著者

田渕 幸親

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1980, no.9, pp.103-133, 1980-02-25 (Released:2010-03-16)

著者

伊藤 友美

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1997, no.26, pp.113-136, 1997-06-01 (Released:2010-02-25)

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This essay examines the religious significance of Buddhadasa Bhikkhu's (1906-1993) thoughts in contemporary Thai Buddhism. He advocated the understanding and practice of “Dhamma”, instead of the unconscious, routine practices of conventional Buddhism, to annihilate the internal sufferings. His teachings marked an epoch in Thai society.Buddhadasa's trials had historical precedings in the last century. The Thammayut Movement headed by Prince Mongkut had been critical of the ‘superstitious’ beliefs and the lack of knowledge about Buddhist philosophy since the early nineteenth century. His son and successor, Prince Patriarch Wachirayan Warorot continued this movement to promote scriptural knowledge. The authorized understandings of Buddhist doctrine had been diffused through the educational hierarchy of the centralized national sangha by the beginning of this century.Along with this expansion of Buddhist education, questions on the unnatural religious discourses like heaven and hell in the next life were often discussed with suspicion among intellectuals in 1930s. All of three viewpoints on the next life, either positive, negative or neutral, agreed that the moral order of social life in this world would suffer if the actual existence of the next world is denied. It was Buddhadasa who made a break-through on the question of morality and mysterious religious discourses by teaching “Dhamma”: the essence of Buddhism.Buddhadasa started to search for the “Dhamma” of Buddhism, instead of conventional “practical religion” of Thai Buddhism, in Thailand's national Buddhist education which had been prepared by Wachirayan. First, Buddhadasa tried to learn essential Buddhism in scriptural orthodoxy, but he came to its dead end. He found his way out in the “practice” of Dhamma through meditation practice and Zen style of everyday life. He revived meditation practice in the modern world as a means of capturing the insight necessary to extinguish internal sufferings; rather than a means of cultivating magical power as traditional meditation monks had practiced. Also, he taught to look within oneself by introducing Zen Buddhism to the Theravada Buddhists who were more concerned with merit-making practice to achieve better rebirth. Now his teachings play an active role in the mission of Buddhism to the born Buddhists of Thailand, rather than to the non-Buddhists of foreign countries.In Buddhadasa's thoughts, the “Dhamma” of Buddhism which is Buddhism for extinguishing one's internal sufferings, was essential. On the perceptual level, Buddhadasa denied earthly expectations of religious practice, such as a wish for heaven and a fear for hell, which prevented one's awareness of internal sufferings. He preached that the unnatural religious discourses about subjects like hell, the hungry ghost and even the nibbana, were all psychological phenomena within the self of individuals living in this world, whose existence was the only tangible reality for the modern intellectuals. On the practical level, he invited people to achieve emptiness of mind by staying away from attachment, either through meditation practice or in conscious everyday life. He believed that it was the practice of internal emptiness that sustained the moral order in this world, instead of behavior based on the religious reward.Buddhadasa's disciples and followers remarked that they have been attracted to Buddhadasa's teaching on practice of Dhamma, rather than his rational, demythologized interpretations of unscientific religious discourses. This suggests that the Buddhadasa's efforts to bring the internal practice of “Dhamma” to people's attention, was significant for the contemporary Thai Buddhists.

著者

玉田 芳史

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1999, no.28, pp.3-27, 1999-06-01 (Released:2010-02-25)

