著者

岡田 建志

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1996, no.25, pp.137-140, 1996-06-01 (Released:2010-02-25)

著者

市川 健二郎

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1971, no.1, pp.79-100, 1971-10-28 (Released:2010-03-16)

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Because she was not a Western colonial country, but an Asian Kingdom and a member of the Axis Power, wartime Thailand was free from Japanese military administration and a able to keep aloof from warfare after the friendly entry of the Japanese army, Thai political leaders assumed a pattern of “compromise” rather than “hostility” in response to the Japanese impact. Although intellectually, most Thai leaders did not agree with the Japanese idea of “The Great East Asia Go-prosperity Sphere, ” they accelerated an allied relationship with Japan to avoid a possibly critical situation of Japanese militarism sweeping all over the country. For her own national benefit in facing increasing Japanese power in Southeast Asia, Thailand put pressure on the anti-Japanese boycott movement of the Chinese within a country, sat on her fence of neutrality and tried to remain out side the Japanese military occupation until the opening day of the war. Even after December 8, 1941, when she recognized the friendly entry of the Japanese army, Thailand tried hard to stand behind the bay line by contributing economic ally to the Japanese military operation in Burma, Malaya and Singapore.In wartime, Pibul Songkram, Prime Minister of the Government, promoted Rathaniyom (Patriotic Movement) and Thai Yai (Great Thai Nation Movement through which he wanted to keep national stability based on of traditional Thai sentiment rather than the idea of individual freedom from the Constitutional Revolution in 1932. In terms of motivation, therefore, these movements were quite different from the Japanese idea of the “Co-prosperity Sphere.” Meanwhile, the dynamics of the anti-Japanese “Free Thai” movement were accelerated by Thai elites and university students then in the United States and the United Kingdom. There they carried out the actual plan to develop their resistance against Japan. On the other hand, Thai leaders, except several domestic “Free Thai” leaders, outwardly continued their friendly relations with the Japanese while secretly linking up with the “Free Thai” members in order to find a new place for themselves after the war. With the benefits of this duality, they reserved their own clear cut opinion and left rooms for changing attitudes to their advantage.Chinese leaders in economic circles also had similar patterns of response. Although they started the anti-Japanese National Salvation Movement in 1937, which was motivated from loyalty to their native land, they joined neither the all Chinese united front in Southeast Asia nor the overseas Chinese good-will tour party to Chungking and Yennan in 1938. However, from 1938 the Chinese in Thailand began cooperating with the national policy of the Thai government and, after war erupted, made contributions by procuring for the Japanese army. In reply to a requisition for labour for army railway construction between Burma and Thailand in 1943, the Chinese again tried to keep their security in the country by means of economic cooperation in offering munitions war, rather than by sending labour power for dreadful construction. In the meantime, however, they donated funds secretly to members of the “Free Thai” movement. Chang Lan-ch'en, former President of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce in Thailand, was a leader of pro-Japanse group during the war, but was able to return to the some position again in 1948 and held thee post until 1961 when he died. Pibul was also reinstalled in his former position in 1948 and was Prime Minister until 1957. These two political and economic leaders began to leave room for changing attitudes by the end of the war, to enhance their reinstatement in the post-war period.

著者

岩武 照彦

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1983, no.12, pp.91-138, 1983-06-01 (Released:2010-03-16)

著者

倉沢 愛子

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1981, no.10, pp.69-121, 1981-06-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

著者

松永 典子

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1998, no.27, pp.73-96, 1998-06-01 (Released:2010-02-25)

