著者
沼崎 一郎
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2004, no.60, pp.101-116,235, 2004-03-30 (Released:2010-04-15)
参考文献数
8

This article argues that the concept of sexual harassment poses a radical challenge to the principles of objectivity and universality that underlie modern law by putting the emotional state of the alleged victim (his/her feeling of "not wanting" or "unwelcoming" the sexual advance of the alleged offender) as the sole criterion of whether the victim's right to sexual freedom is violated or not and thereby "subjectifies" the right claims. This article also argues that the concept of domestic violence poses exactly the same challenge to modern law by defining violence as a means used by one spouse for generating fear in the other in order to dominate her/him. Here again, subjective state of mind-fear-is postulated as the criterion of whether an act of violence is committed or not. By "subjectifying" the right claims, the two concepts of sexual harassment and domestic violence radically individualizes and particularizes the criteria of wrongness of conduct. Ostensibly same conduct may or may not be judged as harassment or violence by the alleged victim depending on his/her subjective assessment of the act. The two concepts challenge the basic presupposition underlying modern law, namely, universal application of objective and conduct-based standards in deciding on the criminality or tort damages. The two concepts call for a new radically victim-centered standard of misconduct that places the victim's sense of repulsion and fear as the sole criterion of harassment and violence. This article finally argues that in the context of a relationship of unequal power the stronger party is held liable for extra care not to offend or threaten the weaker party.
著者
野口 裕二
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2004, no.60, pp.139-152,237, 2004-03-30 (Released:2010-04-15)
参考文献数
13

This paper considers how the sufferings in our age are socially constructed and how we can overcome them and create an alternative story based on the narrative approach. Sufferings have been gradually regarded as some psychological entities such as Traumatic Stress or PTSD. This process can be called "psychologizing of reality" or "internalizing of sufferings" These require us to consult with a psychological or psychiatric expert and then the sufferings are individualized, personalized, and pathologized without considering its social origins or backgrounds. Against these conditions, narrative approaches propose some new strategies: externalizing of the problem to invalidate or de-construct the dominant story of sufferings, providing a narrative community to encourage sufferers to tell the alternative story on their lived experience. Suffering and overcoming are not psychological entities but social products through our everyday discursive practices. Narrative approaches show us the new way to understand sufferings and to listen sufferers' narratives against the dominant discourse.

18 0 0 0 OA 性暴力と法

著者
角田 由紀子
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2001, no.54, pp.44-58,259, 2001-03-30 (Released:2009-01-15)
参考文献数
11

The situation regarding victims of sexual violence has dramatically changed in this decade in Japan. Mainly women activists who addressed the issue of victim's rights of sexual violence have made this change. The number of victims who seek legal remedies has increased. This movement has made it clear that our legal system has not worked well for giving them appropriate remedies.In the field of criminal law, rape is still determined under the influence of the patriarchal ideology. For example, rape is determined whether a victim made utmost resist against her offender. This way of determination can release rapists who know the victims, because in those cases it is more difficult for them to resist strongly. In addition, it is not likely for the victims of non-stranger rape to report the rape to the police. Victims still have faced the victim-blaming attitude of the society as a whole as well as a legal system itself. The above mentioned problem of the criminal law has also been seen in civil cases in which victims are demanding compensations from offenders. This happened particularly in sexual harassment lawsuits. The cases in which plaintiffs were defeated were determined by judges who relied on so called rape myth. Another problem of the civil cases is low amount of compensation, even though in some cases we can see relatively high amount of it.The root cause of the problem is that there is merely education of sexual discrimination in the legal department of universities and the Legal Research and Training Institute run by the Supreme Court. The change of the issue of women's rights, which happened internationally in this decade, has not yet reached those educational bodies for lawyers.
著者
牟田 和恵
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1993, no.45, pp.252-255,321, 1993