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The building of a modern state requires a modern educational system in order to produce the necessary numbers capable bureaucrats. This study examines the education of bureaucrats in Thailand, where a modern state was constructed after 1892 and nearly completed before 1932, using data obtained from official records of officials (samut prawat ratchakan) of the Ministry of Agriculture. This record includes 3022 officials who worked at the ministry during the two decades from 1921.First, the background of the officials is analyzed in terms of education, place of birth, and father's occupation. As the record has no entry for father's occupation, it is only possible to ascertain whether or not an official's father was himself a commissioned official or not. It was found that 42% of officials were from Bangkok, and 25% were sons of commissioned officials. The officials were classified into three categories according to their education: (A) those with higher education overseas, (B) those with domestic higher (or tertiary) education, and (C) those with only primary or secondary education. Those in categories A and B numbered 91 and 130 respectively, which means that more than 90% of officials received only primary or secondary education. Of officials in categories A and B, 60% and 51%, respectively, were from Bangkok, and 68% and 36%, respectively, were sons of commissioned officials. These numbers are strikingly high in view of the fact that Bangkok at the time accounted for less than 7% of the total population, and commissioned officials less than 0.2% of the total male population.Why were so many officials from Bangkok and sons commissioned officials? One of the most important reasons lay in the educational system, which prevented provincial boys and boys whose fathers were not officials from receiving a good education. First, secondary schools of the first rank were mainly located in Bangkok, including almost all of those providing upper secondary education (mathayom 7th and 8th grades). It was far more difficult for provincial boys to get a good secondary education than metropolitan boys.Second, it was not difficult for those who could afford the expense of upper secondary education to receive higher education. However, higher education was much less meaningful than studying abroad for the promotion of officials. It was better, if possible, to become an official on graduating from secondary school than to spend a further three years or more in higher education. This accounts for the curious finding that although the cost of overseas education far exceeded that of domestic education, the number of officials in category B, 130, was only slightly higher than that of category A, 91.Third, opportunities to study abroad were not equally available to all. Government scholarships were often given to those well connected with the king, ministers, or directorgenerals. This is why there were many sons of commissioned officials among those educated abroad.

著者

倉沢 愛子

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1989, no.18, pp.41-69, 1989-05-30 (Released:2010-02-25)

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During World War II Japan occupied most part of Southeast Asia, advocating for “liberation of Asia” from western colonialism. Her hidden aim was, however, to exploit natural resources as well as human power of those areas, which were to be mobilized for her continuous and ambitious fighting. In order to achieve those purposes, Japan had to acquire cooperation of the population in the occupied areas. Therefore, propaganda activities were one of the most important tasks of Japanese military administration in Southeast Asia. Among various propaganda media movies were particularly promoted, since they were effective in the society where illiteracy rate was high and written media had limited effects. This paper will analyse Japanese film propaganda during World War II, taking the case in Java.As soon as Japanese seized power in Java, they confiscated all Dutch facilities and materials for film making and ordered a Japanese movie production company, Nippon Eigasha, to engage in production of news, culture, and feature films in Jakarta. Many distinguished staff were sent from Japan for this purpose. The theme of those films were closely connected with policies of military government. Among the films were those designed to impress people with Japanese military power, to inspire people's consciousness in defense of fatherland, and to encourage production and other labor activities. There were also many “educational” films to teach certain practical technique, scientific knowledge, Japanese songs, and Japanese value concepts. Writer had chance to see some of those films and her impression was that the artistic quality of those films was not bad and the contents were quite attractive.Under the Japanese rule kind of films shown in Java entirely changed owing to the prohibition of western movies, which by then had occupied about 85% of the total number of movies shown in Indonesia. Consequently those vacancy was filled by Japanese films, both locally made ones and those imported from Japan. Japanese encouraged movie watching among Indonesian people by reducing fare. But since the number of movie theaters were very small and they were mostly located only in cities, Japanese propaganda bureau organized moving theater teams and frequently carried out outdoor projection in villages. Those movies were free and open to everybody, and usually enjoyed a big audience. Big audience, however, does not necessarily mean positive acceptance of Japanese ideas. People, in many cases, simply came because there was scarcely any other amusement in those days. For most of the audience it was their first experience of movie watching, and impacts of the films were quite strong. Although Japanese propaganda was not successful in making Indonesian people accept Japanese idea for Greater East Asian Co-prosperity Sphere and moulding them into Japanese way of thinking, at least it had certain effects in alleviating people's unsatisfaction and anger towards Japanese and in preventing them from going into large-scale anti-Japanese resistance even in the highest tension brought by harsh economic policies. In that sense Japanese propaganda policies can be considered effective.

