著者

桐本 東太

出版者

三田史学会

雑誌

史學 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.1, pp.97-118, 2015-07

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文学部創設125年記念号(第2分冊)論文 東洋史挿図

著者

桐本 東太

出版者

三田史学会

雑誌

史學 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.1, pp.97-118, 2015-07

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文学部創設125年記念号(第2分冊)論文 東洋史挿図

著者

原田 亜希子

出版者

三田史学会

雑誌

史學 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, no.1, pp.465-492, 2015-04

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文学部創設125年記念号(第1分冊)論文 西洋史はじめに一 ローマ都市エリート層 : 研究動向と本稿の目的二 一六世紀後半におけるローマ都市政府の役職者選出方法三 ローマ都市エリート層の変遷結論

著者

野々瀬 浩司

出版者

三田史学会

雑誌

史學 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, no.1, pp.415-463, 2015-04

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文学部創設125年記念号(第1分冊)論文 西洋史はじめに第一章 中世末までのキリスト教における戦争観の概観 : アウグスティヌスとトマス・アクィナスを中心として第二章 一五二〇年代におけるオスマン帝国の脅威をめぐる情勢とルター第三章 ルターにとって不正な対トルコ戦争第四章 ルターにとって正当な対トルコ戦争おわりに

著者

周 一川

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.1, pp.161-186, 1997-09

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はじめに一 留学生は聴講生として対処された東京女高師二 留学生特設予科を設置した奈良女高師三 留学生特別措置がなかった東京高等糸学校おわりに

著者

神崎 直美

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.2, pp.139-165, 2003

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論文はじめに1 天保期萩藩の徒刑創設構想2 慶応三年山口藩の「罪人仕役」の採用3 明治初年の徒刑おわりに[参考資料]萩藩・山口藩の徒刑史料

著者

樋口 勝彦 吉田 小五郎

出版者

三田史学会

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.4, pp.1(397)-22(418), 1949-06

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特輯ザビエル研究

著者

太田 次男

出版者

三田史学会

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.4, pp.1-42, 1973-10

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論文

著者

田辺 三千広

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.197-212, 1985-03

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論文はしがき第一章 教会の祈祷について。父なる神に栄光あれ第二章 食物と飲物についての神の書からの話第三章 共同食卓(трапеза)で話をすべきでないことについて第四章 衣服と履物についての聖なる書物からの話第五章 聖なるイコンと書物について,それをいかに所有すべきかという神の書からの話

著者

漆原 徹

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.1, pp.107-129, 1997-09

被引用文献数

2

著者

湯川 武

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.89-95, 1971-10

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特集東西交渉史

著者

稲葉 沙智子

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.1, pp.131-132, 2004

著者

前嶋 信次

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.4, pp.421-451, 1963-12

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序言一 中国伝来の事情二 古代日本人とテリアカ三 中東地方での受け入れ四 アラブ医家の伝えたその製法In the Annals of T'ang dynasty, we see the mention about the envoy of Fu-lin Kuo, ordinarily identified with the Byzantine Empire, who came to Chang-an and presented "Ti-Yeh-Ch'ieh" to the then Emperor of China. The late Prof. F. Hirth thought-that the Ti-Yeh-Ch'ieh should be the theriaka (theriac, treacle) which is a very famous antidotal drug invented by a certain Greek physician in the 2nd century. We can find in various Chinese documents prior to the date of the above mentioned envoy of Fu-lin country the name of this medicament. For example, in "Shin-hsiu-pentsao" (New Materia Medica), compiled in 659 A. D., we read that this thing was a drug of the far western countries and foreign people brought it to China from time to time. In Japan, the oldest existent book which contains the record concerning the theriaka is "I-hsin-fang" written in 980 A. D. by Tamba-no-Yasuyori. On the other hand, it is not difficult to find out many articles relating to "tiryaq", theriaka, from among the Islamic literary works. Through these materials, we should be able to make clear in detail the prescription of this antidote and to know how it was and is still popular in the Middle East society. In Japan, the theriaka was introduced again since the 16th century by the Europeans. The writer thinks that the historical study of the diffusion of this kind of medicine is not only interesting from the standpoint of folklore, but it will be able to contribute to clarify the currents of cultures between the East and the west.