It has been stressed that in modern Japan, Goverment utilized institutions of "Ie", traditional type of family, and patriarchal moral of Confucianism for mobilizing people's obedience to Emperor and the state.<br>But modern type of families, of which characteristics are domesticity and affectionate relationship between family members has emerged since middle of Meiji era, and this type of family was also utilized as tools of control over people by Goverment. In this paper, this will be proved by analysing textbooks on ethics used in 1870-1945.
著者
岡野 八代
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2006, no.64, pp.60-76,276, 2006

Legal recognition of same-sex marriage is one of the biggest political issues of gay and lesbian movements in both Canada and the U.S. While same-sex marriage was legalized in July 2005 in Canada; the equal right to marriage for gays and lesbians is far from being established in the U.S., as suggested by the debates during the 2004 elections. What makes so much difference between the two countries on this issue? In searching for a key to answer this question, this paper intends to trace the difference to different understandings of "the politics of recognition."<br>Comparing theories of "the politics of recognition" in Canada and the U.S., as represented by two distinguished thinkers, Nancy Fraser and Charles Taylor, this paper explores the critical points made by each thinker and the inevitable dilemma which "the politics of recognition" reveals. Unlike Fraser's argument that claims for social justice since the 90s are increasingly divided into two conflicted claims-one seeking redistributive justice and the other, the politics of recognition-Taylor points out that "the politics of recognition" is deeply rooted in the modern liberalism, especially the politics of equal respect.<br>Following the Hegelian idea of constructing self-consciousness, Taylor views recognition by others as crucial for self-formation, and misrecognition as fatal to it, especially in the modern age. Through the recent changes in the gay and lesbian movement in Canada, we can realize that seeking equal rights under the law paradoxically de-politicizes the claims of the liberation movement of the 70s, and worse than that, forces the multiple actors into the single category listed in the law.<br>"The politics of recognition" à la Taylor discloses that "identity politics" does not result from claims for recognition, but from claims for equal respect. Or rather, a superficial understanding of self formation under the politics of equal respect and uncritical belief in the reversibility of a self and others gets claims for recognition more acute and serious in the modern age.
著者
阿部 浩己
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2002, no.56, pp.66-83,275, 2002-03-30 (Released:2009-01-15)
参考文献数
51

Breaking five decades of silence, Asian women courageously emerged in the public arena as survivors of Japanese military sexual slavery. The immediate response of the Japanese ruling elite was a blatant disregard of their voices and yet another imposition of silence. Under the circumstances, one fundamental challenge facing international legal scholarship is to make an inquiry into the legal implication of silence consistently forced on victimized survivors. It necessarily ignites a process of re-examining the value premises which dictate the purposes and beneficiaries of the international law.Behind the forced silence is classical liberalism, the dominant theory of international legal studies. Justifying legal regulation based on the ideas of consent, liberty and equality of states, classical liberalism continuously reproduces the preeminent concept of elitism in international society. The fulcrum of this theory may be broken down into four "isms": euro-centrism, andro-centrism, statism and presentism. Under the pretense of objectivism and stability of legal order, classical liberalism strenuously backs up the ruling elites' inhumane response of suppressing survivors' desperate calls.Vibrant streams increasingly visible in international legal scene in the 1990', represented inter alia by the Australian-led feminist school, effectively debunks the value premises of mainstream international legal studies, thus leading a world-wide movement to "open up" otherwise closed international law. Deliberately un-silencing voices of the "Others", i.e. non-Europeans, women, citizens and the past (and the future) generations, the new movement has brought forth a welcoming progress in international law in such areas as human rights and humanitarian law. Commonly observed in a number of litigations filed by survivors of Japanese military sexual slavery against the culpable government is a call for the deconstruction of international law so that the voices of the Others are secured therein. Clearly, their call synchronizes the world-wide legal movement to reshape international law.This essay is intended to portray the value premises and legal implications behind international law arguments presented in connection with the issue of Japanese military sexual slavery. Reference is made as well to a Peoples' Tribunal, the Women's International War Crimes Tribunal 2000 in Tokyo, which in the view of the author, is a manifestation of the dynamic process to open up international law to citizens and women, whose agonies have been unheeded in the state-centered, patriarchal international legal scene.
著者
岡野 八代
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2006, no.64, pp.60-76,276, 2006-03-30 (Released:2012-06-20)
参考文献数
35

