著者
宮 紀子
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.91, pp.450-309, 2016-12

This paper is translation and annotation on 1280's edict "which prohibited for sarta'ul (Muslims and Jews) to slaughter sheep by slitting the throat and to perform the sunnat (circumcision) 禁囘囘抹殺羊做速納" preserved in Yuan dian-chang (57, f. 11a9-f. 11b10.). Reading various primary sources such as Yuan shi 元史, Jāmi'al-Tavārīkh, Il Milione in the original, make clear that promulgation of this edict caused by keen struggle for power and money between two parties ; one was the Muslims led by Ahhmad Fanākatī who was a minion and the Finance Minister of Qubilai-Qa'an 世祖, the other was composed of the high officials and Uighur merchants that were mostly Nestorian Christians and put their hopes on Prince Činkim. The ultimate purpose of this prohibitory decree was to interrupt the former business on a Eurasian scale. In order to slander Ahḥmad' party, it enumerated some instances ; Sufi's rebellions which happened at Bukhara (there were dependencies of Tolui's family.) in Central Asia and another cities under the Hulegu ulus, and Hulegud vizier's betrayals which held secret communication with the Mamluk or Joči's ulus adopting a slogan of Islamic state. It must be far from Qubilai's true intention. Actually, he repealed it as soon as Činkim was confined. The struggle of two parties continued after Qubilai's death. His grandson Ananda not 553 only entered into rivalry with Činkim's son Temur-Qa'an ����宗by exploiting this situation but also attempted to obtain the cooperation of Hulegud Gazan-Qan and Mongol princes of Central Asia for the purpose of becoming next Qa'an. Thus he pretended to be a Muslim. Besides, as supporting evidences for prompt and frequent exchange of information between Dai on yeke Mongγol ulus 大元大蒙古國 and Hulegu's ulus, I furnish some themes such as collecting Buddha's ashes and it' welcome ceremonies, producing Mappa mundi (world map) and Rāh-nāmah (portolano), manufacturing portraits of Mongol royal families and planning capitals. Then I reconsider about the context of many manuscripts of "History of Mongol" in the Jāmi'al-Tavārīkh can be classified into two main groups from miniature painting's angle. Finally I point out a serious scandal that may be one of the causes of discord between Qubilai and Činkim, that is to say, Ayurbarwada-Qa'an 仁宗 was not Qubilai's great-grandson but was his love child.
著者
植松 正
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, pp.49-89, 2015-12

First the author discuss three imperial missions to Japan including Buddhist monks of Pu-tuo-shan 陀山island, such as Ru-zhi 如智with Wang Jun-zhi 王君治1283, Wang Jiweng 王積翁 with Ru-zhi 1284, and Yi-shan-yi-ning 一山一寧 1299. Through the ill success of the second military expedition, Qubilai changed the form of the diplomatic note to send to Japan. We cannot find any menacing reference to possibility of the military aggression against Japan. He expected the civilized background of Buddhism, dispatched a superior monk as a envoy, and tried to persuade Japanese government to dispatch the envoy to the Yuan dynasty. Hereafter the imperial diplomatic note became a kind of a letter of credence. Secondly the author discuss the note from the king of Goryeo. The aim of the note was that Japanese king would dispatch the envoy to the Yuan dynasty. The note has been quoted in The History of Goryeo 高麗 and two manuscripts preserved in Kanesawa-bunko 金澤文庫 or Shōmyōji 稱名寺 temple in Japan. Although both texts should be exactly same, there are considerable differences of the words. Examining two texts, the author found the intentional avoidance about the expression suggesting the downfall of Japan. Besides, there are some places renewed by the expression to promote amity with Goryeo specifically in the text of Kanesawa-bunko. I consider that Gim Yuseong金有成, the envoy from Goryeo, had tampered with the words of the note in order to break the confronting difficult situation.
著者
外村 中
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.95, pp.580-524, 2020-12

