著者

遠藤 匡俊

出版者

社団法人 東京地学協会

雑誌

地學雜誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.3, pp.421-424, 2004-01-01

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蝦夷地は2度にわたり幕府の直轄地となり,アイヌの風俗・習慣を和人風に変えるという同化政策が実施された。この同化政策によって,アイヌの個人名がアイヌ名(アイヌ語の名)から和名(日本語の名)に改名される和名化が生じた。これまで和名化は,幕府の同化政策によってアイヌ文化が変容する事例として注目されてきた。また,アイヌ社会には「近所に生きている人と同じ名をつけない」という個人名の命名規則が存在していた。個人名の命名にあたって,文字をもたなかったアイヌは,周囲の人々の名を思い浮かべて,同じ名とはならないように配慮したものと考えられる。しかし,従来の研究では,和名化の展開過程は明確ではなく,和名化と命名規則の関係についても必ずしも明確ではなかった。本研究の目的は,アイヌ社会における和名化の展開過程を示した上で,和名化と命名規則の関係について検討することである。

著者

矢ヶ崎 典隆

出版者

Tokyo Geographical Society

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.3, pp.149-166, 1980-06-25 (Released:2010-10-13)

参考文献数

76

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Japanese immigrant agriculturists on the west coast of the United States in the pre-World War II period enjoyed a highly competitive position with their small but labor intensive operations even under social conditions that often discouraged their activities. One of the biggest factors in their competitive success in agriculture was their organizational effectiveness. Ethnic solidarity was maintained by first generation immigrants of most ethnic backgrounds both in fraternal and economic activities and they tended to cluster geographically and by occupation. But the Japanese agriculturists developed especially tight and efficient organizations to meet special needs and to protect themselves in this new and unaccustomed environment.The present paper describes and analyzes the development of Japanese floriculture in the San Francisco Bay Area from its beginnings in the late nineteenth century to the World War II relocation of the Japanese, with special emphasis on grower organizations as a key factor in their success.The early pioneering efforts and success of the immigrants, who were mostly of rural background, invited the participation of other Japanese in commercial flower production. The mild climatic conditions of the Bay Area, especially the absense of temperature extremes, were favorable for cut flower production, and the rapidly growing population created an increasing demand. Although two other ethnic groups, Italians and Chinese, were already in the business when the Japanese first started to grow flowers commercially, the industry itself was not fully organized. The Japanese thus moved into a niche that was waiting to be filled.In the early period the Japanese flower growers were mainly located in the East Bay region, producing carnations, roses and chrysanthemums in greenhouses. Marketing of flowers was undertaken on an individual basis, peddling them from wicker or bamboo baskets carried on the back or by opening flower stands on busy streets, which was generally inefficient and time consuming. As the number of growers increased and production expanded, intense competition developed among them. Gradually they became aware of a need for their own trade organization and marketing facility.

著者

安藤 萬寿男

出版者

Tokyo Geographical Society

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.2, pp.91-106, 1988-04-25 (Released:2009-11-12)

参考文献数

20

被引用文献数

4 3

---

(1) In the lowland of the Kiso, Nagara and Ibi rivers, the people constructed embankments around the villages and arable land for the flood control to protect the villages from the flood. The flood control community is called Waju in Japanese.(2) People have long dwelled in the Waju region and a part of the dike was already built in the ancient time. But it is only in the early 17th century when the main parts of the Waju embankment were established for the first time. The construction of Waju increased since then.(3) When a Waju was established, the earth and sand were accumulated in the river bed. As a result, the river bed became so higher that the embankments were frequently broken in the feudal time. To cope with this situation, they raised the ground level of the building land and there built the mizuya in Japanese for an emergency evacuation. They used mizuya as a temporary house and a store-place of flood. Moreover, they raised the ground level with the earth produced by the digging of a moat in a part of the paddy. Through this procedure, the reduction of the rice production was prevented (horita in Japanese).(4) Since the Meiji era, the extensive river improvements by the government decreased the flood damage. And Waju, which was an unofficial organization in the feudal period, was controlled by a lower branch of the government's river administration.(5) In the Waju region, wet rice fields changed into dry ones in the Showa era. With increasing urbanization and industrialization, it became difficult to maintain the organization of the flood control. On the other hand, a new type of flood has also appeared.

