著者
杉山 雅樹
出版者
東京外国語大学アジア・アフリカ言語文化研究所
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ言語文化研究 (ISSN:03872807)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2022, no.103, pp.17-53, 2022 (Released:2022-03-31)
参考文献数
20

Muʻīn al-Dīn Muḥammad Isfizārī’s Rawḍāt al-Jannāt has long been widely acclaimed in Iranian historical studies. However, the manuscripts of this work have received little attention since a critical edition of the text was published in Tehran in 1959–61. Therefore, this research examines the extant manuscripts. The purpose of this paper is to (I) classify the surviving manuscripts of the work into four groups and describe the features of each group based on differences in the total number of chapters and sections; (II) introduce the contents of the accounts that were not included in the revised text and demonstrate their historical significance; and (III) present the text of these accounts. The defining characteristic of manuscripts in Group A is that they contain Chapter 27, which is not found in the manuscripts of the other groups. Manuscripts in Groups B and C consist of 26 chapters, but there are omissions in several sections of the manuscript in Group C. Finally, Group D includes the only manuscript containing Sections 1 and 2 of Chapter 26. An analysis of the contents of Chapter 27 and Sections 1 and 2 of Chapter 26 shows that the author of each account is Isfizārī himself and that they contain unique information about the late Timurids. First, Chapter 27 provides information about tax items that are prohibited under Islamic law. Second, the names of 14 princes of Sulṭān Ḥusayn (r. 1469–70, 1470–1506) are included in Section 1 of Chapter 26. Third, Sulṭān Ḥusayn’s architectural projects are described in Section 2 of Chapter 26. As there is little information about these subjects in the other historical sources for the late Timurids, it is obvious that the accounts not included in the revised version of Rawḍāt al-Jannāt have significant value.
著者
楠 和樹
出版者
東京外国語大学アジア・アフリカ言語文化研究所
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ言語文化研究 (ISSN:03872807)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2023, no.106, pp.19-66, 2023-09-30 (Released:2023-09-30)

Historians of nomadic societies in East Africa have emphasized their high mobility as the core of the pastoral mode of subsistence. It has long been supposed that borders were procedures for containing this mode of subsistence and making such societies amenable to administration. However, recent scholars have approached the issue from a different angle. They insist that borders are arbitrary institutions that have been imposed regardless of the disposition of cultural areas. For them, the drawing of boundaries can be approached as a process in which a variety of actors negotiate with each other, produce meanings, and create profitable opportunities. On the basis of this methodological perspective, this study explores the political impact of boundaries drawn by the colonial state in northeastern Kenya on the Somali pastoralists. This study is distinctive in that it investigates administrative boundaries instead of international borders. To date, scholarly attention has been mainly devoted to the latter. However, this does not mean that administrative boundaries have less significance; internal borders offer a better opportunity to reflect on the specific meaning of statehood, especially in the case of peripheral borderlands. By examining how the government territorialized a specific sub-clan of Somalis and how the latter engaged with such territorialization, this study provides a nuanced understanding of colonial rule in the frontier region of northeastern Kenya. It argues that the porous boundaries were consequences not of the restrictive nature of state rule but of a specific kind of governmentality in a frontier region where administrative and judicial powers were concentrated in the hands of local officials. Furthermore, the Somali sub-clan, whose collective identity was anchored by the setting of these boundaries, struggled to utilize them for a politics of authority and territoriality.
著者
落合 いずみ
出版者
東京外国語大学アジア・アフリカ言語文化研究所
雑誌
アジア・アフリカ言語文化研究 (ISSN:03872807)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2023, no.106, pp.5-18, 2023-09-30 (Released:2023-09-30)

This study discusses the manner in which Atayal (Atayalic subgroup, Austronesian language family) underwent a semantic shift in time expressions such as “a little while ago,” “now, today,” and “morning, tomorrow.” In relation to this, the forms for “yesterday,” “a little while ago,” and “later” are also discussed. In Proto-Austronesian, the meanings of “morning” and “tomorrow” are inseparable, and this form is reconstructed as *dama. In earlier Atayal, sasan meant both “morning” and “tomorrow.” The Atayal form, sasan, “morning, tomorrow,” does not reflect *dama. This study examines the origin of sasan in Seediq (Atayalic subgroup), a language closely related to Atayal. In Seediq, the form for “now, today” is saða, and it later became saya. The ð dates back to the Proto-Atayalic *j; thus, a tentative form in Proto-Atayalic can be reconstructed as *saja, meaning “now, today.” The Proto-Atayalic *j is reflected as g, r, or s in Atayal, so *saja can be reflected as saga, sara, or sasa. The last form, sasa, may be related to sasan “morning, tomorrow.” It is likely that -an was attached, a suffix indicating time or space, resulting in sasa-an. Then, one of the a’s was deleted from the consecutive vowels, becoming sasan. Somehow, its meaning shifted from “now, today” to “morning, tomorrow.” This study proposes that this semantic shift was driven by another semantic shift relating to a Proto-Atayalic form, *sawni, which means “a little while ago.” This word extended its meaning to include “today in the morning” and then further extended to refer to “today”; it probably also referred to “now.” As sawni became “now, today,” sasan, the original word for “now, today,” shifted its meaning to “morning, tomorrow.”