著者

加納 寛

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1996, no.25, pp.28-57, 1996-06-01 (Released:2010-02-25)

参考文献数

38

被引用文献数

3

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The purpose of this paper is to examine one aspect of change in popular culture in modern Bangkok. That change relates to the belief in the Guardian Spirits of the Land (Phraphuum-Caothii). The evidence for the changes of belief is seen in the changing styles of the shrines and the appearance of new idols. This paper consists of 1112 pieces of data collected in Pathumwan District and Rachathewe District in Bangkok from July to August 1994.Thai people believe in the Guardian Spirits of the Land. They believe there are gods or spirits who guard the land, the people and other objects on that land. These spirits stay in small shrines (Saan Phraphuum) built on the land which they guard. These small shrines can be seen all over the Central Thailand, especially in Bangkok. However, little attention has been given to the beliefs surrounding them.Over the last fifty years, there has been a noticeable change in the architectural style of the shrines. Before the 1950s, a wooden house was the common style of shrine. However, during the 1950s and the 1960s this wooden house style began to disappear. The house began to be replaced by a concrete Buddhist temple. Also, from about 1970 a shrine, in the form of a palace of the Prasart style, began to appear and gain popularity.The idols found in these shrines have also changed over time. At least from the 1960s up to the present, the idol known as Phrachaimongkhon, an idol whose origins are connected with Thai Hindu mythology, has been common. However, from about 1980, idols of Hindu gods of high rank, like Brahma, and images of Buddha have been observed in the shrines of the Guardian Spirits.The new shrine styles and new idols represent new elements in the beliefs related to the Guardian Spirits of the Land. The use of a Buddhist temple and images of Buddha introduce elements concerning Buddhism. The use of a palace and the images of Hindu gods of high rank introduce elements related to Hinduism.Prior to the 1950s, the shrines and idols used to honor and house the Guardian Spirits of the Land showed no influence of Buddhism or Hinduism. However, from about 1960, these new elements began to appear. These changes show that aspects of Buddhism and Hinduism have been incorporated into the belief of the Guardian Spirits of the Land.

著者

岩月 純一

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1995, no.24, pp.3-24, 1995-06-01 (Released:2010-02-25)

