 6.403., 11.291f. etc.), and especially in the second Book the valour of Aeneas and the Trojans makes a sharp contrast with the treacherous stratagem of the Greeks. Thus arma virumque and insignem pietate virum(1.10) , forming a complementary pair, can be understood as indicating Aeneas at the very start of the poem as a hero who embodies in himself the fundamental virtues of the Romans (cf. 6.768ff., 878 ff. etc.). 2. Compared with the prooemium of the Homeric poems, the opening of the Aeneid shows closer resemblance to that of the Odyssey(1.1-21)both in structure and in contents. In the Iliad the prooemium(1.1-12a)retrogresses into the past (menis→eris→cholos of Apollon) and then the narrative, beginning with the hikesia of Chryses, progresses in the reverse order (cholos of Apollon→eris→menis); in the opening of the Odyssey and the Aeneid, however, such a pattern is not to be detected, while more attention is paid to the earlier events (Troy's fall, the causes of Juno's wrath) and the situation of the hero just before the start of the narrative. Further, the theme of the Aeneid, i.e. the founding of Lavinium=Rome(1.5 f.) , is, as in the Odyssey(1.5), shown as a goal to be attained bythe hero, which then reveals itself as the nostos of Aeneas and the Aeneadae(3.94 ff., 163 ff., 7.239 ff., 8.36 f). It may be said that Virgil, while modelling the theme of the Aeneid on that of the Odyssey, expressed his intention to rival Homer's poem(and Livius' Odusia, v. infra). 3. There existed, in parallel with a legend making Aeneas the founder of Rome, another tradition that Ulixes=Odysseus had founded the city. Livius' Odusia, a first Latin epic and not a mere translation, appears to have been instrumental in making this tradition take root in Italy. Thus Virgil, taking upon himself to sing of Aeneas as the founder of Rome and ancestor of Augustus, may have confronted his arma virumque(=virum armatum)not only with ανδρα πολυτροπον of Homer but also with virum versutum of Livius(cf. Ennius, Ann. fr. 326 f., where the contrast with the opening of Odusia could also be observed). This Aeneas who is quite different from an Achilleus or an Aias in being fato profugus(i.e. in his pietas erga fata), is an entirely new creation of Virgil. In short, in the opening words of the Aeneid literary debt is acknowledged, and at the same time originality within the tradition is proclaimed(cf. the opening of Choirilos' Persika, Ennius' Annales etc.). In this sense arma virumque cano is the sphragis of an epic poet who introduces a new hero in the Augustan Rome. The "ille ego……" verses, on the other hand, show a sphragis of Virgil's poetic career and, as such, cannot be placed side by side with arma virumque cano which proclaims originality within the epic tradition. It seems very likely that someone who was not(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)
著者
岡 道男
出版者
京都大學文學部
雑誌
京都大學文學部研究紀要 = Memoirs of the Faculty of Letters, Kyoto University (ISSN:04529774)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.55-338, 1976-03-31

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
岡 道男 岡 道男
出版者
同志社大学
雑誌
同志社法學 (ISSN:03877612)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, no.3, pp.27-68, 1969-01-15

資料
著者
岡 道男
出版者
京都大学 (Kyoto University)
巻号頁・発行日
1977-07-23

新制・論文博士
著者
成岡 道男 奥田 幸夫 大矢 徹治 大西 純也
出版者
公益社団法人 農業農村工学会
雑誌
農業農村工学会誌 (ISSN:18822770)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.77, no.3, pp.187-192,a2, 2009 (Released:2019-01-08)
参考文献数
11

本報では,アラル海流域にあるウズベキスタン内のカラカルパクスタン自治共和国に焦点を当て,塩害の現状を報告し,地球温暖化による農牧漁業への影響について考察した。そして,現在実施されている塩害やアラル海の縮小に端を発した環境破壊への対策事業等を事例に,地球温暖化への備えについて検討した。その結果,地球温暖化に伴って,水不足の深刻化や塩害進行の加速化,アラル海の干上がった湖底からの飛塩の増加等が生じることを予測した。これらの影響に対して,水不足への備え,塩害防止対策の推進,湖沼の縮小への適応,セーフティネットとしての地域資源の活用等の重要性を示した。
著者
猪瀬 武則 山根 栄次 栗原 久 阿部 信太郎 山岡 道男 淺野 忠克 山田 秀和
出版者
弘前大学
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2005

価値多元社会における多面的多角的見方を育成する経済教育カリキュラムの開発研究である。研究を進める上で、「カリキュラム班」と「金融リテラシー班」の二つに分けた。カリキュラム班では、「価値多元社会における多面的多角的見方」の原理研究と海外のカリキュラム調査を試みた。金融リテラシー班は、中学生の金融リテラシー調査結果をもとに、経済的見方の有無にかかわらず一定の経済知識はあることが明確となった。カリキュラム班で明らかにした多面的多角的見方育成の原理と、リテラシー調査班で明らかにした中学生の現状の一端を説明する。前者に関しては、第一に、多面的多角的見方育成のための原理として、(1)一元的な経済学教授から多元的な経済学教授へ、(2)政策決定学習などでの経済論争を基礎とした既得観念との差異を対象化する学習、(3)経済学の合意・不合意を前提としたカリキュラム教材の構成を、(4)行動経済学などの成果を基にした感情などを踏まえた意思決定モデルの精緻化を提起した。また、カリキュラム教材としては、米国では、問題基盤経済学、経済学の倫理的基礎付け教授などのカリキュラム教材によって、英国からはビジネス教育のカリキュラム教材にそのモデルを見いだした。後者のリテラシー班では、稀少性などの経済基本概念がきわめて弱く、福利などの知識が弱かった。財の種類、収益が高い貯蓄商品、複利計算、株と債券の違い、投資家の収益(配当)、分散投資などは、米国に比しても高く、半数以上は把握していた。日米の差異は、文化的背景も考えられるが、カリキュラムや教材を含め、多面的内容構成に課題を投げかけている。
著者
岡 道男
出版者
京都大学
巻号頁・発行日
1977