参考文献数

42

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It has been pointed out that there are some crucial differences about the nature of the Japanese language education in the Japanese territories of Southeast Asia. It, however, is difficult for us to recognize the differences because “assimilation policy” and “kominka policy” have been interpreted imprecisely.The aim of this paper is to compare and contrast the case in Malaya with that in the other territories of Southeast Asia on the Japanese language education under the Japanese occupation (1941-45) and direct our attention to the case in Malaya within the framework of the history of Japanese language education.In the early period Military Administration of the Japanese occupation, the Gunseikambu (Military Administration) attached a great deal of importanceto primary education as a means of popularizing the Japanese language. In the middle period Military Administration, however, it shifted the emphasis to the Japanese teaching coordinated with the spiritual training of Rensei Kyoiku. In the late period Military Administration, it emphasized more on strengthening Japanese language education and primary education.But at the final stage of the late period, the Gunseikambu shifted to relaxing its language policy, because the policy that instructors employed only Japanese as a teaching language was implemented too soon, so that it failed.For the reasons stated above, the Gunseikambu played a minimal role in the education policy, particularly during the initial and middle periods of the Japanese occupation. We can confirm that the Japanese language education policy in Malaya during the late period was more directly influenced by the Japanese language education policy of the Japanese government than that in the other Japanese territories of Southeast Asia.This policy in Malaya, however, was entirely based on the kokugo (national language) ideology, and the same teaching methodology used to teach in Japan and the Japanese colonies was employed in Malaya. Therefore, we can say that the Japanese language education policy in Malaya was ideologically a copy of the internal Japanese language education policy itself in some school, and it was most influenced by the kokugo ideology in the Japanese territories of Southeast Asia. But it eventually failed in Malaya because Japanese was not a Malayan common language nor the kokugo Malayans. In this sense, the nature of the Japanese language education in Malaya was different from that in the Japanese colonies.

著者

伊東 照司

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1983, no.12, pp.151-154, 1983-06-01 (Released:2010-03-16)

著者

左右田 直規

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005, no.34, pp.3-39, 2005-05-30 (Released:2010-02-25)

参考文献数

42

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This paper intends to examine the interplay between the official construction of “Malayness” in colonial educational policy and the formation of Malay ethno-national identity in British Malaya. For this purpose, it uses as its case study the Sultan Idris Training College (SITC), a Malay teacher training college that was established in Tanjung Malim, Perak, in 1922.The SITC played an important role in the reproduction of ethnic, class, and gender relations in British Malaya. As in the case of the Malay College, Kuala Kangsar (MCKK), the SITC was a residential school, modeled on public schools in England, in which the college authorities aimed to have total control over the students' studies, their extra-curricular activities (sports, cultural and recreational activities, military training and scouting), and their lives in the student dormitories called “houses.” Unlike the aristocratic MCKK, however, the SITC was designed to train Malay rural male teachers so that they would be able to educate Malay village boys to be “intelligent peasants.”SITC-graduated teachers were expected to become local agents of the British colonial authorities for the inculcation of desirable values among rural Malay children. The formal curriculum for the SITC was Malay-centered and ruralbiased, with an emphasis on the Malay language and the history and the geography of the “Malay world, ” as well as on practical education such as gardening, basketry, carpentry, etc. Furthermore, it was also male-biased when compared with the curriculum for the Malay Women's Training College (MWTC), which stressed domestic science for Malay girls.Though the SITC was a product of British colonial education policy, it left enough room for its teachers and students to utilize their shared experiences and to reorganize their acquired knowledge in order to construct Malay ethnonational identity. The SITC had some well-known Malay teachers and a European Principal all of whom were active in propagating Malay nationalist sentiments.SITC students could obtain knowledge on Malaya, the “Malay world” and other parts of the world not only during regular classes, but also from daily communication with their teachers and college mates, as well as from various kinds of reading materials such as books, magazines, and newspapers. Some of the students secretly participated in political activities. As a result of this local appropriation of colonial education, the SITC produced a number of Malayeducated nationalist intellectuals. This was not what British colonizers originally intended or wanted to be the product of the educational system that they had imposed.

著者

岩本 裕

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1981, no.10, pp.17-38, 1981-06-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

参考文献数

15

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On the full account of the author's opinion on this problem, please see the Proceedings of the International Symposium on Chandi Borobudur, Tokyo 1981, in which the author deals with the following points in details:1) The ancestors of the Sailendra royal line were in a leadership position among the Old Malay speaking population in some colony of Srivijaya in Java.2) Though originally Sivaites, under the widespread Buddhist influence from Srivijaya, their native land, they converted to Buddhism.3) Under the economic development of Srivijaya, they came to dominate over the area west of Central Java. This country in the west of Java was called Ho-ling in the Chinese sources. (As there were no kingdom in Java except Sailendra and Mataram in those days, we have no choice but to identify Holing with Sailendra, because the Buddhism had floulished in either country).4) In the mid-eighth century, they advanced eastward to Central Java and pressured the Mataram kingdom.5) As a symbol of the dynasty's devotion to Buddhism, they built candi Borobudur to the southwest of the capital, and the date of beginning of its construction was ca. 780 A. D.6) There arose discord for the suzerainty over Java among the members of the Sailendra royal line during the construction work of candi Borobudur, probably in the second quarter of the 9th century.7) Samaragravira was defeated in this war, and he escaped then to Srivijaya, becoming the king of that country.8) By the latter half of the 9th century, the suzerainty over Java had passed completely into the hands of the Mataram kings.