参考文献数

33

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A language cannot exist without the notion that “we” all speak the same unified language. This notion is conceptualized and formulated as part of a speaker's social identity, which may change as a result of a rearrangement of this notion. In this paper, we examine some articles about Vietnamese language in Tap chi Nam Phong (hereafter abbreviated as NP), which was one of the most influential journals in Vietnam in the 1920's. At that time, quoc-ngu (the Vietnamese writing system based on roman script) was rapidly gaining status as the official language of Vietnam, despite skeptical views from two strong linguistic hegemonies supporting more prestigious written languages: classical Chinese and French. In analyzing discourses on NP, the notion of a unified language can be seen, it is possible to observe the typical Vietnamese intellectual's attitude about language. This notion in turn can be transformed by their selection of national identity.Since the general policy of NP was to protect and promote the “unique” Vietnamese culture and language, it insisted on the protection and enrichment of quoc-ngu still regarded as “patois” (vulgar language) by traditional literati. But this “uniqueness”, for the writers on The Journal, also included Chinese classical literature and ethics, and the writers were convinced that it was necessary for quocngu to be supported by the rich expressiveness of classical Chinese. In 1919, refuting Nguyen Hao Vinh who criticized NP for using numerous unfamiliar Chinese vocabulary, Pham Quynh, the chief editor of The Journal, noted that classical Chinese should be taught in Vietnam because it was not only China's own but the common literature of the “Orient”, including Vietnam, and that Chinese vocabulary should be used as an indispensable component of the Vietnamese language. He tried to transform the traditional view on language, that is, classical Chinese vs. patois, into a new contrast between Chinese vocabulary and the “vulgar” (non-Chinese and non-Western) one in the sole dignified Vietnamese, so that the existing prestige of classical Chinese could be directly absorbed by the “new” Vietnamese. Such a transformation of the notion of language was concealed by the terminology used in discourses on NP, where a new concept “Annamese” (tieng An Nam) was invented to refer the whole system (the existing term “patois” [tieng nom] was left for indicating the “vulgar” vocabulary), while the whole system, characters and vocabulary of classical Chinese were never distinguished at all. Such terminology enabled the writers to refer to the new contrast with the same terms as before under the assumption that the Vietnamese language had an uninterrupted tradition.Interestingly enough, as for the notion of language of the writers on NP, only Chinese vocabulary was regarded as the core of “uniqueness” in the holified “Vietnamese language”, while Chinese characters were completely excluded. They insisted that Chinese characters should be instructed not in Vietnamese but in classical Chinese at public schools. Moreover, roman letters, which had originally been alien symbols, were integrated into the Vietnamese language without any questions. Both Chinese vocabulary and the “vulgar” one should be spelled with the same unified writing system, the writers believed, so that they might be blended into one unified quoc-ngu. In comparing such a notion with that of Japan and Korea, both categorized as being in the Chinese cultural sphere, a vast difference can be seen between these three examples. Japanese and Korean intellectuals generally paid attention to the distinction between scripts as the marker indicating their national identity, and each regarded Chinese characters in Japan and

著者

根本 敬

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2016, no.45, pp.154-158, 2016 (Released:2018-06-01)

著者

伊藤 友美

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア : 歴史と文化 (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

no.38, pp.64-105, 2009

著者

弘末 雅士

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1981, no.10, pp.142-173, 1981

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At the end of the 19th century, the self-sufficient economy of the Eastern Toraja Society was disintegrating under the influence of commercial trade at Tomini Bay. Social stratification among the members of the village took place and many fell into debt.<br>In this situation, the village chief had to redeem the villagers' debts and at the same time maintain law and order in the village despite frequent contact with the outside world. It was this period when Christian missionaries started to work. To respond to the above mentioned problems, the chiefs approached the missionary who was sent from Dutch Missionary Society and was on close terms with a Chinese merchant at Poso. In due course, missionary schools were opened at such villages as Panta, Tomasa, Buyumbayo, and othors. Headmen of the villages expected the schools to reconstruct the social order.<br>In 1901, the Dutch government abandoned it's policy of non-intervention and after 1905-1907, Eastern Toraja was put under its direct rule. Various policies such as head tax, wet-rice cultivation and moving to the lowland were introduced through chiefs. It was these headmen who supported the Dutch rule. On matter of missionary work, the church as a result, did not dare to oppose the chiefs. At first, the missionaries did not prohibit the polygamy of the chief and other social custom with the exception of headhunting.<br>Moreover, in these undertain situations tadu or prophets attracted many people who were dissatisfied with existing state of things. Then in 1902 and 1908, large religious movements called mevapi arose. The participants of the movements attempted to escape existing circumstances by concentration on heavenly release.<br>While these religious movements arose, the young generation which had graduated from school attempted to participate in commercial trade and plant coffee or coconuts. Under the support of those who were on the rise, the church was entitled to recetive independent authority. Ultimately, in 1910 the church attacked the traditional customs which went against Christianity and prohibited Toraja christians from mowurake, molobo and motengke.<br>But when the new order was established, the Dutch govermnent returned the authority, which was taken away form the headmen during the first few years, to the active hands. Consequently, It was difficult for church to gain independence over the headmen.