著者

川幡 穂高

出版者

Tokyo Geographical Society

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.1, pp.1-15, 1995-02-25 (Released:2010-11-18)

参考文献数

61

---

Several hundred years of astronomical observations have left no doubt that the Earth's orbit is subject to cyclic variations. While the annual energy receipt of solar radiation over the Earth as a whole is not change, the distribution of this energy, by latitude and by season, is affected by three parameters: an obliquity cycle of 41kyr, an eccentricity cycle of a quasi-period of 100kyr, and a precession cycle of 26kyr.The variance spectrum of the records of foraminiferal δ18O and magnetic susceptibility from Indian Ocean and organic carbon percentage from the equatorial regions of Pacific and Atlantic Oceans shows the well-documented concentrations of power at the orbital periodicities of 100kyr, 41kyr and near 23 and 19kyr. On the other hand, the resolution of the precessional bands in carbonate dissolution index is much less clear than those of obliquity and eccentricity bands. These results show that orbital forcing of global climate has strongly affected global carbon cycle. Detailed analysis of coherency and phase spectrum between δ18O and carbon-related data (i. e., carbon contents and isotopic composition) will improve our understanding global carbon cycle.

著者

薛 自求 松岡 俊文

出版者

公益社団法人 東京地学協会

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.4, pp.734-752, 2008-08-25 (Released:2010-04-27)

参考文献数

22

被引用文献数

28 22

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Several key questions need to be answered when CO2 geological storage is to be undertaken worldwide. How should CO2 be stored underground? Can trapping be assumed in saline formations and can CO2 be retained for long periods safely in the subsurface? The first Japanese pilot-scale CO2 sequestration project in Nagaoka was undertaken to provide answers to these questions. The injection site is located at the Minami-Nagaoka gas field in Nagaoka City, 200km north of Tokyo. Supercritical CO2 was injected into an onshore saline aquifer at a depth of 1,100m. CO2 was injected at a rate of 20 to 40 tonnes per day over an 18-month period, with a cumulative amount of 10,400 tonnes. A series of monitoring activities, which consisted of time-lapse well logging, crosswell seismic tomography, 3D seismic survey and formation fluid sampling, was carried out successfully to monitor CO2 movement in the sandstone reservoir. This paper presents an overview of the results obtained from both field and laboratory studies to examine the spatial-time distribution of CO2 and various trapping mechanisms in the reservoir. CO2 breakthrough at two of the three observation wells was clearly identified by changes in resistivity, sonic P-wave velocity and neutron porosity from time-lapse well logging. Each velocity difference tomogram obtained by crosswell seismic tomography showed a striking anomaly area around the injection well. As the amount of injected CO2 increased, the low-velocity zone expanded preferentially along the formation up-dip direction during the first two monitoring surveys and less change around the CO2-bearing zone could be confirmed from the following surveys. Unfortunately there was no significant change in 3D seismic results due to CO2 injection. The pilot-scale project demonstrated that CO2 can be injected into a deep saline aquifer without adverse health, safety or environmental effects. The Nagaoka project also provides unique data to develop economically viable, environmentally effective options for reducing carbon emissions in Japan.

出版者

公益社団法人 東京地学協会

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.8, pp.496-497, 1923-08-15 (Released:2010-12-22)

著者

日本地学史編纂委員会東京地学協会 今井 功 石山 洋 垣見 俊弘 黒田 和男 谷本 勉 八耳 俊文

出版者

公益社団法人 東京地学協会

雑誌

地學雜誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.105, no.2, pp.215-237, 1996-04-25

参考文献数

173

被引用文献数

6 1

著者

日本地学史編纂委員会 東京地学協会

出版者

Tokyo Geographical Society

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.105, no.2, pp.215-237, 1996-04-25 (Released:2009-11-12)

参考文献数

150

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

飯塚 遼 太田 慧 菊地 俊夫

出版者

公益社団法人 東京地学協会

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.128, no.2, pp.171-187, 2019-04-25 (Released:2019-06-01)

