著者
遠藤 比呂通
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2006, no.64, pp.140-152,279, 2006-03-30 (Released:2012-06-20)
参考文献数
33

It is 10 years since I first visited Kamagasaki, which is the biggest slum in Japan. "Are there any human rights exist in Japan?" "Kamayan", a Kamagasaki daily based worker, responded to my self-introduction that I had been teaching human rights law in Japan."Kamayan" was quite right in his allegation. Kamagasaki workers and homeless people were "displaced persons" in the sense used by Hanna Arendt in her influential book "The Origin of the Totalitarianism": their human rights were not violated, but they lost the right to have human rights itself.Since then, I have been street lawyer in Kamagasaki. Especially, I have been in charge of a forced eviction case against homeless people by Osaka City. We have been alleging in this case "a right to adequate housing" stipulated in the Social and Economic Covenant of Human Rights, because only these kinds of rights would confer "Kamayan" security of legal tenure beyond the scheme of Nation State, which was thought by Arendt as a hazard to human rights.From my experience as a street lawyer, the right to adequate housing should be properly defined only when homeless people themselves join the negotiation process. The Committee of the Covenant has been using 'genuine consultation' to describe this process. "Kamayan" should be treated as a legal agency in the field of law.
著者
阿部 浩己
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2002, no.56, pp.66-83,275, 2002-03-30 (Released:2009-01-15)
参考文献数
51

Breaking five decades of silence, Asian women courageously emerged in the public arena as survivors of Japanese military sexual slavery. The immediate response of the Japanese ruling elite was a blatant disregard of their voices and yet another imposition of silence. Under the circumstances, one fundamental challenge facing international legal scholarship is to make an inquiry into the legal implication of silence consistently forced on victimized survivors. It necessarily ignites a process of re-examining the value premises which dictate the purposes and beneficiaries of the international law.Behind the forced silence is classical liberalism, the dominant theory of international legal studies. Justifying legal regulation based on the ideas of consent, liberty and equality of states, classical liberalism continuously reproduces the preeminent concept of elitism in international society. The fulcrum of this theory may be broken down into four "isms": euro-centrism, andro-centrism, statism and presentism. Under the pretense of objectivism and stability of legal order, classical liberalism strenuously backs up the ruling elites' inhumane response of suppressing survivors' desperate calls.Vibrant streams increasingly visible in international legal scene in the 1990', represented inter alia by the Australian-led feminist school, effectively debunks the value premises of mainstream international legal studies, thus leading a world-wide movement to "open up" otherwise closed international law. Deliberately un-silencing voices of the "Others", i.e. non-Europeans, women, citizens and the past (and the future) generations, the new movement has brought forth a welcoming progress in international law in such areas as human rights and humanitarian law. Commonly observed in a number of litigations filed by survivors of Japanese military sexual slavery against the culpable government is a call for the deconstruction of international law so that the voices of the Others are secured therein. Clearly, their call synchronizes the world-wide legal movement to reshape international law.This essay is intended to portray the value premises and legal implications behind international law arguments presented in connection with the issue of Japanese military sexual slavery. Reference is made as well to a Peoples' Tribunal, the Women's International War Crimes Tribunal 2000 in Tokyo, which in the view of the author, is a manifestation of the dynamic process to open up international law to citizens and women, whose agonies have been unheeded in the state-centered, patriarchal international legal scene.
著者
石山 勝巳 浜田 紀子
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1964, no.16, pp.107-130,148, 1964-04-10 (Released:2009-06-16)
参考文献数
8