著者

北川 香子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.38, pp.187-208, 2009

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<p>This paper analyses the Khmer document entitled "<i>Affairee</i> 〔<i>Affaire</i>〕 <i>de Oknha Reachea Monty</i>〔<i>Ukañâ Râjâ Mupti</i>〕 <i>directeur Islamique sur le choix du chef de pagode, à Kompong Cham</i> (1914)" in the possession of the National Archive in Phnom Penh (Document No. 20811), which refers to the nomination of a Hakim Me Vat of Chams-Chhvéas in Kieng Romiet Village, Tboung Khmum Province. </p><p>Muslim Chams constitute "the second largest ethnic group" in the Kingdom of Cambodia, where Buddhist Khmers account for more than 90% of the population. From the late 1990s, numerous results of surveys on contemporary Chams have been released, but only few attempts have so far been made at historical studies on Chams in Cambodia. The principal reason is that there are few historical sources on Chams, especially those written by Chams themselves. Thus, Document No. 20811 is considered as a rare example. </p><p>From the analysis of this source, we can recognize the following points. (1) Chiefs of Muslim Chams-Chhvéas in Cambodia were given the highest title of ministers, Ukañâ, by the Cambodian King. (2) In order to enhance their power, they relied on the King and the Buddhist monks, who had supreme authority in Cambodia. Ukañâ Râjâ Mupti insisted that being appointed as Ukañâ by the Cambodian King, gave him the official authority to control every Cham-Chhvéa in Cambodia, and asserted his right to nominate Hakim Me Vat of each mosque. His rival Ukañâ Râjâdhipatî / Râjâbhaktî appointed a Hakim with the backing of a high priest of Vat Unnalom in Phnom Penh. (3) Chiefs of Chams-Chhvéas announced the appointment of Hakim to the village leader, Me Khum, and asked him to give his assistance to Hakim Me Vat. Me Khum, as well as Chaovay Srok, the governor of the province, only approved their decision after, and avoided becoming actively involved in a matter inside the community of Cham-Chhvéa. </p><p>However, it must be noted that Document No. 20811 provides only one account and that we need to compile more information in order to describe the history of Chams-Chhvéas in Cambodia.</p>

著者

生田 滋

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1986, no.15, pp.157-158, 1986-05-20 (Released:2010-02-25)

著者

亀山 恵理子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2017, no.46, pp.78-82, 2017 (Released:2019-06-01)

著者

石橋 功

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.39, pp.158-161, 2010

著者

鈴木 中正

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1981, no.10, pp.3-16, 1981

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Because the Chinese Ch'ing Dynasty deemed Burma a troublemaker in the Southeastern border area of the province of Yunnan, it sent four successive expeditions to Burma during the years from 1766 to 1790. The Shan states on the borders had long been sending tribute to the Burmese court of Ava but the practice was disrupted due to the disorder in Burma caused by the dynastic alternation of the mid-eighteenth century. The newly established Konbaung dynasty claimed their right to collect tribute from the Shan states and while carring on a campaign in Ayuthaya, Siam (1764-67). The Ch'ing emperor thought it necessary to punish and expel the marauders at their borders. The Ch'ing at the zenith of its power mobilized all its resources to chastise Burma but the new dynasty in Burma made every effort to withstand the invaders.<br>The last Ch'ing expeditionary army evacuated Burma at the end of 1769, after concluding a truce agreement on reciprocal restitution of the war captives and surrenders. The Ch'en-lung emperor, however, never consented to turn over the princes of the Shan states who had surrendered to the Ch'ing side, thus putting the border area in a state of severe tension. But a rebellion occured in the province of Sze-ch'uan in 1771 diverting the emperor's concern from Burma and his resentment was gradually dissipated.<br>For the purpose of normalizing relations with the Ch'ing, Burma attempted to negotiate twice, in 1772 and in 1777. Their effort, however, was in vain because the Ch'ing emperor continued to demand from Burma, unilateral restitution of war captives. Among the Shan rulers on the borders, however, there emerged a move to normalize the relations between their two powerful neighbors in order to bring about trade relations which profitted the border states. In 1787, the prince of Keng Ma, a Shan state on the Yunnan side, sent a friendship mission to Burma disguised as a Ch'ing court mission: Burma sent a return mission to Peking in 1788. This brought the two countries' relations nearly to completion. In 1790, the prince of Bhamo on the Burmese side, sent a mission to Peking on his own initiative, unnoticed by the court of Burma. Thus the long disrupted Sino-Burmese relations came to be normalized despite the fact that the Ch'ing court declared Burma as its vassal state and Burma had no intention of accepting such a status