Legal recognition of same-sex marriage is one of the biggest political issues of gay and lesbian movements in both Canada and the U.S. While same-sex marriage was legalized in July 2005 in Canada; the equal right to marriage for gays and lesbians is far from being established in the U.S., as suggested by the debates during the 2004 elections. What makes so much difference between the two countries on this issue? In searching for a key to answer this question, this paper intends to trace the difference to different understandings of "the politics of recognition."Comparing theories of "the politics of recognition" in Canada and the U.S., as represented by two distinguished thinkers, Nancy Fraser and Charles Taylor, this paper explores the critical points made by each thinker and the inevitable dilemma which "the politics of recognition" reveals. Unlike Fraser's argument that claims for social justice since the 90s are increasingly divided into two conflicted claims-one seeking redistributive justice and the other, the politics of recognition-Taylor points out that "the politics of recognition" is deeply rooted in the modern liberalism, especially the politics of equal respect.Following the Hegelian idea of constructing self-consciousness, Taylor views recognition by others as crucial for self-formation, and misrecognition as fatal to it, especially in the modern age. Through the recent changes in the gay and lesbian movement in Canada, we can realize that seeking equal rights under the law paradoxically de-politicizes the claims of the liberation movement of the 70s, and worse than that, forces the multiple actors into the single category listed in the law."The politics of recognition" à la Taylor discloses that "identity politics" does not result from claims for recognition, but from claims for equal respect. Or rather, a superficial understanding of self formation under the politics of equal respect and uncritical belief in the reversibility of a self and others gets claims for recognition more acute and serious in the modern age.
著者
橋本 祐子
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2006, no.65, pp.82-95,254, 2006-09-30 (Released:2012-06-20)
参考文献数
40

The purpose of this article is to examine the libertarian theory on punishment, which claims that punishment should be reduced to restitution.What is the problem with punishment? Libertarians claim that the most serious problem is that it is unjust to crime victims. Under the punishment system, crime victims cannot be paid restitution. Further, the cost of administrating prisons is paid from money collected through tax, which is borne by citizens, including crime victims. This means that a double burden is placed on crime victims.What is the conception of justice that law must achieve? From the libertarian viewpoint, the most important issue is corrective justice. Corrective justice requires that restitution be provided to crime victims. To that end, restitution, not punishment, should be the main negative sanction.According to those who hold the view that restitution is an alternative to punishment, criminal liability should be reduced to civil liability. Such a view attempts to overcome the traditional thought that civil law must be clearly distinguished from criminal law, which is the main reason why crime victims have been overlooked in the Japanese criminal justice system. Moreover, it can offer a foundation for crime victims to have the right to seek restitution. Therefore, this view is highly significant in contemporary Japan because it can provide a perspective to criticize the present situation, in which justice is not delivered to crime victims.
著者
高橋 哲哉
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2002, no.56, pp.16-25,273, 2002

In the last decade of the 20th century, two significant events were held to deal with the pasts which were profoundly traumatized by the crimes against humanity; The Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the Republic of South Africa and the Women's International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan's Military Sexual Slavery.<br>The former avoided the "Nuremberg Option", that is the trial of criminals, in giving priority to establish the national unity and reconciliation. Amnesty was granted to the persons who had made full confession of the truth about their criminal acts with political objectives in the period of Apartheid. This principle of "justice without punishment" was guided not only by some inevitable "material" conditions in the new-born Country, but also by the philosophy of "forgiveness" in its hegelien or arendtien version.<br>By contrast, the latter declared itself to be a renewal of "Tokyo Tribunal" in order to end the culture of impunity. Three days of trial produced the judgement according to which the Japanese Imperial Army' s "comfort women" stations and wartime sexual violence constituted crimes against humanity and the Supreme Commander of the Army and Navy, Emperor Hirohito did have legal responsibilities. Thus the Women's Tribunal, without real judicial effect, contested both the post-war Japanese culture of impunity about war crimes and the international culture of impunity about crimes against women in war.<br>These two events can be highly appreciated as those which offered public spaces where the voices of victims and perpetrators could be heard seriously for the first time.
著者
沼崎 一郎
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2004, no.60, pp.101-116,235, 2004