著者

清水 展

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1987, no.16, pp.113-121, 1987-05-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

参考文献数

15

被引用文献数

1

著者

井東 猛

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1985, no.14, pp.44-66, 1985-06-01 (Released:2010-02-25)

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In the study of Islamization, main interest of research has centred upon the questions as to when Islam came, from where and by whom it was brought to the region, and upon particular Islamic mystical teachings. Studies of these problems in the last one century have certainly presented us with new findings related to the Islamization of Southeast Asia in general. However, this does not mean at all that the question of the Islamization of the region has conclusively been solved. In fact, little is known about the establishing process of the Islamization or the position of Islam in various Islamic states in the region.The overall, establishing process of the Islamization may be studied from two view-points, apart from those mentioned above. One concerns the acceptance in indigenous society or state of Islam as religion and creed, and the role played by the rulers or state in its acceptance. The other is the acceptance of Islamic Law in the existing legal system, or the Islamization of the legal system of a given state.This paper aims to look at the administration of law and justice in seventeenth century Aceh as a case study of the establishing process of the Islamization from the latter point of view. As necessary background information for a better understanding of the present theme, the following may be noted.It is known that Bandar Aceh, the capital of the Sultanate of Aceh, presented the appearance of one of the major centres of Islamic studies in the Malayo-Indonesian world from the last quarter of the sixteenth century onwards. As a result of this, by the end of the century, at the latest, Islamic Law had become an established force, and consequently the prescriptions of Islamic Law had begun to exert their influence on the Acehnese, particulary on those in the capital. As for the relationship between Islam and the state, the Acehnese rulers used Islam to assert their ritual authority and supremacy. Just as Islam helped the rulers, the rulers also helped Islam by raising it to the position of a state religion, by supporting its institutions and by raising the clergy to influential positions.The present theme is divided into three. Section I takes up the legal system of the Sultanate. Section II examines various cases and punishment, both ‘criminal’ and ‘civil’ in nature. Section III looks at the royal edict of 1726 which offers how the Acehnese of the eighteenth century regarded the administration of law and justice in the seventeenth century.As a result of research, it can be concluded that Islamic Law exerted considerable influence upon the administration of law and justice through the efforts and influence of the senior religious figures of the realm, who were the rulers' religious and spiritual preceptors. This was particularly true for Acehnese social and family life in the urban area of the capital. The implementation of Islamic Law can be easily observed in a number of actual cases. In fact, the ruler as head of an Islamic state, and Islam as both creed source of law were inseparably linked, the ruler playing a central part in the judicature. Nevertheless, the Islamic legal system as such occupied a secondary position in the overall legal system of the Sultanate. The will, and often whim, of the sovereign was, in effect, the prime and ultimate law of the Sultanate, and administrative practices based on such precedents, i. e. the will of ruler, came in time to be regarded as ‘adat’ in the eyes of the Acehnese of the capital, ‘adat’ as ruler-made unwritten law and not traditional customary law and practice which have been defined as adat law by Dutch legal scholars. Furthermore, the degree of the rulers as law-givers and of the enforcement of Islamic Law largely depended on their political authority and religious conviction. As for the Kadi Malik al-'Adil as the representaive of the rulers, this position may perhaps best be seen as the head of the leg

著者

和田 正彦

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1980, no.9, pp.24-50, 1980-02-25 (Released:2010-03-16)