著者

藤木 健二

出版者

三田史学会

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.82, no.3, pp.77(313)-106(342), 2013-09 (Released:2013-00-00)

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論文挿表 はじめに一 イスタンブルへの靴革供給と遠隔地商人二 靴革商組合の組織と役員三 イスタンブルにおける靴革の流通と価格四 靴革不足の影響と対応おわりに

著者

赤松 清和

出版者

三田史学会

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.2, pp.65(251)-83(269), 1941-11

著者

田中 荊三

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.185-210, 1962-12

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間崎万里先生頌寿記念The Three-power conference was held at Potsdam between Winston Churchill for Great Britain, President Truman for the U.S.A., and Marshal Stalin for the U. S. S. R., to determine the future of Germany after defeated, and to fulfil the contracts of Yalta, for the ordinary diplomatic negotiations could not solve these problems. First of all, the conference provided a committee of foreign ministers, and the political principles to be followed towards defeated Germany. These problems and the economic principles were determined easily. They made effort to have the concrete solution of the details, but it was very difficult, because the disagreements between the Western allies and the Soviets had deepened. Especially, the former had felt that the Soviet's requests -to keep the security of socialists states- were imperialistic and the Western allies was eagered to check that requests. At last they entrusted the solutions of the details to the committee of the foreign ministers which was weaker than that conference in the power of solving the problems. In spite of the economic principle of the conference, that economically Germany should be only one unit the committee determined the devided administration of Germany, which became the important cause of the cold war.

著者

和田 博徳

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.692-719, 1958

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慶應義塾創立百年記念論文集The 神器譜 or the Record of the Sacred Machines written by Chao Shih-chen 趙土禎 of the Ming period, tells various matters about fire-arms. He stated in his work that the Lu-mi gun was the best weapon among the fire-arms of those days. The word " Lu-mi" 〓密 is no doubt the Lu-mi that was introduced as 魯迷 (Lu-mi) in the 明史 (The History of Ming Dynasty) and means the Ottoman Empire as presumed by Bretschneider in his article "Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources." However, the question is that how the fire-arms were introduced to China by the Othmans. According to the Ming shih lu (the Authentic Record of Ming Dynasty), the Lu-mi 魯迷 paid tribute to the Chinese Court in the 16th century. At that time, the Ottoman Empire was at its zenith under Suleiman the Magnificent, and the might of his Empire even reached as far as Europe. It is possible, therefore, that the Othmans could introduce their fire-arms such a distance as -China. It must be a mention-able fact that the Othman- Turks introduced firearms to the eastern country by land through the highway-the Silk Road- competing with the Portuguese who came to the Far East by sea from the south with their fire-arms.

著者

武田 勝藏

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.3, 1937-11

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書評

著者

武田 勝藏

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.1, pp.183-184, 1939-09

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書評

著者

木村 宗吉

出版者

慶應義塾大学

雑誌

史学 (ISSN:03869334)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.465-503, 1970-12

