著者

籾山 明

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.165-173, 1984-06-30

著者

福井 重雅

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.433-459, 1984-12-31

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Centering around the degree of Xianliang fangzheng, this article deals with the system of officials' appointment of the Han Dynasty. First one must pay attention to the fact that all those eligible capable of recommending persons for appointment as officials for official examination were called "nobles" (gongqing 公卿), whereas those who had taken the examination were named 'officials" (shidafu 士大夫), and try to understand the difference between these two groups properly. As a result we may state that the examination system of the Han was structured according to income : those above 2, 000 shi 石 were the "nobles", those below to 400 shi were mere "gentlemen" (shi 士), and those between equivalent to 600 and 1, 000 shi were "officers" (dafu 大夫). Its aim was to promote people from the position of the gentlemen to that of officers. Looking therefore at the Han Dynasty system of official selection from this angle, the Zhou hierarchy of nobles, officers, and gentlemen is strongly noticeable. However, if we scrutinize the historical data very carefully, we realize that one must not overlook the existence of a particular Han element arising as a reaction to the imperial despotic government. That is, the examination system can on the one hand be seen on the ideological background of the Zhou system, on the other hand, one must consider the possibility that it developed in the wake of a centralized administration which began at that time, and as such represents a new method of recruiting men of talent. Holding the two elements of tradition and realism in a subtle balance and preserving them through ingenious managing, the selection of Xianliang fangzheng under the Han dynasty grew gradually into a fixated examination system. This, I think, was the most important cause for the examination system.

著者

守屋 美都雄

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.2, pp.252-260, 1956-10-20

著者

江幡 眞一郎

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.5-6, pp.401-422, 1952-07-25

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One of the most important changes, social and political, in the history of ancient China was the birth of a centralized state with the provinces and prefectures under its full control (the chun-hsien system), which had replaced the feudalism (the fengchien system) of the Chou dynasty. It was in the reign of Emperor Wu-ti that the chunhsien system became a firmly established institution. In view of the fact that this system of centralized despotic government with the bureau-cracy as its backbone became a pattern for the succeeding dynasties, this change deserves the historian's close examination. The present article deals with the nature and the political significance of the bureaucracy of Western Han. According to the author's view the two different ways of selecting and appointing the government officials, i.e., jen-tzu (任子) and hsuan-chu (選舉), were antipodal, but complementary, making it possible to keep the class of big clans vigorous by recruiting from among the lower literati. It was in the reign of Emperors Chao-ti and Hsuan-ti that this dual system of appointing the government officials was most effective and fruitful. As time elapsed, however, the high government officials turned into a privileged class with a definite social status, thus paving way to the control of government by the powerful clans in the Eastern Han period. Here may be sought the origin of the social stratification into the landlord-bureaucracy on the one hand and the peasant class on the other in post-Han ages.

著者

大庭 脩

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.3, pp.206-220, 1953-03-31

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During the Han period two ways of promotion were open for the Government offcials; merit and long service. The Autobiography of Ssu-ma ch'ien (司馬遷) as well as the Biography of Tung Chung-shu (董仲舒) in the Shih Chi (史記) supply us with materialin this connection, and our Etsin-gol MSS. inform us that "lao (勞)" (long sevice) and "kung (功)" (merit) were the standard for promotion.

著者

冨田 健之

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.831-839, 1990-03-31

著者

目黑 杏子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.1, pp.33-68, 2018-06

著者

森部 豐

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.4, pp.797-820, 2017-03

著者

中村 茂夫

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.4, pp.676-696, 1989-03-31

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In the history of Chinese law the origins of the law concerning the concealment of crimes by family members, according to which, those who conceal the crimes of their relatives are either exempted from criminal prosecution, or charged with minor offenses, are very ancient. For example, they are detectable in the Analects. Also in the legal codes of the Tang dynasty this law is set forth in detail. Later dynasties, including the Qing, also recognized this law. While many previous studies of this topic have been made, they have not systematically ordered the various provisions of these laws. This paper will attempt to fill that gap in the research surrounding this topic. While leaving discussions of these laws to other studies, this paper particularly will focus on an examination of various provisions of the Qing dynasty laws, taking up a few decisions from collections of judicial precedents. The paper will try to introduce systematically the legal status of laws pertaining to the concealing of crimes by family members. Since this traditional law also influenced the Japanese legal system, this paper will also briefly discuss the particulars of that influence.