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There were, in the Tokugawa period, offices of interpreters called To-tsuji (Lit. Interpreters of Chinese). Within this category were two divisions; To-tuji To-kata (Interpreters of Chinese) and To-tsuji Shokoku-kata or Ikokutsuji (Interpreters of other Asian Languages). To-tsuji Shokoku-sata or Ikokutsuji included Tonkin-tsuji (Interpreters of Vietnamese), ..... The latter consisted of the Tonkin-tsuji (Interpretes of Vietnamese), Shamro-tsuji (Interpreters for Siamese), Mouru-tsuji (Interpreters of a language used in the Mughals) and Ruson-tsuji (Interpreters of a language used in Luzon under Spanish). This paper traces the history of the Ikoku-tsuji from its establishment to its abolition.It must be pointed out that both divisions, namely To-tsuji Tokata and Ikoku-tsuji were theoretically equal in status, yet, in fact, the latter was regarded as lower than the former. This is clearly shown in the difference in their pay-scales. The discrepancy in their actual position resulted from the differnces in their business. The To-tsuji To-kata was much more important than the Ikoku-tsuji not only because of the fact that only one or two vesseles which came to Nagasaki were from countries other than China, but also, because the To-tsuji To-kata played at the same time the role of commercial agents having discretionary powers of foreign trade. On the other hand the Ikoku-tsuji were no more than interpreters. It should be also taken into account that the To-tsuji To-kata were either Chinese living in Nagasaki or their descendants so that they easily got on good terms with Chinese merchants coming to Nagaski for trade. On the contrary among the Ikoku-tsuji, only the Gi family held the office hereditarily.As the number of vessels requiring Ikoku-tsuji dwindled, the work of the Ikoku-tsuji was gradually transfered to the sections of To-tsuji To-kata or Oranda Tsuji (Interpreters for Dutch). They held only the nominal position through hereditary until the last days of the Tokugawa Shogunate. The position of Ikoku-tsuji was, nevertheless, necesary to the Tokugawa Shogunate. Because of its policy of seclusion, the Shogunate had to be ready to receive and handle exclusively such vessels.It is be worthy of special note that there were some Japanese who studied languages of South and Southeast Asia, wrote the books of vocabulary and conversation of these languages despite it being the age of seclusion.

著者

北原 淳

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1991, no.20, pp.146-151, 1991-05-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

著者

後藤 乾一

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1992, no.21, pp.202-204, 1992-06-01 (Released:2010-03-16)

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

百瀬 侑子

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2002, no.31, pp.97-112, 2002-05-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

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Kamishibai originated in Japan's early Showa era for children's amusement perfomed by street performers. Later, Kamishibai was introduced into school education. During the wartime era, Kamishibai was used as a military propaganda media by the Japanese government.After Japanese Forces occupied Indonesia, Kamishibai began to be used as a tool for pacifying the local peoples and to force them to cooperate with the Japanese military administration.This parer analyzes why Kamishibai were produced and also clarifies what kinds of Kamishibai were produced in Indonesia under the Japanese Occupation.Some of the author's results are:(1) Kamishibai on the subject of “destroying the USA and UK” were produced for the purpose of propagandizing the significance of the war.(2) Kamishibai on the subject of “saving money” and “increasing production” were produced for the purpose for the propagandizing the wartime economic policy.(3) Kamishibai on the subject of “labor” and “social services” were produced for the purpose of maximizing contributions from Indonesians.(4) Kamishibai on the subject of “tonarigumi” and “fujinkai” were produced for the purpose of organizing Indonesians.(5) Kamishibai on the subject of “heiho” and “kaiin yoseijo (seamen's training center)” were produced for the purpose of recruiting Indonesian young men.(6) There were many Kamishibai produced based on actual stories.These topics were also used in movies, plays and radio broadcasts. The Japanese propaganda bureau used a number of media for the same campaign topic to get improve their results. Kamishibai had economical, mobile and popular characteristics. For example, Kamishibai could be produced at low cost, delivered to small remote villages by bicycle, and used of indoctrinating even illiterate people.

著者

野田 彦四郎

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1971, no.1, pp.101-121, 1971-10-28 (Released:2010-03-16)

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Very few articles on the study of international relations between the Chakri Dynasty in Thailand and the Ch'ing Dynasty in China during the first half of the nineteenth century have been published, although the relationship between them has had a great effect on the modern history of Thailand. This is one reason why the author wants to fill this gap in our historical studies on the subject.Three major periods in the relations between these two countries are: a) the period of increased trade and developed political relations from 1821 to 1843, b) the period of decreased trade and declined political relations from 1843 to 1861, c) the period of broken and alienated relations from 1868 to the e of the Ch'ing Dynasty.Since the first period of the Ch'ing Dynasty was a golden age, the Chine emperors regarded Chakri kings in Thailand as a and asked them to show their submission through tribute trade to the Peking Court, while their treatment of envoys from Thailand was tempered with mercy. Chinese historical documents of the period also show us trade commodities from and to Thailand, a well as Chinese relief activities for wrecked Thai ships on the coast of southern China and the role of overseas Chinese in trade between Bangkok and Canton. Since 1843 of the reign of Rama III in Thailand, the tribute trade from Thailand began to declined.

