著者

中村 登志哉 NAKAMURA Toshiya

出版者

名古屋大学大学院国際言語文化研究科

雑誌

言語文化論集 (ISSN:03886824)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.105-124, 2013-10-28

著者

久木田 水生 大澤 博隆 藤原 広臨 林 秀弥 平 和博 伊藤 孝行 大谷 卓史 笹原 和俊 中村 登志哉 村上 祐子 唐沢 穣

出版者

名古屋大学

雑誌

基盤研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

2019-04-01

---

本研究は、第一に、インターネット上の悪質な情報の流通とそれに起因する現代の諸問題の根本的な要因・メカニズム・影響を明らかにする。第二に、そのような問題に対処するための新しい情報リテラシーの概念を探求し、その基礎になる技術哲学理論を構築する。第三にその概念と理論に則した情報リテラシー向上のための方法を探求する。このことによって本研究は情報技術と社会が互いに調和しながら発展していくことに貢献する。

著者

中村 登志哉

出版者

名古屋大学大学院国際言語文化研究科

雑誌

メディアと社会 (ISSN:18800831)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.1-13, 2014-03-31

著者

中村 登志哉

出版者

名古屋大学

雑誌

名古屋大學法政論集 (ISSN:04395905)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.260, pp.189-209, 2015-02-25

---

本論文は、平成23-26年度科学研究費補助金基盤研究(A)(課題番号23243026)「日米特殊関係による東アジア地域再編の政治経済史研究」の助成を受けた研究成果の一部である。

著者

中村 登志哉

出版者

県立長崎シーボルト大学

雑誌

県立長崎シーボルト大学国際情報学部紀要 (ISSN:13466372)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.199-212, 2005-12-20

---

The triangular relationship between foreign and security policy, mass media and public opinion has increasingly drawn attention of scholars; Yet few research has been conducted in this regard. This study thus discusses Japanese foreign and security policy making process in the wake of the Gulf Crisis/War in 1990/91, in particular the miscarriage of the United Nations Peace Cooperation Bill. The study examines three issues: what did Japanese mass media consider newsworthy in the wake of the Gulf Crisis? In contrast, what did overseas media report on the matter? How did Japanese media influence public opinion as well as foreign and security policy making? Finally, it aims to identify the interrelationships between foreign and security policy making process, mass media in Japan and overseas and public opinion.

著者

中村 登志哉

出版者

国際安全保障学会

雑誌

国際安全保障 (ISSN:13467573)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.1-18, 2021-03-31 (Released:2022-04-01)

著者

中村 登志哉

出版者

日本EU学会

雑誌

日本EU学会年報 (ISSN:18843123)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.29, pp.203-221, 2009 (Released:2011-12-01)

---

This paper analyses German foreign and security policy under the Merkel government, especially Germany's role and involvement in European security architectures. By comparing NATO out-of-area deployment of Bundeswehr, German forces, in EU and NATO operations, the study discusses challenges and dilemmas that Germany has faced in cooperating with these organizations. As Europe's own security policies such as Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and then European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) have developed, Germany has been actively involved in operations in the framework of these policies. Germany has also participated in emerging EU operations; the Merkel government eventually led Operation EUFOR RD Congo in 2006. As European operations have evolved in the areas of peacekeeping and crisis management so far, Germany has not encountered dilemmas in dispatching armed forces overseas. It rather welcomed EU operations that have civilian character as German Basic Law sets a certain conditions in deploying its forces overseas. Because of this limitation, Germany is referred as ‘civilian power’ that has strategic culture of ‘anti-militarism’. Thus, Germany will actively support further evolution of the European security architecture with such a civilian character. On the contrary, Germany under the Merkel government has encountered dilemmas in dispatching forces to NATO operations. In particular, German behaviours in International Security Assistance Forces (ISAF) in Afghanistan have increasingly attracted criticism from other NATO member states after a failure in Operation Medusa in 2006. Since then, Germany has been under pressure of sending units to the southern area of Afghanistan that is considered to be more dangerous and of engaging in combat operations. So far, German government has expanded its military commitments in Afghanistan in a series of small steps. For example, Berlin has decided to dispatch Tornado jets to the south. Pressure for increasing presence of the German forces in the south has not halt, although Germany has avoided combat operations because of the Basic Law. While increased presence would highlight continued German engagement and thus mitigate criticism from NATO allies, it would prove unpopular among Germans who have registered significant public opposition to the Afghan campaign. Germany under the Merkel government confronts with the dilemmas between maintaining solidarity and credibility with the allies and managing domestic public opinion.