参考文献数

41

被引用文献数

8 5

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With rapid globalisation and urbanisation, urban agriculture is experiencing many changes, for instance, in the preferences of consumers, who require more food security. In many cities across the world, urban agriculture is also positioned for food production and community building. In Japan, interest in urban agriculture has grown steadily, supported by the enactment of an urban agriculture law in 2015. Urban agriculture studies have been a controversial topic of research since around the 2000s in many academic fields, including geography. However, there have been few studies on the relationship between agricultural management, or farmers, and urban residents, although capturing interactions among urban residents as consumers and intentions for consuming urban agricultural space are critical when considering the sustainability of urban agriculture. Interactions are explored between farms and urban residents in the context of diversified agricultural management based on a case study using Kodaira city in the Tokyo Metropolis. Because the area is one of the urban agricultural areas of the Tokyo Metropolis, where many independent farmers survive, Kodaira city is a suitable study area to explore the diversification of farming and communication with urban residents. Literature, such as previous studies, is analysed. Then, public survey data is analysed to illustrate the spatial distribution of agricultural management patterns and classify them. In addition to qualitative analysis from field research, interviews with case farmers reveal the decision making of farmers in adopting specific methods of agricultural management and interactions with urban residents. Hence, interactions between farmers and urban residents exist based on agricultural management in Kodaira city. The classification of interaction styles is based on features of the area in a definite pattern. Such interaction styles prevent excessive competition among farms, attract stable customers, and realise sustainable management. Finally, urban agriculture in Kodaira city is founded on interactions with urban residents through the diversification of agricultural management.

著者

下鶴 大輔

出版者

Tokyo Geographical Society

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.6, pp.782-790, 1989-12-05 (Released:2009-11-12)

参考文献数

37

被引用文献数

4 1

著者

宮井 宏

出版者

Tokyo Geographical Society

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.3, pp.231-247, 1999-06-25 (Released:2010-10-13)

参考文献数

11

---

Meteorological observations have been made since 1881 by a weather station in Kyoto, Japan. Therefore, some approach must be considered to know about tempe ratures before 1881. This paper gives quantitative estimates of the monthly mean of the lowest daily temperature in winter in Kyoto.A long record of dates Lake Suwa, in central Japan, 36°N138°E, 250km from Kyoto, was frozen has been found in the Suwa Shrine Documents by S. Fujiwara and collected by H. Arakawa.A long record of dates of snowfalls was extracted by the author from many old diaries kept in Kyoto.The dates Lake Suwa froze and the first and the last dates of snowfalls in Kyoto bet ween 1881 and 1953 are correlated with the monthly mean of the lowest daily temperature in winter observed in Kyoto. The correlations obtained are applied to estimate winter temperatures in Kyoto before 1881.As a result, two series of winter temperatures are obtained: one deduced from the freezing dates and the other from the dates of snowfalls. The former covers 430 years (1450-1880) and the latter 880 years (1001-1880).The two series give almost identical winter temperatures considering the error involved in the correlation used and the volume of available snowfalling data.The sequence of the 50-year means of temperature obtained from the dates the lake was frozen shows that the mean lowest daily winter (December-March) temperature has been rising incrementally from-0.7°C in 1551 to-0.2°C in 1880.The sequence of the 100-year means of temperature obtained from the dates of snowfalls shows that the mean of the lowest daily winter (December-March) temperature from the year 1101 to 1200 was higher by 0.8°C than one from the year 1001 to 1880.