著者

青木 健

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.3, pp.614-583, 2006-12

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This study begins with a reexamination of the research of S. Wikander that was conducted 60 years ago on the geographical transition of the iconography of the imperial ideology of the Sassanian kingdom. The study also incorporates the achievements of research on Zoroastrianism, from Wikander to the present day, and then hypotheses that the reason that the Sassanid kings moved their place of pilgrimage to Azerbaijan after the 5th century was associated with the sacred fire, Adur Gusnasp, in Siz and the imperial throne, Takht-i Taqdis. The author has drawn upon evidence from archaeological and written material (in Pahlavi, Arabic, and early-modern Persian) and art historical hypotheses, to create a compilation of fact, legend, and theories on both. As a result, I was able to come up with a chronology based on the weight of the facts. In addition, I sought the reasons for the changes seen in the chronology in light of advances in the study of Zoroastrianism since the time Wikander. As a result the following prospect on the holy fire and the sacred throne were attained. Firstly, the author conjectures that as regards the holy fire, Adur Gusnasp, there was a relationship in which "changes in Zoroastrian thought" resulted in the "modification in imperial ideology of the Sassanid kingdom." In short, there was a chain of influence during the 5th century, from the "linking of the legend of the founder to of Azerbaijan" to "royal pilgrimage to Azerbaijan after the king's enthronement" to the "iconoclastic movement" and finally to the "destruction of stone relief of Xwarnah, symbolizing the right to rule" and the "increase in the importance of the sacred fire of Adur Gusnasp." As regards Takht-i Taqdis on the other hand, it appears to have been a temporary phenomenon based on the initiative of Khosrow II, and I am unable to posit any influence of Zoroastrian thought. The imperial throne can be thought of as an artifact of the attempt by Khosrow II, who held a firm grasp on imperial legitimacy inherited from his grandfather Khusrow I to construct his own imperial ideology free from Zoroastrian thought by highlighting the glory of his military exploits. However, due to a lack of detailed records, it was impossible to specify just what the nature of ideology that might have been.

著者

平田 陽一郎

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.2, pp.225-259, 2011-09

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The fubing system that was a driving force in the creation of Sui and Tang dynasties is generally thought to have begun with the twenty-four army system of the Western Wei, and its military power too have been composed of local militias of Han people in Western Wei and Northern Zhou during which the influx of warriors of the northern Xianbei peoples were not numerous. Nonetheless, the term fubing zhi, the fubing system, is not found in contemporary sources, and was invented in a later period. Tracing the fubing system back to the Western Wei is also nothing more than a distortion created by later hands. The local military organizations that comprised the military force of the twenty-four army system were both chronologically, geographically, and ethnically extremely diverse, and the local Han militias of Guanlong 關隴 were no more than one part of it. In the Western Wei and Northern Zhou levies of military service were generally imposed on households, but they resorted to having the local gentry organize military bands and thereby continued the selection and implementation of a method of operating as a pseudo-tribal militia. In addition the existence of a unique system of groups of close advisers, called qinxhin 親信 and kuzhen 庫眞, whose lineages could be traced to the inner officers of Northern Wei court, made it possible to control the vast military organization that was the twenty-four army system. Judging from these special characteristics, the twenty-four-army system can be understood as a pseudo-tribal militia system that was supported by the traditions of the Xianbei. In this regard, it should be positioned in the historical context as a military system located precisely within the lineage of the nomadic military systems such as the twenty-four chiefs of the Xiongnu and of the Mongol thousand-household system. The imperial edict of the tenth year of Kaihuang, which was promulgated the year after Sui destroyed the Chen, has been taken as revolutionary in creating the ground-breaking fubing system, but in actuality, the purpose of the edict was the transfer and settling of military groups who had served for years in Guanzhong, and their essential character as pseudo-Xiangbei tribal militia was maintained thereafter. A common element underlay both the purpose of the imperial edict of the tenth year of the Kaihuang reign and the Northern-Wei policy of dismantling the tribe-centered state, and in order to decipher this reality, one must seek a point of view from which both can be mutually examined and compared.