著者

鈴木 中正

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1981, no.10, pp.3-16, 1981-06-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

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Because the Chinese Ch'ing Dynasty deemed Burma a troublemaker in the Southeastern border area of the province of Yunnan, it sent four successive expeditions to Burma during the years from 1766 to 1790. The Shan states on the borders had long been sending tribute to the Burmese court of Ava but the practice was disrupted due to the disorder in Burma caused by the dynastic alternation of the mid-eighteenth century. The newly established Konbaung dynasty claimed their right to collect tribute from the Shan states and while carring on a campaign in Ayuthaya, Siam (1764-67). The Ch'ing emperor thought it necessary to punish and expel the marauders at their borders. The Ch'ing at the zenith of its power mobilized all its resources to chastise Burma but the new dynasty in Burma made every effort to withstand the invaders.The last Ch'ing expeditionary army evacuated Burma at the end of 1769, after concluding a truce agreement on reciprocal restitution of the war captives and surrenders. The Ch'en-lung emperor, however, never consented to turn over the princes of the Shan states who had surrendered to the Ch'ing side, thus putting the border area in a state of severe tension. But a rebellion occured in the province of Sze-ch'uan in 1771 diverting the emperor's concern from Burma and his resentment was gradually dissipated.For the purpose of normalizing relations with the Ch'ing, Burma attempted to negotiate twice, in 1772 and in 1777. Their effort, however, was in vain because the Ch'ing emperor continued to demand from Burma, unilateral restitution of war captives. Among the Shan rulers on the borders, however, there emerged a move to normalize the relations between their two powerful neighbors in order to bring about trade relations which profitted the border states. In 1787, the prince of Keng Ma, a Shan state on the Yunnan side, sent a friendship mission to Burma disguised as a Ch'ing court mission: Burma sent a return mission to Peking in 1788. This brought the two countries' relations nearly to completion. In 1790, the prince of Bhamo on the Burmese side, sent a mission to Peking on his own initiative, unnoticed by the court of Burma. Thus the long disrupted Sino-Burmese relations came to be normalized despite the fact that the Ch'ing court declared Burma as its vassal state and Burma had no intention of accepting such a status

著者

石澤 良昭

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2002, no.31, pp.3-26, 2002-05-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

著者

岩城 高広

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2001, no.30, pp.144-147, 2001-06-01 (Released:2010-03-16)

著者

吉開 将人

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2002, no.31, pp.79-96, 2002-05-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

参考文献数

51

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Lingnan (Guangdong and Guangxi in China) and northern Vietnam have a long history of relation dating back to ancient times. However, after Vietnam's independence from China, the history of both areas came to have completely different meanings for both Chinese and Vietnamese historians. This article is an attempt to discuss the history of both areas as an unity, based mainly on recent archaeological studies.The topics discussed here are:(1) The conquest of the Lingnan area by the Qin dynasty began within one year after the unification of the Warring States and that northern Vietnam was outside of the Qin's conquest area.(2) The Nanyue kingdom established by Zhaotuo at the end of the third century B. C. in the Lingnan area had different control systems over different areas of the kingdom. Northern Vietnam was one of them.(3) Except that several artifacts belong to early Shang dynasty, all of the early dated findings related to Chinese cultural tradition, such as a bronze pot, coins and mirrors unearthened in northern Vietnam, are dated the Nanyue period, the second century B. C.(4) The significance of the Nanyue period as the starting point of political and cultural relation between Lingnan and northern Vietnam should be highly valued.(5) Official seals for special titles and other archaeological facts showing as continuation of local tradition indicate that political control over native leaders and the cultural tradition since the Nanyue period basically continued in these areas, even after the conquest of Nanyue by emperor Wudi of the Han dynasty in 111 B. C. until the middle of the first century A. D.Several historical issues during the first millennium A. D. and problems about the construction of self-image and historical identities by both Vietnamese and Cantonese historians after independence of Vietnam from China are also discussed.

著者

市川 健二郎

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1986, no.15, pp.90-105, 1986-05-20 (Released:2010-02-25)