Regarding the chronology of Early Buddhism, many researchers have been discussing which to take, the "long" or the "short" chronology, in order to pinpoint the year of Śākyamuni's death. In this article, the author advocates the possibility to accept both chronologies, because they were apparently based on and developed from the same original information. It appears that the history of "118 years" after the death of Śākyamuni was intentionally extended to that of "236 (=118 x 2) years" in the long chronology, and that in it the year of Aśoka's accession was accordingly set as the 219th year, when "218 (=118+100) years" had elapsed. This point seems to have been overlooked in previous studies, but should be taken into account. (1) The year of Aśoka's accession is around 268 BCE. (2) The year of Kanishka's accession, or the 1st year of a Kusāna century, is around 127 CE. (3) Xuanzang's narrative about King Kanishka is reliable. If these three points can be accepted, the above "236 (=118 x 2) years" theory should be adopted as the most likely explanation. As a result, the chronology can be read as following : The year of Śākyamuni's death is around 368 BCE. The date of his death is the autumnal equinox day, the 22nd day of the eighth month of the year in the Indian calendar. Around 268 BCE, the 101st year, when "100 years" had elapsed since Śākyamuni's death, Aśoka acceded to the throne. In the same year, Mahādeva started five modifications of the Buddhist teachings. Around 258 BCE, the 111th year, when "110 years" had elapsed, a group of monks in Vaishālī started ten unlawful matters. Around 252 BCE, the 117th year, when "116 years" had elapsed, the fundamental schism took place. The original Buddhist group was split into two, the Sthaviravāda and the Mahāsāmghika schools. Around 250 BCE, the 119th year, when "118 years" had elapsed, Mahinda arrived in Sri Lanka and introduced Buddhism. In the same year, the Vibhajyavāda school separated from the Sthaviravāda school.
著者
濱野 亮介
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.91, pp.73-100, 2016-12

This paper considers the religious ritual system called the Jili (祭厲) system founded in the early Ming dynasty, and its relationship with Buddhist rituals conducted at Jiangshan (蔣山). Both were rituals conducted for neglected spirits, and were developed and performed from 1368 to 1372. The Jili (祭厲) invoked the content of the Daoist Huang lu zhai (黃籙齋), removing the Daoist priest and taking on the structure of being managed by the Chenghuang shen (城隍神) at the request of regional government officials. The ritual was carried out three times, in 1368, 1369, and 1372. The ritual of 1372 was the largest, and the idea that rituals had already been performed for the neglected spirits at the time of the previous two occasions can be detected. Ming dynasty religious policy was that the Jili (祭厲) was the most fundamental ritual, and institutionalized it as a matter of state policy for regular and nationwide practice. Provisional rituals were conducted in place of it until it could be fully established. After the Jili (祭厲) was established, it was conducted in 1372 as a compilation of the rituals for neglected spirits.
著者
莊 聲
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.88, pp.320-294, 2013-12

Beginning from the Nurhaci era of Aisin Gurun 金國, Manchu people frequently used their own language to tell stories from the Chinese classics. In doing so they used several unique methods to narrate these Chinese tales, among which were included popular novels in the vernacular. Their priority was to make these stories easy to understand, not necessarily to produce strict translations. By the Hongtaiji era of Taizong 太宗, we can detect that the Manchus had acquired a considerable knowledge of Chinese military classics. However texts such as the Liutao 六韜 and Sanlue 三略 were read not out of military necessity, but for the purpose of general edification. The Manchus had also by this time also become very familiar with historical works such as the Tong jian 通鑒 and the Confucian classics (namely Sishu 四書), and the flourishing practice of reading such Chinese books ended up having a great influence on both politics and military practice. However the Manchus did not merely tell stories drawn from Chinese culture. For example among Han Chinese, when welcoming the new year, what most represented the new year was the Nian hua 年畫(a small poster or banner on which is painted various symbols of prosperity and good luck). Using the Di Jian Tu Shuo 帝鑒圖說 as reference book, and employing Han Chinese artisans, the Manchus made their own Nian hua. Furthermore when compiling the Tai zu Shi lu 太祖實錄圖(an illustrated record of the reign of emperor Taizu), Han Chinese artists were also much employed.
著者
冨谷 至
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.88, pp.1-79, 2013-12