In the farm areas, especially the rice field areas in Tochigi Prefecture, there had been a custom called ‘fosterage’ among farmers for a long time. The farmers who employ the fostered children of school-age take care of them for the purpose of securing the agricultural labor power in the future. These children mostly come from the needy peasant families in the six prefectures in the northern part of Honshu Island and from within Tochigi Prefecture. They are usually sold with the apprenticeship, which lasts till the age of adulthood, either through the intermediation of the professional mediator called ‘Keian’ or through the direct bargaining between parents and employers. The survey on the slave trade cases during the period from Dec. 1948 to Apr. 1949, published by the Ministry of Labor, shows that 134 out of 282 total sufferers all over Japan were found in the farm areas in Tochigi Prefecture, being distributed at large to three areas, around the basins of the River Gogyo, the Rivers Kinu and Ta, and the Rivers Kuro and Sugata, and that most of these children were under 18 years of age.According to the authors' investigation, around the basin of the River Gogyo, the farmer had, in general, a bigger cultivated acreage and not a few landlords owned 122 to 245 acres of rice fields before the Agrarian Reform soon after World War II. The housing, food, and clothing for fostered children were distinctively discriminated from those of farmers' own children. Farmers' own children would not work on farm; if they had to work on farm, they were the supervisors over fostered children. Around the basins of the Rivers Kinu, Ta, Kuro, and Sugata, in contrast, the farmer had a much smaller farmland and most of the farmers were owner farmers of 4.9 to 12.3 acres of rice fields before the Agrarian Reform. Being brought through parents-employers' direct bargaining, fostered children, most of whom were born within this prefecture, were treated just as the same as farmers' own children as indispensable labor power to the agricultural management of farmers and could become independent by marriage or by finding other occupation as the farmers' own second or third children could. Furthermore, some of them were legally adopted as soon as they were brought to farmers'. The registration filed of 1962 at Child Welfare Center, Tochigi Prefecture, which shows the existence of 8 foster parents around the basin of the River Gogyo and of 62 fostered children around the basins of other rivers, would prove such a custom of ‘fosterage’ still alive in those areas.From the answers to the questionairs sent by the authors to all the foster parents in those areas and in Utsunomiy City, the prefectural metropolis, is drawn the conclusion that there can be made a division into three types of fosterage, that is, rural, intermediate, and urban types, by the differences of farm-land, scale of agricultural management, and familial type between the families, and that this prewar custom has been the transformed in favor of the fostered children especially around the basin of River Kinu.
著者
松原 英世
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2006, no.65, pp.67-81,254, 2006-09-30 (Released:2012-06-20)
参考文献数
44

This paper aims at bringing up a perspective to examine the relationship between policies and recognition of facts behind them. First, we will observe transformation of criminological thought and ways of dealing with crime, and confirm the correspondence, looking back to history of criminology (II). Then, we will explore what causes the transformation and how a certain policy is chosen (III). I will make the point through the work that ways of coping with crime and roles of punishment are influenced by our ways of thinking about crime and criminals rather than effectiveness of policies, and also that we should reconsider current policies for crime and how to use punishment in the historical context from this point of view.
著者
吉川 真美子
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2001, no.55, pp.159-174,250, 2001-09-30 (Released:2009-01-15)
参考文献数
18

The legal responses to domestic violence (hereinafter DV) in the States drastically changed from no-intervention to pro-arrest policy in the last quarter of the 20th century. The feminist movement since the 1970s, Minneapolis Experiment in 1984 and the following experimental projects affected very much the formation of judicial policy to confront DV. Epoch-making in this stream was the legislation of the Violence Against Women Act in 1994.The arrest of DV perpetrators, though its deterrent effect having been questioned, has different meanings for victims, investigators and judges respectively. They have practical interests to pursue, 'safety' for victims, 'successful prosecution' for investigators and 'deterrent to crime' for judges. The pro-arrest policy is the result of politics with contestation and coordination of these interests. In the process of such politics, the theory of 'gender' functions to analyze power structures of the society. It also highlights the subordination of 'personal life' to 'public structure' given the priority in the judicial system. The purpose of this paper is to overview the arrest policy of DV perpetrators as the response to 'gender-based violence' and to find some key to overcome the coercion of gender structure embedded in judicial process.
著者
永井 憲一
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1980, no.32, pp.45-68,195, 1980-04-10 (Released:2009-01-15)
参考文献数
30

Under the Constitution of Japan, children must be considered as being the main focus of basic human rights, and they should be accorded security because of the existence of these constitutional rights. But children in our country have hitherto been dealt with as 'objects to be protected', in the same way that women and old people are protected under separate administrative procedures. Since this is 'the year of the child in the world.' this social problem must be reconsidered.In this essay, I seek to analyze the legal phenomena of education as related to the actual condition of the life of children, using the sociology of law as the basis of my methodology. I use this approach, because it is my intention to investigate, in concrete terms, how the rights of children can be secured.
著者
鵜飼 哲
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2001, no.54, pp.13-26,258, 2001-03-30 (Released:2009-01-15)
参考文献数
24