著者

松本 一已

出版者

公益社団法人 東京地学協会

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.12, pp.688-698, 1931-12-15 (Released:2010-10-13)

著者

坂上 澄夫 八田 明夫

出版者

公益社団法人 東京地学協会

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.3, pp.230-246, 1990

被引用文献数

1

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Recently we had chance to visit Palau Islands two times in 1986 and 1988. The aim of the present article is to introduce the geology including some new evidences investigated by us, and the human history of the islands is also briefly described.<BR>The Aimeliik volcaniclastic rocks, which have been recognized as in the Eocene Aimeliik (=Aimiriki) Formation by the former scientists, from the quarry at Ngeruluobel located at about 1km west of the Palau International Airport terminal at Airai in southern end of Babelthuap Island, are discussed in Cepter V. Many foraminifers, calcareous algae and some corals were found as individuals in the matrix or in the limestone gravels of the volcaniclastic rocks. Among the determinable species of foraminifers, <I>Biplanispira absurda, B, inflata, B. mirabilis, Pellatispira rutteni, Fabiania saipanensis</I> and <I>Discocyclina dispansa</I> were reported from the Matansa Limestone (Upper Eocene) of Saipan, and <I>Gypsina globulus, Eulepidina formosa</I> from the Tagpochau Limestone (Lower Miocene) of Saipan by HANZAWA (1957). It seems there are at least two groups of foraminiferal fauna showing different ages, namely, the Upper Eocene and Lower Miocene (Aquitanian to Burdegalian). Accordingly, the depositional age of the Aimeliik volcaniclastic rocks should be Late Miocene or later.<BR>In Chapter VI, we introduce our study (SAKAGAMI <I>et al</I>., 1987) on the environmental change in some period of the Miocene to Pliocene by the pollen and spore analyses of the Airai lignite-bearing beds in Babelthuap Island.<BR>Lastly the literatures on geological sciences are comprehensively compiled for the convenience to the future study.

著者

丸山 茂徳

出版者

公益社団法人 東京地学協会

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.6, pp.1090-1106, 2012-12-25 (Released:2013-01-07)

参考文献数

52

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The geotectonic division of the Japanese islands has been proposed by Isozaki and Maruyama (1991) such that the eastern extension of the Dabie-Sulu 240-220 Ma collisional UHP-HP belt (DSB) passes through the Korean peninsula to Japan. The corresponding belt in Japan is the Higo-Unazuki-Hitachi-Takanuki belt (HUHTB), because the protoliths are a unique A-type (platform sediments) and the metamorphic facies series belongs to the intermediate-pressure type, in addition to 240-220 Ma of metamorphic ages. Ishiwatari and Tsujimori (2012) claim that Maruyama et al. (2011) did not evaluate a new proposal by Ishiwatri and Tsujimori (2003), who proposed that the DSB extends not to the HUHTB but to the Sangun belt in a complex manner because of the promontory nature of the continental margin. This is a Q-A report requested by Ishiwatari and Tsujimori (2012). In this paper the author first introduces a classification of orogenic belts based on protoliths and its great significance for understanding the history of complex orogenic belts, following the original article by Maruyama et al. (1996), in addition to current topics on the role of tectonic erosion. Preceding the final formation of the collisional orogen, the Pacific-type orogen must have been present structurally above the collisional orogen against the hanging wall of the continent or arc. If not, it suggests the presence of tectonic erosion. Moreover, the size of any of regional metamorphic belt, arc, and TTG belt could be an excellent indicator of the scale of tectonic erosion. The Triassic DSB continues not to Sangun belt, but to the HUHTB, for four reasons: first, the protolith of those belts, second; the nature of regional metamorphism along intermediate-pressure type; third, structural units above and below the HUHTB; and finally, paleogeographic reconstruction of the Triassic North and South China cratons. The tectonic juxtapositions of the four so-called Sangun BS belts —450 Ma, 340 Ma, 250-210 Ma, and 170-180 Ma— against the HUHTB in a narrow zone as klippes can best be interpreted by extensive tectonic erosion.

著者

星埜 由尚

出版者

公益社団法人 東京地学協会

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.129, no.2, pp.227-240, 2020