著者

中野 聡

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2011, no.40, pp.183-187, 2011 (Released:2016-12-14)

著者

紙村 徹

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1992, no.21, pp.200-202, 1992-06-01 (Released:2010-03-16)

著者

小泉 順子

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1993, no.22, pp.36-66, 1993-06-01 (Released:2010-02-26)

参考文献数

32

被引用文献数

3

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This article examines the manpower control administration in Nakhon Ratchasima, an important first-class township located at the entrance to Northeast Siam, in the middle of the nineteenth century.A census taken in the 1850's suggests that more than 28, 000 adult-males both commoners and minor officials, were registered in Nakhon Ratchasima. They were classified under several categories: 14, 575 were registered with the chaomuang of Nakhon Ratchasima and its local officials; 6, 851 were registered with a dozen of its dependent townships; 1, 706 under kong nok of Nakhon Ratchasima paying suai (the head capitation tax) in kind; 1, 025 under kong nok raising cattle and elephants for the crown; almost 1, 000 registered with different nobles and officials in Bangkok; and 2, 192 under the Front Palace. There were also 1, 094 adult-males on the list who were registered with other townships, but were recorded as residing in Nakhon Ratchasima.Besides these adult-males on the registration list, ‘slaves’ are also found serving local elites perhaps as both a domestic and agricultural labor force. We also find several hundred of Chinese in Nakhon Ratchasima and its dependent townships paying the phuk-pi tax every three years.To consider the pattern of distinction in terms of duties owed by the various groups registered in Nakhon Ratchasima, a rather distorted picture emerges. It was those who were registered with eight particular dependent townships and under kong nok, whether phrai luang or phrai som, that regularly paid suai to the crown. They were also subject to conscription in the war with Vietnam during the third reign, with suai exemptions for their period of military service granted. On the other hand, commoners registered under the chaomuang and township officials of Nakhon Ratchasima, who are thought to be a township version of phrai luang, were not obliged to render any regular services to the crown. They were just occasionally conscripted during the war with Vietnam and sent at times to the construction works at Lop Buri and Phraphutthabat during the fourth reign.The division of interests between the crown and the local authorities over manpower resources in this township was extremely uneven. Since the number of adult-males who were placed under the local officials, and were thus not obliged to pay any regular services to the crown, preponderated, the king could control only a small part of the population there, i, e., those in kong nok and several dependent townships, through the suai imposition. The portion of the commoners who were obliged to send suai to the royal coffers was curtailed to one-third of the total registrees of each kong nok, since exemption was generously given for such reasons as being disabled or being a minor official.The control over manpower exercised by the crown in Nakhon Ratchasima remained peripheral. As indicated by the word ‘nok’ meaning “outside” “outer”, kong nok was a unit of manpower control established outside of the administrative body of the township. Its leaders stood outside of the main administrative hierarchy of the township officials. Very few among them, and among the chaomuang of the dependent townships subject to suai tax, were close relatives of the chaomuang of Nakhon Ratchasima.