La pensée juridique moderne exclut la vengeance hors de l'espace regi par la loi. Mais Nietzsche soutient que la vengeance est la première structure sociale qui permet de stabiliser le rapport entre les communautés. Dans l'Antiquité, Aristote intègre la vengeance dans l'ordre de la Cité en pensant qu'il est possible de controler la vengeance par la raison, l'essentiel étant de trouver le«juste milieu»dans la pratique vindicative. C'est à l'influence conjointe du stoîcisme et du christianisme qu'il faut attribuer l'exclusion définitive de la vengeance qui se réalisera à l'âge classique. Selon Nietzsche, le ressentiment est né de la vengeance inhibée et spiritualisée. La morale des eclaves, sous forme du judéo-christianisme, a fini par l'emporter sur la morale des maîtres. Le système juridique moderne en est l'avatar essentiel. C'est dans l'idée de révolution que la vengeance se réfugie depuis deux siècles. Et dans cette mesure, l'esprit révolutionnaire et l'esprit de la peine demort ont en commun la référence à la vengeance. Celle-ci trouve un autre asile dans la littérature et certains poètes qui s'associaient au mouvement révolutionnaire étaient souvent sensibles au caractère sublime de la vengeance. En Europe, l'idée de révolution se voit en déclin en même temps que l'abolition définitive de la peine de mort. Et on parle actuellement de la réconciliation nécessaire pour surmonter le conflit historique grave. Mais on doit mettre en question cette opinion qui veut que la réconciliation soit le contraire de la vengeance. Si la vengeance est à l'origine de tout calcul social, la réconciliation s'opère encore dans les limites de la période ouverte et limitée par la vengeance. Quand Derrida propose de distinguer le pardon de la réconciliation, it considère que cette dernière recèle sa propre structure violente. Le padon sur lequel it nous invite à méditer riendrait interrompre à la fois la violence de vengeance et celle de la réconciliation.
著者
永田 照夫
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1972, no.24, pp.84-107,241, 1972-03-30 (Released:2009-04-03)
参考文献数
16

This is a study from the standpoint of sociology of law, of controversial points in about twenty among the many issues of partial or deflected education pointed out in elementary and secondary teaching and guidance everywhere in the past ten years. Some twenty cases picked up here are those of which the author has had opportunities to read the reco ds and materials at first hand.The standard of the existing laws most directly leading to the issues of partial or politically colored education in the strictest sense is the regulation of Article 8, Item 2 of the Fundamental Law of Education that states:“The schools prescribed by law shall refrain from political education or other political activities for or against any specific political party.”When parents and local influential people point out as partial or politically colored education, however, they often argue over trifles or dealings of political problems in controversy in present-day Japan. Therefore, the standards and definition of partial education are vague and unclear. Moreover, in those cases, they often try to solve the problems politically and administratively by direct suit to the local Boards of Education or local legislatures, rather than by educative method of discussions in the school.Responses of Boards of Education to these cases vary, but in general, they are compromising and at times they make use of these tendencies of parents and the influentials.When the cases lead to legal punishment, they are dealt with variously as violation of Article 32 of the Local Public Service Law (the duty to obey laws and superior officers' orders) or of the Personnel Authority Regulations (on political actions) or of the Courses of Study or as deviation from textbooks or as not using textbooks, rather than as violation of Article 8, Item 2 of the Fundamental Law of Education.Most of these cases have been given great publicity by mass communication and have come to present educational, legal and social problems peculiar to present-day Japan.These cases are, for the part of elementary and secondary school teachers, clear examples which show that freedom of education, and freedom of teaching in particular, are not guaranteed. This raises an important problem for teachers on the guarantee of professional freedom, but this is only one of the many difficult and complicated problems concerning partial or deflected education yet to be solved between parents and teachers, and between local communities and schools and teachers and teachers' unions.