This article argues that the concept of sexual harassment poses a radical challenge to the principles of objectivity and universality that underlie modern law by putting the emotional state of the alleged victim (his/her feeling of "not wanting" or "unwelcoming" the sexual advance of the alleged offender) as the sole criterion of whether the victim's right to sexual freedom is violated or not and thereby "subjectifies" the right claims. This article also argues that the concept of domestic violence poses exactly the same challenge to modern law by defining violence as a means used by one spouse for generating fear in the other in order to dominate her/him. Here again, subjective state of mind-fear-is postulated as the criterion of whether an act of violence is committed or not. By "subjectifying" the right claims, the two concepts of sexual harassment and domestic violence radically individualizes and particularizes the criteria of wrongness of conduct. Ostensibly same conduct may or may not be judged as harassment or violence by the alleged victim depending on his/her subjective assessment of the act. The two concepts challenge the basic presupposition underlying modern law, namely, universal application of objective and conduct-based standards in deciding on the criminality or tort damages. The two concepts call for a new radically victim-centered standard of misconduct that places the victim's sense of repulsion and fear as the sole criterion of harassment and violence. This article finally argues that in the context of a relationship of unequal power the stronger party is held liable for extra care not to offend or threaten the weaker party.
著者
高田 敏
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1969, no.21, pp.50-82,218, 1969

Inhaltsübersicht<br>1. Die Fragestellung<br>a) Peitsche und Zuckerbrot.<br>b) Der Gegenstand dieses Aufsatzes.<br>2. Die Entstehung der Theorie der Leistungsverwaltung<br>a) Der Dualismus der Verwaltung im bürgerlich-liberalen Rechtsstaat: die hoheitliche Verwaltung und die fiskalische Verwaltung.-Die Teilung der hoheitlichen Verwaltung in die obrigkeitliche Verwaltung bzw. die Eingriffsverwaltung und die schlicht-hoheitliche Verwaltung unter der Weimarer Verfassung.<br>b) Ernst Forsthoffs "Die Verwaltung als Leistungstäger" vom 1938.<br>c) Die Problematik der Forsthoff'schen Theorie der Leistungsverwaltung.<br>3. Die Entwicklung der Theorien der Leistungsverwaltung nach dem 2. Weltkrieg<br>a) Die Wandlung der Forsthoff'schen Theorie der Leistungsverwaltung.<br>b) Der Begriff der Leistungsverwaltung.<br>c) Der Sozialstaatsgedanke als Grundlage der Theorie der Leistungsverwaltung.<br>4. Die Leistungen und die öffentliche Sicherheit<br>a) Die Leistungsverwaltung und die Sicherheitspolitik in einigen Sozialstaatstheorien.<br>b) Die Problematik der Theorie der Leistungsverwaltung. Die Rollen, die die Theorien der Leistungsverwaltung spielen.-Die Problematik des Begriffs der Leistungsverwaltung.-Die Probleme der Rechtsdogmatik um das sog. Leistungsverwaltungsrecht.
著者
木村 邦博
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1993, no.45, pp.92-96,334, 1993

Students of "law and economics" adopt the rational choice approach. The approach contributes to giving an explanation of unintended consequences which result from aggregation of individuals' rational decisions or behaviors under the constraint of the law. However, it fails to explain why and how the law itself is established. Game theoretical models which formulate the problem of pollution caused by the use of metal-studded tires exemplify the possibility and the limit of the approach.
著者
久武 綾子
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1964, no.16, pp.81-106,147, 1964