During one millennium, from the inception of the Han Statutes (漢律) in the 3rd century BC until the establishment of the Tang Criminal Code (唐律) in the 8th century AD, Chinese codified law changed and developed towards a combination of criminal code (律) and administrative statutes (令). Judged by any criteria within the period in question, this was a considerable achievement.Yet despite being a precocious feat, what sort of resource did the Tang code effectively offer in actual cases of legal judgment? The Code's article on 'judgments and prison sentences' stipulates : "All criminal sentences must cite a formal provision from the Code, Statutes, Regulations, or Ordinances." However, scholars have hitherto found no evidence to verify this requirement in the historical sources of the Tang period. On the other hand, a mass of historical and archeological data from the Han period is available to prove that the demand to cite relevant Han statutes was regularly observed. I argue that these divergent Han and Tang practices arose out of extremely different character and conceptions of law in the two periods. My analysis considers four factors : 1). the changing relationship between the Confucian canon and legal codifications ; 2). the enduring consideration of individual mitigating factors in the application of code articles ; 3). the historical ascent of new social conditions through which to constitute crimes ; 4). the appearance of new ordinances 格 to guide actual practices concerning judgement. I conclude that during this period the concepts underlying the various processes of legal codification developed from what I have called Han norms of adjudication into Tang norms of conduct. This conceptual shift had important implication for the practical business of interpreting and applying the law during the formative period of Chinese imperial government.
著者
室寺 義仁
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.88, pp.442-423, 2013-12

In the cultural sphere of the Pāli canons the three sutta-phrases that have been transmitted are "all compounded things are impermanent" (Pāli : sabbe sankhārā aniccā), "all compounded things are suffering" (sabbe sankhārā dukhā), and "all dhammas are without a self" (sabbe dhammā anattā), which originate from the words of the Buddha (see the Dhammapada, vv. 277-279 in the Chap. XX 'magga'). As is known from the appearance of these three phrases among the sayings of Aññā-Kondañña (see the Theragāthā, vv. 676-678), who would become the Buddha's first disciples at the time of his first sermon, the Pāli transmission of the three phrases has been believed to the present to possess the three marks (tilakkhana) of the Buddha's teaching for those following his path. On the contrary, in the Chinese linguistic cultural sphere the three phrases "all conditioned things are impermanent" (Skt. : sarvasam skārā anityā), "all dharmas are without a self" (sarvadharmā anātmānah), and "nirvān a is peace" (śāntamnirvānam) have their source in the Buddha's words and are sūtra-phrases used by the Buddha's disciples led by Ānanda soon after his parinirvān a as part of a new trend of thought from "all is suffering" to "nirvān a is peace" (see the Sam yuktāgama, No. 262). These three phrases were fixed during the first period of translation in China of the Āgamas and the Sarvāstivādin Ābhidharmic literature from around the end of the 3rd century to the first half of the 4th century. Concerning the term 三法印, the original Sanskrit is, as far as we know, a newly coined word, dharmamudrā trilaks an ā, used by the Buddhist poet Mātr cet a to poetically evoke non-self, momentariness, and peace in the first verse of the sixth chapter Avivādastava of the Varm ārhan astotra in about the 2nd century.
著者
外村 中
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.93, pp.280-205, 2018-12