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一 はじめに二 タイ文史科と従来の諸研究三 呉氏の墓碑と神主四 若干の問題五 おわりにIt is well-known that a large number of Chinese left their native land and emigrated to the Southeast Asian countries, largely due to the upheavals associated with the transition from the Ming dynasty to the Ch'ing. However, it has recently been noted that such Chinese refugees or their descendants were not only engaged in trade, commerce and so forth, but also that some of them attained political power in Southeast Asian countries from the latter half of the 17th century to the latter half of the 18th century. Among these, Dr. Chen Ching-ho noticed in his article that Mac-〓玖 of-Ha-tien 河仙, Chen Chao 鄭昭 in Siam, Lo Fang-po 羅芳伯 of Pontianak in western Borneo and Wu Jang 呉譲 of Songkhla in the Malay Peninsular region of present-day Thailand were contemporaries who were supported by groups of their fellow Cantonese, Teochiu, Hakka and Fukien countrymen, respectively. Of these four men, the first three have already been the object of considerable scholarly research. But so far, little research has been done on Wu Jang. Wu I-lin 呉翊麟 was the first man to make an on-the-spot investigation of the tombstones and Shen-chu 神主, or ancestral tablets, of the Wu family, and he proposed a new theory regarding the family line on the basis of this investigation and various Thai records; the details may be found in Sung-k'a Chih 宋〓誌, or the Topography of Songkhla, by Wu I-lin (published in Taipei in 1968). The author of the present article also investigated the tombstones and ancestral tablets of the Wu family at Songkhla in August of 1969, compared his own observations with those of Wu I-lin, and noticed certain problems. According to Phongsawadan Muang Songkhla, or the Chronicle of Songkhla, by Phraya Wichiankhiri (Chom-the eighth of the Wu family governors of Songkhla), Wu Jang emigrated to Songkhla from Fukien Province in 1750. He worked in and around Songkhla as a vegetable gardener, fisherman, and merchant, and won favor with the populace of Songkhla. In 1767, Ayutthaya, the capital, was captured and sacked by Burmese invaders. Subsequently, Cheng Chao, or Phraya Taksin, repelled the Burmese invaders, proclaimed himself King of Siam, and established a new capital at Thonburi. At that time, only the central part of Siam came under his influence, the other part being controlled by the former royal family or retainer of the Ayutthaya dynasty. In 1769, King Taksin mounted an expedition to Nakhon Sithammarat and Songkhla, and consolidated his power in the south. In recognition of the loyal services of Wu Jang during this period, King Taksin appointed him excise officer for swallow's nests on two islands in Songkhla Lake, enobled him with the title of Luang, and took his third son back to the capital as a royal page. Wu Jang was an efficient tax farmer and regularly remitted the annual revenues to the capital. In 1775, King Taksin duly rewarded his loyalty and ability by appointing him governor of Songkhla. Wu Jang survived the change of dynasties in 1782, and served as a governor until his death. Subsequently, the governorship of Songkhla was passed on by hereditary succession until the eighth governor retired in the reign of Rama the fifth of the present dynasty. It is a noteworthy fact that an overseas Chinese and his descendants maintained local political power for such a long period, i. e., about one hundred and twenty years. The author examined the twenty-one tombstones and six ancestral tablets mentioned by Wu I-lin, referring also to Thai records. The author found that the tombstone No. 19 listed by Wu I-lin did not, in fact, belong to the Wu family. The author also felt that, in certain cases, there was insufficient evidence to identify the particular members of the family to whom some of the Wu tombstones belonged. The author observed that the personal names in Chinese characters found on the tombstones or ancestral tablets can be divided into three categories: (1) True Chinese names, that is, Wu Jang, his sons' names, most of his grandsons' names, etc. (2) Transliterations of Thai names: for example, Mien 綿 (Fukienese pronunciation: Min), the name of the sixth governor, is merely a transliteration of his Thai name, Men, and his brother's name, Sheng 省 (Fukienese : Sieng) is also a transliteration of his Thai name, Saeng. (3) Combinations of the tzu-pei 字輩, or the Chinese character used to distinguish the different generations (Each member of any given generation has the same character in his name, so that his position in the genealogical tree can be determined), and the transliteration of the Thai name: for example, Hsiian Lieh 宣列 (Fukienese: Soan Liet), the name of the first son of Men, is a combination of 宣 which is the tzu-pei of the fifth generation of this family, and the transliteration of his Thai name, Net; the names of all his brothers are also composed in this manner. The above-mentioned examples are merely a few among the many in this category. Generally speaking, from the great-grandchildren of Wu Jang downward, Thai names occur with increasing frequency. Wu Jang and his group came to Songkhla from China as agricultural emigrants during the last period of the Ayutthaya dynasty, when Siam was in chaos. Since Wu Jang was appointed governor of Songkhla, his family and descendants were dedicated servants of the successive Thai kings, and various titles were conferred upon them. Consequently, the Wu family were rapidly assimilated into Thai society, although part of the Wu family did attempt to preserve their Chinese cultural heritage. It seems that in general, assimilation was already well under way in the days of Wu Jang's great-grandchildren, and the Chinese cultural identity of the family eventually disappeared. Finally the author sincerely hopes that the tombstones of the Wu family will be restored as soon as possible, since some of them are already in ruins. The author wishes to express his gratitude to Dr. Chen Ching-ho of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, who offered valuable suggestions and guidance, regarding Fukienese pronunciation; to Mr. Tan Yeok-seong, who lives in Singapore and supplied valuable information; to Professor Chin You-di, the Head of the Archaeological Section of the National Museum in Bangkok, and Mr. Arphorn Na Songkhla (a descendant of Wu Jang) of the Conservation Laboratory of the National Museum in Bangkok, who supplied valuable information; to the venerable Mr. Phraya Aphirak Ratchautthayan, the third son of the eighth governor of Songkhla, who lives in the suburbs of Songkhla city and permitted the author to inspect and photograph the ancestral tablets; and to Mr. Suchat Rattanaprakan, who also lives in Songkhla and offered a great deal of useful advice concerning the investigation of the tombstones in Songkhla. However, the author himself must assume sole responsibility for the opinions expressed in the present article, and for any errors which may appear therein.