以上の調査結果は、<br>(1) 調査区は、いずれも職業別人口構成を異にするが、総括的にみると、推計学的に検定した結果も統計上の有為差は、一部の統計結果を除き、殆んど認められなかったので、本調査の地域差は期待に反し、顕著な差ではないことがわかった。<br>(2) 婚姻届出日と第一子出生日との隔たりについての統計結果から、妊娠または出産を契機として入籍するという一慣行、すなわち、事実婚より法律婚への転機の一原因が実証された。このことは、戦前は勿論、戦後も意外に多いことがわかった。<br>(3) 婚姻の届出が第一子の出生後、出生届の期間内の一四日までになされる率は、いずれの時代でも相当数を占め、最近でもこのような例は稀でないことがわかった。<br>(4) 婚姻成立後、九~一〇月で子の出生をみる傾向は、最近になってようやくあらわれた。<br>(5) 古い時代はとくに、現在でも内縁期間中の懐胎が相当多く、これは挙式後婚姻の届出がすぐに行なわれなかったためである。<br>(6) 挙式日と出生日との隔たりについての統計結果は、時代の推移にかかわらず一〇月にピークがみられる。<br>(7) 社会生活上、挙式は重大な規範であり、厳守されているが、その反面、制度としての婚姻の届出は、おくれがちであることが実証された。<br>(8) 婚姻の届出は、挙式後一ケ月までになされる率が、調査区および調査期間とは関係なく一番多かった。<br>(9) 以上、これらの調査結果から、婚姻にみられる慣習規範と、二、三の慣行が統計的に裏づけられた。<br>(10) 本調査により、大都市における婚姻と届出に対する一般市民の実態が明らかになったが、今後は、調査地を農村に求めてこれと比較するとともに、進んでは、届出制度そのものに対する法社会学的背景を探究するための若干の調査と考察を試みたいと思う。

1 1 0 0 OA 理性の射程

著者
嶋津 格 森池 豊武
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1992, no.44, pp.2-17,341, 1992-04-30 (Released:2009-01-15)
参考文献数
16

It is illuminating for the understanding of Hayek's theory of law to summarize his arguments for the refutation of socialism, or collectivist economic planning, which were started in as early as 1935 and have constantly been enriched till his latest Fatal Conceit. His theory of law is laid as one of the cornerstones of the normative part of his entire social theory, in which individual freedom under the rule of law is contrasted with serfdom in collectivism. But although his line of thought is attractive enough, I find his theory about what the law in the era of active legislation should be like not very clear and open to our imaginative interpretations. So, in order to proceed in the task of giving a more explicit Hayekian conception of legislative law, I start from his idea about what legislation should not be like, which is quite unequivocal.
著者
和田 幹彦
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2005, no.62, pp.41-53,191, 2005-03-30 (Released:2011-04-13)
参考文献数
15