2 0 0 0 OA 社会的死と法

著者
澤井 敦
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2005, no.62, pp.110-122,194, 2005-03-30 (Released:2011-04-13)
参考文献数
32

In arguments concerning death and its definition, the social aspect of death, which is beyond the range of natural sciences such as biology and medicine, has often been referred to. The purpose of this paper is to consider this social aspect of death by re-examining the concept of "social death."First, this paper looks into existing usages of the concept of social death and attempts to clarify its meaning. Social death is distinguished from biological death, clinical death, legal death and ritual death. This paper suggests that the defining feature of social death is the termination of one's social existence in the lives of others.Secondly, the relationship between modern social changes and the changing profile of death is considered from the point of view of social death. In contrast to traditional society, social death in modern society has become individualized and can be interpreted in various ways. In cases of the death of persons who are non-intimately related, the process of social death tends to move comparatively quickly, and may sometimes move more rapidly than the process of biological death. On the other hand, in cases of the death of persons who are intimately related, the process of social death moves comparatively slowly and may continue for a long time following biological death. It is pointed out that this discrepancy between the two cases can often poses problems.Finally, the social background of legal death is examined in the light of social death. There are discrepancies between legal death and social death, which pose problems. In many cases, there are "continuing bonds" between the bereaved family and the dead which still exist even after biological death. The paper concludes with an examination of legal professionals' attitudes toward these continuing bonds.

2 0 0 0 OA 神/王/justice

著者
石井 三記
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1994, no.46, pp.100-106, 1994-04-30 (Released:2009-01-15)
著者
高橋 哲哉
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2002, no.56, pp.16-25,273, 2002

In the last decade of the 20th century, two significant events were held to deal with the pasts which were profoundly traumatized by the crimes against humanity; The Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the Republic of South Africa and the Women's International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan's Military Sexual Slavery.<br>The former avoided the "Nuremberg Option", that is the trial of criminals, in giving priority to establish the national unity and reconciliation. Amnesty was granted to the persons who had made full confession of the truth about their criminal acts with political objectives in the period of Apartheid. This principle of "justice without punishment" was guided not only by some inevitable "material" conditions in the new-born Country, but also by the philosophy of "forgiveness" in its hegelien or arendtien version.<br>By contrast, the latter declared itself to be a renewal of "Tokyo Tribunal" in order to end the culture of impunity. Three days of trial produced the judgement according to which the Japanese Imperial Army' s "comfort women" stations and wartime sexual violence constituted crimes against humanity and the Supreme Commander of the Army and Navy, Emperor Hirohito did have legal responsibilities. Thus the Women's Tribunal, without real judicial effect, contested both the post-war Japanese culture of impunity about war crimes and the international culture of impunity about crimes against women in war.<br>These two events can be highly appreciated as those which offered public spaces where the voices of victims and perpetrators could be heard seriously for the first time.
著者
高田 敏
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1969, no.21, pp.50-82,218, 1969

Inhaltsübersicht<br>1. Die Fragestellung<br>a) Peitsche und Zuckerbrot.<br>b) Der Gegenstand dieses Aufsatzes.<br>2. Die Entstehung der Theorie der Leistungsverwaltung<br>a) Der Dualismus der Verwaltung im bürgerlich-liberalen Rechtsstaat: die hoheitliche Verwaltung und die fiskalische Verwaltung.-Die Teilung der hoheitlichen Verwaltung in die obrigkeitliche Verwaltung bzw. die Eingriffsverwaltung und die schlicht-hoheitliche Verwaltung unter der Weimarer Verfassung.<br>b) Ernst Forsthoffs "Die Verwaltung als Leistungstäger" vom 1938.<br>c) Die Problematik der Forsthoff'schen Theorie der Leistungsverwaltung.<br>3. Die Entwicklung der Theorien der Leistungsverwaltung nach dem 2. Weltkrieg<br>a) Die Wandlung der Forsthoff'schen Theorie der Leistungsverwaltung.<br>b) Der Begriff der Leistungsverwaltung.<br>c) Der Sozialstaatsgedanke als Grundlage der Theorie der Leistungsverwaltung.<br>4. Die Leistungen und die öffentliche Sicherheit<br>a) Die Leistungsverwaltung und die Sicherheitspolitik in einigen Sozialstaatstheorien.<br>b) Die Problematik der Theorie der Leistungsverwaltung. Die Rollen, die die Theorien der Leistungsverwaltung spielen.-Die Problematik des Begriffs der Leistungsverwaltung.-Die Probleme der Rechtsdogmatik um das sog. Leistungsverwaltungsrecht.
著者
木村 邦博
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1993, no.45, pp.92-96,334, 1993