著者

石井 和子

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1992, no.21, pp.3-29, 1992-06-01 (Released:2010-03-16)

参考文献数

52

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For more than a century now discussion has continued about the old Javanese Buddhist temple, Borobudhur, with respect to such issues as its significance, relief and pantheon. In this paper the writer focuses on Borobudhur's pantheon, on the basis of the Sanskrit text of the Sarvatathagatatattvasamgraha [Horiuchi, Hirohito. Shoe Kongochokyo no Kenkyu, Mikkyo Bunka Kenkyusho, 1983].The Sarvatathagatatattvasamgraha [hereafter referred to as the Tattvasamgraha] is one of the sutras of Esoteric Buddhism presumably composed in South India during the latter half of the 7th century. It was first translated into Chinese by Amoghavajra in 753 and in 1015 was newly translated into Chinese by Shin-huo [Taisho 18 No. 882]. This latter version corresponds to the Tibetian translation and the existing Sanskrit text, whereas Amoghavajra's version corresponds only to the first part of the Sanskrit text.Up until now the pantheon of Borobudhur has been studied based on Vajra-dhatu Mandala iconography. This mandala has only Five Tathagatas (Buddhas); however, in Borobudhur there are 6 different types of Buddha statues. The 6th Buddha statue on the circular terrace has been thought to be either the image of Vajrasattva, Sakyamuni, or Vairocana.For some years, the writer has been translating in Japanese and analyzing the Sang Hyang Kamahdyanikan (hereafter referred to as SHK) and the Sang Hyang Kamahayanan Mantranaya [Kats 1910]. Through this research she has noticed that “Mahaviarocana” in the Tattvasamgraha corresponds to “Diwarupa” in SHK, and further that the pantheon of Borobudhur is based on the description of the Nidana and the Assembly of Five Tathagatas in the Tattvasamgraha.Mahavairocana in the Tattvasamgraha represents “the Absolute”. It pervades all space and includes every phenomena and reality. God Siva, Visnu, Brahma, Indra, Buddha, Vairocana etc. are all the embodiment of Mahavairocana. The sutra says that Mahavairocana dwells in the heart of Sarvatathagatas (all the Buddhas). The writer considers this passage to be embodied in the 72 Buddhas with dhamacakra-mudra in latticed stupas on the circular terrace of Borobudhur.Mahavairocana in the Tattvasamgraha corresponds to Diwarupa in SHK. Vairocana means “sun”, “sunlight” or “shining one”, while Diwarupa means “(having a) body of light” [Zoetmulder 1982: 408]. In SHK “Diwarupa” is personified as the (Bhatara Hyang) Buddha, because text says, “Sira to sang hyang Diwarupa nga pinakawak Bhatara Hyang Buddha” (The Holy Diwarupa assumes the form of the Bhatara Hyang Buddha) [Kats 1910: 48 (note 9), LOr 14806 25b]. Diwarupa in old Java seems to be an interpretation of Mahavairocana in the Tattvasamgraha.Next, concerning the “Assembly of Five Tathagatas”, the sutra says that at the top of Mt. Meru, tathagata Sakyamuni (Vajradhatu) took his seat to face all (four) directions, and each of the Four Tathagatas took their seats to face their own respective directions.The writer considers this description to be embodied in the Five Tathagatas of the foot and first to fourth galleries of Borobudhur.From the above mentioned excerpt from the Nidana, it is known that in the Tattvasamgraha, God Siva, Visnu, Brahma and even Buddha, Sarvatathagata, and Vairocana are all the embodiment or attributes of Mahavairocana. It is presumed that in old Java, before the arrival of the Tattvasamgraha in the 8th century, the idea of “the Absolute”, like Mahavairocana, had not yet been introduced, though the concept of Trimurti seems to have had been already introduced. The writer is of the opinion that the Sailendras were converted to Esoteric Buddhism because of the introduction of Mahavairocana, “the Absolute” that commands th