博士論文
著者
成岡 道男 奥田 幸夫 大矢 徹治 大西 純也
出版者
公益社団法人 農業農村工学会
雑誌
水土の知 : 農業農村工学会誌 : journal of the Japanese Society of Irrigation, Drainage and Rural Engineering (ISSN:18822770)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.77, no.3, pp.187-192, 2009-03-01
参考文献数
11

<p>本報では,アラル海流域にあるウズベキスタン内のカラカルパクスタン自治共和国に焦点を当て,塩害の現状を報告し,地球温暖化による農牧漁業への影響について考察した。そして,現在実施されている塩害やアラル海の縮小に端を発した環境破壊への対策事業等を事例に,地球温暖化への備えについて検討した。その結果,地球温暖化に伴って,水不足の深刻化や塩害進行の加速化,アラル海の干上がった湖底からの飛塩の増加等が生じることを予測した。これらの影響に対して,水不足への備え,塩害防止対策の推進,湖沼の縮小への適応,セーフティネットとしての地域資源の活用等の重要性を示した。</p>
著者
岡 道男
出版者
京都大學文學部
雑誌
京都大學文學部研究紀要 (ISSN:04529774)
巻号頁・発行日
no.16, pp.p55-338, 1976-03

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
岡 道男
出版者
法制史学会
雑誌
法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)
巻号頁・発行日
no.34, pp.23-46,en4, 1984

Did Cicero intend his statesman to be understood as a 'new concept' (K. Büchner) when he called him tutor et procurator rei publicae and rector et gubernator civitatis (2.51)?<BR>Now numerous instances before and with Cicero of similar metaphors and their combinations applied to political activities make it quite clear that there is nothing new insofar as these phrases are concerned. So in view of their well-known metaphorical character 'minus......tritum sermone nostro' (2.51) should not be translated by 'not frequently used in our language i.e. Latin' but by 'not fully treated in our conversa-tion'.<BR>The study of the passages concerning the role of this statesman suggests too that it is chiefly based on auctoritas and is not appreciably different from that of the principes of the Roman republic. It is, however, very remarkable that the analogy of the reason swaying and controlling the mind, by which the imperium of a monarch is explained, seems also to have been used to describe the activities of this statesman (2.67ff.). Cicero, while conceding the superiority to the mixed form of constitution, maintains that monarchy is to be preferred to the other unmixed forms because of, among others, the fact that there will be no imperium at all unless it remains a unit. It could be inferred from this that what Cicero, when using this analogy, had in mind was a statesman who, while acting on auctoritas (2.69: ut sese......sicut speculum praebeat civibus), would be the sole leader in the state. This semi-monarchistic role is, however, clearly incompatible with the principles of the mixed form of constitution which Cicero pronounces the best and sees embodied in the Roman republic. This inconsistency, if it may be called so, could have resulted from his theorizing on an ideal statesman in line with Greek political theories while retaining him in the framework of the Roman republic.<BR>Now this statesman is set in opposition to a tyrant who is nothing but a deteriorated form of monarchy as is illustrated by the Roman history. This transformation of the best single form into the worst is most typical of all political changes. The mixed form, according to the Greek theories (mainly Polybios) outlined in the De re publica, is the most effective in maintaining equality and stability and thus preventing any change for the worse because it combines and balances the elements of the three unmixed forms; whereas Cicero sees the vital factor of stabilization in the statesman who cares for the practical interests and the self-respect of his fellow-citizens, foreseeing dangerous changes and taking necessary steps against them. Here Cicero, while following a familiar pattern of political discussions where a tyrant or tyranny is contrasted with a just king or other forms of constitution, reserves for his statesman a leading role in renewing and preserving the Roman state, and all who are present in the conversation are urged to become like him (2.45) since he is an exemplum (2.69), a model to be followed by all his fellow-citizens.<BR>The impression thus gained would be that of a 'new' statesman, but he remains nonetheless a traditional i. e. republican princeps, presented as he is in an idealized form. This method of theorizing on the traditional institutions (mos maiorum), idealizing and presenting them as exempla, is used again in the De legibus which was probably begun as soon as, or before, the De re publica was finished.<BR>It is not clear whether Augustus was influenced by Cicero's concept of this statesman. Granting that he adopted for his principate the latter's concept, then he pretended it was not new, for he emphasized his role in having restored the Roman republic and posed as a traditional princeps acting on auctoritas. In reality, however, his principate was nothing other than a kind of monarchy, a novus status, as Suetonius called it.