The Buddha-avatamsaka-sūtra (also : Avatamsaka-sūtra or Flower Adornment Sutra) with the teaching about Buddha Vairocana is thought to have been compiled in Northwestern India or Central Asia by the end of the 4th century CE at the latest. At present there is no complete version of the original Sanskrit sutra available. On the other hand, two full versions of Chinese translations are still extant : one is the so-called 60 fascicle Huayanjing made in the 5th century CE and the other is the so-called 80 fascicle Huayanjing in the 7th century CE. In East Asia, the Buddha-avatamsaka-sūtra has been considered as one of the most fundamental Mahāyāna sutras. However, due to the fact that the essential information is extremely fragmented and dispersed over the pages of the long texts, up to the present the two Chinese versions' contents concerning the buddha body and the universe have not been clearly understood by modern scholars yet. In order to establish a working basis for comparative discussion in the fields of history of science, arts and culture as well as religious studies, relevant fragments of information were extracted from both versions, organized and analyzed for this paper, coming to the following result : Concerning the issues, the basic idea of the Buddha-avatamsaka-sūtra apparently was established around the beginning of the second century CE or earlier. The original Sanskrit sutra seems to have been the earliest Mahāyāna scripture that explained an idea of a full picture of the universe in relation to the twofold buddha body. The sutra showed that the dharma body, which embodies the human buddha body, pervades the whole space of the universe. It also described the universe as following : 1) existing as one, 2) having limitless space, 3) having limitless time, 4) having no absolute center (=Buddha Vairocana is preaching not at the center of the universe), 5) being pure, 6) including even the inside of the atmosphere of a planet (=a world with Mt. Sumeru), and 7) really existing as a whole. However, for the 5th century CE version, the issue listed under no. 4) was obviously not translated literally, but intentionally edited to propagate the idea that the universe has an absolute center, where there is a cosmic lotus flower, on which Buddha Vairocana is turning the wheel of the dharma. That being so, it could be said that the 60 fascicle Huayanjing should not be considered as a mere translation but rather understood as a sutra, that was newly created in East Asia with a particular agenda. This new interpretation and possibility would have to be taken into account, especially when analyzing works of East Asian Buddhist art with respect to cosmological context.
著者
向井 佑介
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.88, pp.81-110, 2013-12

This paper will consider the Sinification of the Buddhist stupa, which originated in India, through an examination of archaeological findings, iconographic materials and written documents from early Chinese Buddhism. First, I examine how early Chinese Buddhist temples were planned, and how religious activities were practiced in there. The pagodas at that time were placed in the center of temples and played important role in religious activity. Recent excavation at the northern Wei temple on the western hill of the Yungang 雲岡 caves clarifies that the buildings of this temple consisted of a pagoda placed in a courtyard and a square-shaped monastery surrounding it. This finding indicates that this style of temple, which originated in the Gandharan vihara, was introduced into Chinese Buddhist temples by the late 5th century. In addition, investigation of the Siyuan-fosi 思遠佛寺 temple at Fangshan 方山and the Siyan-fotu 思燕佛圖 temple at Chaoyang 朝陽 proves that the inside of these pagodas were decorated with clay statuary and wall paintings. The inside of these decorated pagodas was a space for not only worship by believers but also meditation by monks, and through these religious practices they prayed for ascending to Tusita 兜率 heaven where Maitreya Bodhisattva 彌勒菩薩 was believed to live. Second, I discuss how people understood the cosmology of Chinese pagodas by fusing the Buddhist perspectives of the universe with traditional Chinese ideas about immortality and ascension. In China, Buddhist stupas were changed into many-storied tall buildings, on the top of which small stupas were placed. This change occurred because the Buddha was thought to be similar to Chinese immortals, and pagodas were built on the model of the tall buildings on which immortals were deified. The objects called Lupan 露盤 on the top of pagodas symbolize the Chinese traditional idea of immortals, as the origin of this term lies not in Buddhist literatures but derives from the word Chenglupan 承露盤, dew basins on the top of the tall buildings for immortals. On the other hand, pagodas, at that time, were sometimes united with Mt. Sumeru 須彌山, and people desired to ascend to Tushita heaven of Maitreya Bodhisattva through this mythic mountain. Connecting heaven and earth, pagodas embodied ideas about immortality and ascension, and increased peoples' belief in them.
著者
矢木 毅
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, pp.145-171, 2015-12