著者

中西 嘉宏

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2006, no.35, pp.22-52, 2006

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This article examines the state ideology formation of the Ne Win regime (1962-1988) in Burma. Drawing on military documents and interviews with key figures, it depicts the interaction between the faction fighting within the military in the 1950s and early 1960s and the development of the future state ideology. I argue that understanding the military institution and the dynamics of military politics is essential to understanding the process and nature of the regime fromation.<br>After March 2nd coup d'&eacute;tat in 1962, the Revolutionary Council announced the organization of the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) as the only political party for guiding the revolution. BSPP's official ideology was <i>The System of Correlation of Man and His Environment</i> (SCME). SCME had been the state ideology until the fall of Ne Win's regime in 1988.<br>SCME was written by U Chit Hlaing who belonged to the Directorate of Psychological Warfare, the Ministry of Defence. He received the order from General Ne Win in November 1962 and wrote the draft based on his articles, a series of &ldquo;nam&agrave; rup&agrave; wad&agrave;&rdquo;, published in <i>Myawaddy Magazin</i> in 1957 and 1958. Chit Hlaing wrote those articles as anti-communism and pro-constitutionalism propaganda under the intra-military leadership of Brigadier Aung Gyi and Colonel Maung Maung. They launched a number of initiatives to reform the military in the 1950s. One of them was to forge the military doctrine to ensure anti-communism and pro-constitutionalism.<br>However, the political structure of the military changed in the early 1960s. Colonel Maung Maung was removed in 1961 and Lt-General Aung Gyi lost his leadership in the military. General Ne Win formed an alliance with the hard-liners. It enabled the military took over the state on March 2nd, 1962. General Ne Win rejected pro-constitutionalism. But they were unclear as to the guiding ideology which would be taken to achieve &ldquo;Burmese Way to Socialism&rdquo;. Therefore General Ne Win ordered Chit Hlaing to make out a draft of the BSPP's offical ideology. It is ironic that the articles written under the principle of anti-communism and pro-constitutionalism became the document to legitimate one-party rule and political intervention by the military for 26 years.

著者

武島 良成

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2016, no.45, pp.69-85, 2016 (Released:2018-06-01)

参考文献数

68

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This article aims to follow footsteps of the Japanese advisory body that was placed in Burma’s Ba Maw government during the Pacific War, and to deepen the understanding of the degree of the accomplishment of autonomy and self-reliance of the government. Japan withdrew many of the military directorial personnel from Burma after its ‘independence’ (August, 1943), and instead, decided to send an advisory group. Booklets created by the Historical Facts Section of the Demobilization Department and some publications of the hometown of OGAWA Gotaro (the supreme advisor) state that the advisory group contributed great deal to the reconstruction of Burma. If this is the fact, it means that the resistance and countercharge of Ba Maw government to realize Burma’s autonomy and self-reliance did not succeed in this sphere. However, as I studied unpublicized diaries and official documents, it was revealed that Ogawa arrived in Burma in December 1943, and returned to Japan temporarily during March through July of 1944. Ogawa went back to Japan to summon advisory members. Those senior advisors summoned at that time arrived on a plane in Burma around August. Meanwhile, general advisors took boats and trains and all the members finally arrived by November. However, by that time, Burmese frontline was about to collapse, and the advisory group did not have enough time to operate much. In addition, Ba Maw’s government, at that time, was requiring science technicians, and there was not much of work the advisory group could have done. Consequently, it never intervened and interfered with the Ba Maw government in full scale. Incidentally, Lieutenant General KAWABE Masakazu came to think that there was not much to expect from the advisory group by 1944. If the Japanese Burma Area Army actually decided to go back to the policy of interfering with the government of Burma by the civil officers belonging to the Army, the weakened interventions and interferences of Japan would have been only about the advisory group or a temporary status. However, there were differences of opinions between KAWABE and other staff officers. Besides, there were some other materials that implied the interference had been slackened all the way. Then, it would be well possible that the military never went back to its original policy of interfering with Burma’s politics. I intend to excavate historical materials further to reveal the fact.