Genetic sciences, especially in the area of molecular biology, pose serious challenges and problems to us in the 21st Century. Genetic information of individuals gives new hopes and worries to patients and their families in their medical decision-makings. New technologies may also make human germline engineering possible and safe in the near future.The first half of the paper discusses the autonomy of patients and of their families in medical decision-makings, while we face awesome developments in genetics and genetic information. If a simple informed consent represented the autonomy in the last decades of the 20th Century, should our autonomy in the 21st Century include our right (or duty) of letting our family and relatives know of their potential genetic information and genetic (advantages or) risks? Should it also include our and their right to "remain in blessed ignorance"? The novelty facing us in this century is that newly accessible genetic information of individuals (1) does not change, in that his DNA sequences stay the same life-long, (2) does not necessarily indicate the current physical condition, but could predict probabilities of certain diseases, (3) may lead to such prediction that may bring about discrimination, and finally, (4) may lead to presumptions on genetic information and conditions of families and relatives. The individual autonomy in this century, therefore, may afflict and conflict with the autonomy of others, even more than it did in the last century. The paper cites and discusses in details a lawsuit decided on April 25, 2003 in Tokyo District Court, then later on January 27, 2005 in Tokyo High Court, where the plaintiffs (parents) were awarded generous compensation for not being informed by physician (s) of genetic risks of having new babies, even after their first born had a severe genetic disease. The paper proposes that professional genetic counseling would be a key solution to such newly arising (legal) problems of this century.The second half of this paper discusses reproductive human cloning and germline engineering, i.e. "Designer Children." Japan, in step with several other countries, prohibited reproductive cloning by law. There still are, however, limitations to the current regulation of genetic technologies in the international community. This paper discusses the recent "trial and error" by an Ad Hoc Committee and Sixth Committee of the United Nations General Assembly on an International Convention Against the Reproductive Cloning of Human Beings. They failed to agree on this treaty to ban reproductive human cloning despite the prevalent consensus that cloning babies should be prevented. The paper discusses then how the miscarriage of the International Convention might have closed the path to a future multilateral agreement to regulate or prohibit germline engineering. The discussions cover the "charm" as well as the risk, and the pros and cons of designing children. The paper contends that any potential regulation of germline engineering must consist of pragmatic measures that are viable within existing legal and social structures.Finally, the paper discusses how law and regulation, including timely provision of appropriate genetic counselors and counseling, might fail to keep up with the rapid development of science and technology. A common criticism voiced in Japan is that law, legal regulation, and social controls cannot level with the fast development of science and technology. The solution would be proposing and stockpiling possible and pragmatic measures well in advance, before another Dolly II the Designer Sheep would alarm us. Also, we probably should not expect a one and only truthful answer to all the bioethical questions on novel biotechnology and life sciences. Diversity, be it on the national or the international level, requires and should tolerate diverse responses to those questions.
著者
吉川 真美子
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2001, no.55, pp.159-174,250, 2001-09-30 (Released:2009-01-15)
参考文献数
18

The legal responses to domestic violence (hereinafter DV) in the States drastically changed from no-intervention to pro-arrest policy in the last quarter of the 20th century. The feminist movement since the 1970s, Minneapolis Experiment in 1984 and the following experimental projects affected very much the formation of judicial policy to confront DV. Epoch-making in this stream was the legislation of the Violence Against Women Act in 1994.The arrest of DV perpetrators, though its deterrent effect having been questioned, has different meanings for victims, investigators and judges respectively. They have practical interests to pursue, 'safety' for victims, 'successful prosecution' for investigators and 'deterrent to crime' for judges. The pro-arrest policy is the result of politics with contestation and coordination of these interests. In the process of such politics, the theory of 'gender' functions to analyze power structures of the society. It also highlights the subordination of 'personal life' to 'public structure' given the priority in the judicial system. The purpose of this paper is to overview the arrest policy of DV perpetrators as the response to 'gender-based violence' and to find some key to overcome the coercion of gender structure embedded in judicial process.
著者
松本 克美
出版者
The Japanese Association of Sociology of Law
雑誌
法社会学 (ISSN:04376161)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2000, no.53, pp.165-179,249, 2000-12-20 (Released:2009-01-15)
参考文献数
65

In disen zwanzig Jahren sind viele Prozesse für Lungestaub und Kriegsentschädigung gemacht worden. Ich gehe auf Zurückbringen der Lösung der Konflikten durch Verjährung und Ausschulssfristen in disen Prozesse ein. Dabei lege ich Gewicht auf Reife der Bedingungen der Rechtsausübung. In disen Prozesse war es lang schwierig, dass man seine Rechte ausüben. Ich denke, dass die Beklagten die Verjärung und Ausschlussfristen in disen Prozesse nicht berufen und behaupten konnen, weil es unzulässige Rechtsausübungist Und man soll darauf eingehen, die Konflikt durch Gesetzgebung auflösen.