被引用文献数

4

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<p> The map of Japan drafted by Inoh Tadataka is considered to be the earliest produced from a scientific survey. The descriptions of longitude and latitude are based on astronomical observations, and Inoh's nationwide survey has been considered to be the origin of modern surveys in Japan. However, he did not succeed in determining longitude. Although he had knowledge of a spherical earth, the results of his survey were projected on a plane, not on a spherical surface. The parallels of latitude drawn on his maps are based on an accurate astronomical survey he carried out, but the meridians on his maps are absolutely inconsistent. His survey method also combined traverse and intersection surveys without control points. Therefore, his nationwide survey cannot be considered to be representative of a survey carried out in the modern period. There are many open traverse lines on his maps. These lines generally extend to temples and shrines, although they are not effective for improving the accuracy of the survey. Because temples and shrines might have been important public facilities at that time, the Tokugawa shogunate government probably requested information concerning their locations. He carried out a nationwide survey ten times, but he could not survey the northern half of Ezo island (Hokkaido). It is said that Mamiya Rinzo, who studied survey technology under Inoh Tadataka, surveyed Ezo island and submitted his survey data to Inoh Tadataka, therefore, Inoh's map of Ezo island might be entirely based on Mamiya's data. Further studies are necessary because Mamiya's survey has not been clarified.</p>

著者

坂上 澄夫 八田 明夫

出版者

Tokyo Geographical Society

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.3, pp.230-246, 1990-06-25 (Released:2009-11-12)

参考文献数

99

---

Recently we had chance to visit Palau Islands two times in 1986 and 1988. The aim of the present article is to introduce the geology including some new evidences investigated by us, and the human history of the islands is also briefly described.The Aimeliik volcaniclastic rocks, which have been recognized as in the Eocene Aimeliik (=Aimiriki) Formation by the former scientists, from the quarry at Ngeruluobel located at about 1km west of the Palau International Airport terminal at Airai in southern end of Babelthuap Island, are discussed in Cepter V. Many foraminifers, calcareous algae and some corals were found as individuals in the matrix or in the limestone gravels of the volcaniclastic rocks. Among the determinable species of foraminifers, Biplanispira absurda, B, inflata, B. mirabilis, Pellatispira rutteni, Fabiania saipanensis and Discocyclina dispansa were reported from the Matansa Limestone (Upper Eocene) of Saipan, and Gypsina globulus, Eulepidina formosa from the Tagpochau Limestone (Lower Miocene) of Saipan by HANZAWA (1957). It seems there are at least two groups of foraminiferal fauna showing different ages, namely, the Upper Eocene and Lower Miocene (Aquitanian to Burdegalian). Accordingly, the depositional age of the Aimeliik volcaniclastic rocks should be Late Miocene or later.In Chapter VI, we introduce our study (SAKAGAMI et al., 1987) on the environmental change in some period of the Miocene to Pliocene by the pollen and spore analyses of the Airai lignite-bearing beds in Babelthuap Island.Lastly the literatures on geological sciences are comprehensively compiled for the convenience to the future study.

出版者

公益社団法人 東京地学協会

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.12, pp.862-863, 1906-12-15 (Released:2010-12-22)

著者

井龍 康文

出版者

公益社団法人 東京地学協会

雑誌

地学雑誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.2, pp.iii-iv, 2013-04-25 (Released:2013-05-31)

参考文献数

3

著者

山川 /修治

出版者

公益社団法人 東京地学協会

雑誌

地學雜誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.2, pp.183-195, 1993-04-25

参考文献数

58

被引用文献数

1 5

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Natural disasters in Little Ice Age (<I>c</I>. 1550-1850) and its climatic variations which formed a significant background for the disasters are mentioned. Cool summers due to a prevailing Okhotsk High were characteristic of this period. Cold winters, summer heavy rains and unstable atmospheric conditions also constituted essential features of Little Ice Age. Aerosol ejected by a series of major volcanic eruptions partly prevented solar radiation from reaching the earth' s surface (parasol effect), which resulted in cool and unusual weather. Agriculture, in particular, was vulnerable to bad weather damage. As a result of decreasing direct insolation, sometimes together with lowering temperature and/or locally increasing precipitation, seven major famines occurred during the Edo Era (1663-1868) which approximately coincided with Little Ice Age. Several cases in this paper suggest that natural environment in Little Ice Age was marked by both volcanism and weakened solar activities which &ldquo;Maunder Minimum&rdquo;(1645-1715) represented.

著者

早坂 一郎

出版者

公益社団法人 東京地学協会

雑誌

地學雜誌 (ISSN:0022135X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.55-65_1, 1926

被引用文献数

1