In Joseon Korea, only the king could pass a sentence of death and give the order for the execution of condemned criminals ; because of this, he would take great care in such legal proceedings. In particular, he would order the Board of Punishments to examine a case and the State Council to re-examine it before he approved a sentence of death. Moreover, he would order treble retrials before he approved the execution of condemned criminals. These proceedings were taken from the system described in the Confucian classics. The second of the treble retrials was just a screening, so substantial deliberation only occurred in the first and third retrials. Besides, it was not uncommon that the proceedings of treble retrials were completely skipped over. First, these proceedings were not followed in wartime cases. Second, trials for felons were conducted by the officials of the "three departments, " who acted on behalf of the king himself. Therefore, the king received full information from the "three departments, " so there was no need for him to re-examine a case. Finally, condemned criminals, for whose crimes immediate execution was prescribed in the penal code, were immediately executed in the late Joseon period, even though the procedure of the treble retrials was originally required by the law. The sovereignty of the king, however, was restricted in the case of "border crossings." Condemned criminals who had committed a crime in China and had been arrested in Korea were executed only after the emperor of the Qing dynasty approved their execution. Therefore, Joseon Korea could be called a dependent of China in terms of legal proceedings.
著者
フォーゲルザング カイ
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, pp.352-329, 2015-12

While a long commentarial tradition has aimed to stress the coherence of classical and canonical Chinese literature, the "composite nature" of early Chinese texts has by now become widely acknowledged. This means that structural analyses rather than unifying commentaries of these texts would seem to be called for. This article examines the text-ual integrity of two Shangshu chapters, "Yao dian" and "Gao Yao mo." Based on an analysis of linguistic usage, it argues that both chapters consist of at least two conflicting parts that appear to be in outright opposition to one another. Simply put, one part seems to represent the perspective of bureaucratic government, while the other one Yao represents charismatic rulership. While these two chapters show very similar patterns of layering, the same cannot be said for other parts of the Shangshu. An analysis of "Lü xing" shows that, while also containing competing voices, its ideological and linguistic fault lines are different from those in "Yao dian" and "Gao Yao mo." The structure of the Shangshu is not easily reduced to a few editors who added recurring layers throughout the entire collection. Rather, it appears that the "composite nature" differs for almost every chapter of the Shangshu : they will all have to be analyzed individually.
著者
土口 史記
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, pp.1-47, 2015-12

This paper focuses on the functions of the cao (曹) in the Qin period and its development, mainly drawing on the Liye Qin slips (里耶秦鯵) excavated in 2002. The duties of the cao were discharged by the prefecture clerk (令史 , or lingshi). The lingshi is a secretary of the prefect (令, or ling) or the deputy prefect (丞, or cheng), and composed the core of the prefectural government, which was called the prefectural court (縣廷, or xianting). Under the xianting's order, administrative affairs are carried out by the prefectural bureaus (官, or guan), and not by the cao. As an administrative organ, the cao does not seem to have existed in the Qin period. The cao has never appeared in Qin legal codes, and there are no entries in the list of local officials for members of the cao. However, a similar list at the end of the Han period clearly lists members of the cao. In the Qin period, the cao appeared only in very limited contexts. When officials sent documents, the addressee was clearly marked by the phrase "this must be opened by a certain cao." In another case, compiled documents, such as account books or administrative reports, were occasionally titled "a certain cao's book/report." The cao thus appeared only in such contexts as a label for documents or as a title for compiled documents. It was simply a unit for handling documents. After the middle of Han period, the function of the cao began to change, and it began to function as an administrative organ. This remarkable change was connected with the emergence of the yuan (掾) and shi (史), categories of officials unique to the cao. At the same time, the cao encroached upon the administrative functions of the guan, thus acquiring substance as an administrative organ.