著者

中島 樂章

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.2, pp.267-299, 2007-09

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Toyotomi Hideyoshi began the invasion of Korea in 1592, but as warfare became mired in a stalemate from 1593 through the ninth month of 1596, peace negotiations between Japan and the Ming dynasty dragged on interminably. In this article, I examine the relationship of the arguments within the Ming court over whether a tribute relationship should be opened with Japan and its relationship to changes in the trade order in the East Asia of the time. In the course of the peace negotiations, Hideyoshi continued to demand the cession of the southern portion of the Korean peninsula and resumption of official trade between Japan and the Ming. In response, the Ming dynasty saw the cessation of Korean territory as out of the question and continued to debate whether to invest Hideyoshi with the title King of Japan and whether to permit the tribute trade. The great majority of the bureaucracy opposed both the investment of Hideyoshi and permission of the tribute trade, and in the fifth month of 1594 the Wanli Emperor first ordered the denial of the investment and tribute trade, but then reversed himself and agreed in the twelfth month to permit the investment alone, but not to recognize the tribute trade. Those who opposed opening trade with Japan argued that such trade with would invite worsening of the peace and public order on the southeastern coast and bring about financial costs similar to those of the Mongol trade. Furthermore, Grand Secretary 内閣大學士 Shen Yiguan 沈一貫, who was from Ningbo, which was to be the entrepot for the Japanese tribute trade, feared the worsening of public order in Ningbo and opposed the resumption of trade. In contrast, thosewho advocated the resumption of trade with Japan were a distinct minority. Among these, Chen Yidian 陳懿典 argued articulately that trade involving Japanese silver and Chinese commercial products would be unlike the Mongol trade and would benefit the Ming dynasty. Moreover, Zhao Shizhen 趙士愼, who was famed as the author of Shenqi pu 神器譜, submitted a memorial to the throne advising the toleration of trade with Japan. In addition, Grand Secretary Zhang Wei 張位, while opposing recognition of tribute trade with Japan, proposed a plan that would permit Chinese maritime traders to sail to Japan and conduct trade. However, in the end the argument against trade with Japan was stronger and the trade was not resumed. The East Asian tribute trade system that had existed since the early Ming deteriorated in the latter half of the 16th century, and in addition to the tribute trade the countries surrounding China carried out mutual trade 互市 in Guangdong and on the northern borders and utilized the trade routes of the Chinese maritime merchants from Fujian to Southeast Asian, thereby forming the gongshi 貢市 system that combined aspects of the tribute and private trade. Japan alone was left out of the system due to fears of its aggressive actions. Reflecting the interest of the merchants of Sakai and Hakata, Konishi Yukinaga 小西行長 and So Yoshitoshi 宗義智 , who were in charge of the Japanese side in the peace negotiations, sought to realize peace by resuming trade between Japan and the Ming. On the other hand, those on the Ming side who groped for a peaceful resolution on the basis of the resumption of the tribute trade were centered around Grand Secretary Zhao Zhigao 趙志臯 and the Military Commissioner 經略 Song Yingchang 宋應昌, who came from Zhejiang, in addition to Chen Yidian and Zhang Han 張瀚, who was also from Zhejiang and argued forcefully that maritime trade on the southeastern coast would be financially beneficial and unlike trade on the northern borders, which had incurred financial burdens. However, in the end the gap between the positions of Hideyoshi, who stubbornly clung to demands for territory, and Ming bureaucrats, who opposed trade with Japan, remained and brought about the breakdown of the peace negotiations.

著者

石濱 裕美子

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.230-250, 1992-09-30

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The fifth Dalai Lama entrusted his own royal authority to the Regent Sangs in 1679. However, since the regent was a layperson and the Dalai Lama a priest, there are many unclear points concerning the nature of royal authority in this period. This paper examines the nature of royal authority in this period through Regent Sangs's conception of it, with special reference to his portraitas Manjusri, to his history of incarnation, and to his claim to be Cakravartin raja. This article concludes that Regent Sangs's theory of incarnation was in nature the same as the Dalai Lama's, that both were understood to be the Buddha in their original nature regardless of the distinction between priest and laity. Lay rulers prior to the emergence of the Dalai Lama regime had presented genealogical records to explain their origins. However, although the Regent Sangs came to power like them from among the laity, he did not take his distinguished genealogy as the basis for his authority, but rather his claim to be a 'Buddha incarnate' instead. Thus it might be said that the nature of royal authority under the Dalai Lama regime was different from that of the pre-Dalai Lama period.