Students of "law and economics" adopt the rational choice approach. The approach contributes to giving an explanation of unintended consequences which result from aggregation of individuals' rational decisions or behaviors under the constraint of the law. However, it fails to explain why and how the law itself is established. Game theoretical models which formulate the problem of pollution caused by the use of metal-studded tires exemplify the possibility and the limit of the approach.
著者
久武 綾子
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1964, no.16, pp.81-106,147, 1964

以上の調査結果は、<br>(1) 調査区は、いずれも職業別人口構成を異にするが、総括的にみると、推計学的に検定した結果も統計上の有為差は、一部の統計結果を除き、殆んど認められなかったので、本調査の地域差は期待に反し、顕著な差ではないことがわかった。<br>(2) 婚姻届出日と第一子出生日との隔たりについての統計結果から、妊娠または出産を契機として入籍するという一慣行、すなわち、事実婚より法律婚への転機の一原因が実証された。このことは、戦前は勿論、戦後も意外に多いことがわかった。<br>(3) 婚姻の届出が第一子の出生後、出生届の期間内の一四日までになされる率は、いずれの時代でも相当数を占め、最近でもこのような例は稀でないことがわかった。<br>(4) 婚姻成立後、九~一〇月で子の出生をみる傾向は、最近になってようやくあらわれた。<br>(5) 古い時代はとくに、現在でも内縁期間中の懐胎が相当多く、これは挙式後婚姻の届出がすぐに行なわれなかったためである。<br>(6) 挙式日と出生日との隔たりについての統計結果は、時代の推移にかかわらず一〇月にピークがみられる。<br>(7) 社会生活上、挙式は重大な規範であり、厳守されているが、その反面、制度としての婚姻の届出は、おくれがちであることが実証された。<br>(8) 婚姻の届出は、挙式後一ケ月までになされる率が、調査区および調査期間とは関係なく一番多かった。<br>(9) 以上、これらの調査結果から、婚姻にみられる慣習規範と、二、三の慣行が統計的に裏づけられた。<br>(10) 本調査により、大都市における婚姻と届出に対する一般市民の実態が明らかになったが、今後は、調査地を農村に求めてこれと比較するとともに、進んでは、届出制度そのものに対する法社会学的背景を探究するための若干の調査と考察を試みたいと思う。
著者
戒能 民江
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2001, no.54, pp.94-96,259, 2001-03-30 (Released:2009-01-15)

There are various implications which included in making women's experiences in sexual violence to be social issue. First, it includes violence of human rights of women. Secondly, it means gender motivated violence, and thirdly it justifies the victim's rights to restore the human dignity and independence. Therefore there should be created criminal justice system for protecting women from sexual violence as well as reform of rape law into which reflects the reality of victim's situation. At the same time, the attitude of jurisprudence should be more gender sensitive.
著者
エイベル リチャードL 藤本 亮
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1998, no.50, pp.214-234,282, 1998-03-20 (Released:2009-01-15)
参考文献数
68

The feminist campaign against pornography, the furor over racial epithets, and Iran's death threat against Salman Rushdie exemplify the passions aroused by hurtful speech. Such conflicts are increasingly pervasive and intractable. Sociological theories of symbolic politics illuminate such confrontations as struggles for respect among status categories defined by nationality, religion, race, gender, sexual orientation and physical difference. The two conventional responses to harmful speech-civil libertarianism and state regulation-both are fundamentally flawed. Only apologies exchanged within the communties that construct collective identities can readjust their social standing and thereby equalize cultural capital.
著者
上野 裕久
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1954, no.5, pp.137-154, 1954-04-30 (Released:2009-04-03)
参考文献数
11