著者

眞榮平 房昭

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.3, pp.485-490, 1993-12-31

著者

森部 豊

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.4, pp.660-693, 2004-03-31

被引用文献数

2

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This article argues the causes of the extension of the power of the Shatuo 沙陀 who eventually established the Later Tang regime of the Five Dynasties, through an analysis of the Sogdian Turks who were active in northern China from the second half of the Tang Dynasty. The Shatuo, who settled in the northern portion of Hedong 河東 after leaving Gansu 甘肅 and crossing the Ordos early in the ninth century, were not a particularly powerful group at the time. However, with the rebellion of Huang Chao 黃巢 at the close of the Tang, the Shatuo rapidly extended their power. It has been noted that one of the causes behind the expansion was the absorption of many warriors with Sogdian names. These Sogdian warriors were the descendants of Liuzhou-Hu 六州胡, who had immigrated to Daibei 代北 in the second year of the Zhenyuan 貞元 era (786). The Liuzhou-Hu were a remnant of the Turkic people, who had been created out of the collapse of the first Eastern Turkish khanate. They were originally a Sogdian people who had submitted collectively to the Eastern Turks. Under the mutual influence of the Turks and other nomadic peoples of northern Asia, they adopted nomadic culture, acquired the techniques of equestrian archery and became a potential military force. It is in this sense that they are referred to as Sogdian Turks in this article. The Sogdian Turks appeared in Daibei in nomadic settlements called Sage 薩葛 (Suoge 索葛 and xuege 薛葛), Anqing 安慶, Jitian 鶏田, and they lived a communal nomadic existence in the Five Dynasties period. These groups responded to needs of the Shatuo dynasties such as the Later Tang 後唐 and Later Jin 後晋 by participating in the regimes as a communal group led by a chieftain. It may be surmised that they sustained the military power of the Shatuo dynasties. After the Later Jin ceded what is known as the sixteen prefectures of Yanyun 燕雲十六州 to the Khitai 契丹, the Sogdian Turks livingin the Daibei submitted to the Khitai, while others of them moved south and passed through the Yanmen 雁門 barrier seeking asylum within the Later Jin state. Following the establishment of the Song 宋 dynasty, there were also some Sogdian Turks who left Daibei seeking asylum with the Song. The Song organized these Sogdian Turks into royal guard units that were stationed in the central portion of southern Hedong as a defense against the Xixia 西夏 and the Khitai.

著者

糟谷 憲一

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.1, pp.100-126, 2011-06

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The aim of this article is to elucidate the changes in the power structure in Joseon during the period from the Kabo Reform (July, 1894) to eve of the Russo-Japanese War (February, 1904). The author has previously examined the power structure of the Taeweongun 大院君 regime and the Min clan 閔氏 regime. The method of analysis involved a survey of those appointed to bureaucratic offices in the upper levels of the regime, clarifying to which of Four Sects (Sasek Tangp'a 四色黨派) and clans they belonged and calculating the ratios. As a result, the author made clear that within the Taeweongun regime, the ascendancy of Noron 老論, the largest faction, was unshaken, and that in the second half of the Min clan regime (December 1884 to July 1894) the ascendancy of the Noron faction became even stronger, and the power of the Yeohung Min 驪興閔 clan, which was a part of the Noron faction and was associated with the matrilineal side of the royal house, increased dramatically. In this article I survey appointees to the central government posts of Minister, Vice-Minister, and to the Department of the Imperial Household and analyze their affiliation with factions and clans. As this period was one of major political change, my analysis is based on distinguishing four periods: 1) that of the Kabo Reform, 2) that when the King resided in the Russian legation (February, 1896 to February, 1897), 3) that of the unfolding of the Independent Club's push for reform (February, 1897 to January, 1899), and 4) that of imperial despotism (January 1899 to February 1904). As a result, I have been able to clarify the following points. First, in regard to the Noron, the power of the Noron and influential clans, such as the Yeohung Min, declined within the upper levels of the government following the Kabo Reforms, but they maintained great influence in upper ranks of the Department of the Imperial Household. The power of the Noron in the upper levels of government was restored to the level of the latter half of the Min clan regime after the Independent Club began promoting reform. During that period, the Noron continued to occupy positions of power in the upper levels of the Department of the Imperial Household, and the power of the influential clans in the Noron faction was completely restored. Second, during the period of imperial despotism, the power of the Noron, from which ministerial appointments were made, increased, and the strength of the Noron in the upper levels of the Department of the Imperial Household grew to 50 percent. I believe this is an important factor in considering the foundation that supported imperial despotism.

著者

後藤 裕加子

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.4, pp.663-631, 2008-03

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In Islamic historical writing the canonical Hijra calendar was ordinarily used to date historical events. In the area where Persian was the main written language of the inhabitants, historians began to write in Persian, but the Hijra calendar remained in use. After the Mongol invasion, the cyclical Chinese-Uighur calendar, in which the years were represented by a series of twelve animals, was introduced and used in parallel with the Hijra calendar in Persian historical writing and in dating the issuance of farmans (royal decrees). After the fall of the Il-Khanid dynasty in the first half of the 14th century, the use of the solar animal calendar in Persian historiography became rare, even though it was still in use in administrative affairs. The Safavid dynasty, which had taken control of Persia in 1501, revived the use of the animal calendar, in the form of the Turkish calendar, sal-i turki. A special characteristic of this calendar is the conformity of New Year's Day with nauruz (New Year's Day) of Persian origin. Then in the later reign of Shah Tahmasb I and that of Shah Sultan Muhammad Hudabandah, most of the farmans that were issued between the late 960's (the early 1560's) and the late 990's (the late 1580's) had a corresponding animaldesignated year in addition to a Hijra date. This period corresponds to the period when the Turkish calendar was given precedence over the Hijra dates in the Safavid chronicles, and both calendars were used in tandem. In the reign of 'Abbas I, dates based on the coronation of the shahs were added to supplement the dates from the Turkish and Hijra calendars. These chronicles were written by munsis (secretaries) who were in charge of drawing up farmans with animal-designated years. From this period onward the nauruz festival began to be celebrated in the Chihil-Sutun palace in the capital Qazwin and was established as an important ceremony of the royal court. The Safavids had struggled up to this point to escape the influence of the Qizilbas tribes and construct a centralized government. The introduction of the Turkish calendar and the nauruz festival are aspects of a policy that sought to establish a strong Safavid kingship.

著者

村上 正二

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.4, pp.478-507, 1965-03-30

著者

山下 將司

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.4, pp.553-587, 2014-03

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During the Yuanhe 元和 era (806-20) of the Tang, the Xianzong 憲宗 emperor achieved a certain degree of success in restoring the centralization of power after a period in which the power of military governors had gone largely unchecked, and this achievement resulted in the so-called "Yuanhe restoration." An important factor behind the restoration was that the subjugation of military governors opposed to the central government had proceeded favourably, and the driving force in these campaigns against the military governors has been considered the Army of Inspired Strategy (shencejun 神策軍), made up of reinforced units of the imperial army. Nevertheless, among the series of military campaigns conducted during the Yuanhe era, it was only in the first campaign that the government relied primarily on the power of the Army of Inspired Strategy, and the main function of the Army of Inspired Strategy was coercion and control of military governors rather than actually fighting. The series of military campaigns against military governors opposed to the central government was conducted by combining the forces of supportive military governors, as was done during the Dezong 德宗 era. In these campaigns against recalcitrant military governors, a noteworthy figure was Li Guangyan 李光顏, a chieftain of the Tiele-Adie 鐵勒阿跌 tribe. He participated as either a regional commander under the military governor of Hedong or as the commander of the army of the Zhongwu 忠武 circuit in the principal campaigns against the military governors from the Yuanhe to Changqing 長慶 eras and was always active as a central force in the government armies. The realization of the Yuanhe restoration was in fact due to a large extent to his military exploits. Then, what sort of troops would he have led when participating in the campaigns against the military governors? When one reads source materials relating to the Li family, consisting chiefly of the epitaphs of Li Guangyan and his father and elder brother, it becomes clear that by marrying into the Turkic Ashina 阿史那 clan across two generations and by becoming related by marriage to the Turkic Sheli 舍利 clan, Li Guangyan and his father and brother established close relations with Turkic groups living within Tang territory. Consequently, Li Guangyan and his brother were given command by the Tang of nomadic groups in northern Hedong from the time of the Dezong 徳宗 emperor, and in the campaigns against the military governors during the reigns of Xianzong and his successor Muzong 穆宗, Li Guangyan participated at the head of Turkic nomadic groups consisting of the Tiele and Shatuo 沙陀 tribes, as well as Turks living within Tang territory and achieved the greatest military results with his mounted forces. In other words, it was precisely because it was possible to commit Turkic mounted troops from northern Hedong to the campaigns against the military governors by employing Li Guangyan and his brother that the Xianzong emperor was able to achieve the military successes that brought about the Yuanhe restoration.

著者

福島 惠

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.4, pp.669-677, 2012-03