著者
谷村 要
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)
巻号頁・発行日
no.104, pp.139-152, 2008-03

In this paper the phenomenon "MATSURI" (i.e. "Festival" in Japanese language and culture) which is often generated on the Internet of Japan is described. "MATSURI" is a concept and behavioral practice which refers to and points out the situation where people involve themselves and connect with each other through the Internet electronic board. In "MATSURI" people who havge connected using the electronic bulletin board reinterpret cyber space as real space. This phenomenon, also known as a "fad", has frequently occurred on the internet in Japan since 2001. However, it seems that the structure of the activ ity and involvement is being transformed. This transformation began with the new internet service known as "Web 2.0." In this paper, I described "Yoshinoya MATSURI" where participatory observation was dance (Ito 2005), and "'Hare Hare Yukai' dance MATSURI" where I effected participatory observation unlizing a concept diagram, and I compare the two "MATSURI" processes. In addition, I consider the transformation of MATSURI in Japan. I conclude contiuatyion of mediated communications of MATSURI.
著者
難波 功士
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)
巻号頁・発行日
no.101, pp.161-168, 2006-10

The term 'subculture' has been used with many different meanings. Especially in Japanese, the loan word 'sabukaru (tya)' has been used in various ways. It has ordinarily referred to works, such as popular music, comics, animation films, programmes or magazines for the youth, video-games, and the latest fashions. Using Raymond William's definition that culture is a whole way of life, subcultures means a subset of practices in each society. From the point of view what culture was supposed to be against the term 'sub-' culture, I try to classify the uses of subculture into four groups. 1) Subculture as an antonym of high culture, i.e. subculture as low culture. 2) Subculture as an antonym of total culture, i.e. subculture as partial culture. 3) Subculture as an antonym of main or dominant culture, i.e. subculture as alternative or counter culture. 4) Subculture as an antonym of conventional culture. I have chosen the last definition. I think when a certain subculture emerges, conventional culture, which is opposed to the subculture, makes its appearance a posteriori. Not until a certain subculture emerges and it reflects an aspect of our social conventions, are we aware of some "taken-for-granted-ness" which all of us hold in our everyday life. And furthermore, now we are living in a world where we cannot easily assume a definite high, total, or main culture. Therefore, we should not reify any high, total, or main culture a priori.
著者
難波 功士
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)
巻号頁・発行日
no.99, pp.131-153, 2005

In 1983, a writer called young people 'otaku' (later, he used the word 'otaku-zoku'). They were absorbed in animation, manga, idols, personal computers, sci-fi, and so on. They and their companions called each other 'otaku' as well. They were only interested in others' knowledge about their common hobbies. Their communication style was mutually one-way and their life-style was like a hermit because of their commitment to favorite objects or subject matter. In 1989, one of them, a young man named 'Tsutomu Miyazaki', committed serial murders of little girls. So, otaku-zoku caused moral panic in Japanese society and they were labeled as sexual perverts. At first, there were many female-otaku. However, after the murder case, otaku (-zoku) began to mean young men who were withdrawn in their room, absorbed in various media, uninteresting in their appearance, and disconnected with other people, especially adult women. The word 'otaku' had negative image. But, in the 1990s, the sales of some subject matter which had been loved by otaku (-zoku) began to increase exponentially all over the world. Such otaku-related business became the most promising industry in Japan. So the implication of otaku changed. In the first half of the 1990s, a genre of music called 'Shibuya-kei' was born. In those days, in the Shibuya area, several mega record stores were launched, and many imported record stores, clubs, offices of independent record labels and editorial rooms of free papers or magazines about music began to be concentrated there. One of the mega record stores set up a corner of 'Shibuya-kei' CDs. By definition, Shibuya-kei means a type of music which was popular in Shibuya. Shibuya-kei musicians went to the Shibuya area to collect records, to play as DJs, or to spend time with companions at clubs. They composed music extracting elements from old and rare music sources and newly arranging them at will. In a sense, they can be called 'Ongaku-otakus (music freaks)'. Those musicians were also leaders of fashion, visual culture, and life style taste for their adoring fans, who usually dressed in French casuals. At the same time, otaku began to be called 'Akiba-kei', named after the Akihabara area, where many shops for otaku people, e.g. personal computer, video game, fanzine, female figures, and animation video, could be found. Akiba-kei (a.k.a otaku-zoku or otakukei) and Shibuya-kei had some common characteristics. They had media-oriented lifestyles, relatively wealthy backgrounds, and uni-sex feelings. These points suggest that the focus of youth subcultures from the 1980s to the 1990s was gradually centered on the media and the taste for them.
著者
難波 功士
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, pp.41-56, 193, 2004-10-28

'Futen-zoku (The Vagabond Tribe)' emerged in the summer of 1967. They gathered the small park in front of the east gate of Shinjuku station. They called it 'Green House'. In the 1960s, Shinjuku was the hottest venue for the youth and there were many spots where events of avant-garde, underground or alternative culture were occurred and performed. Futen-zoku stayed there without doing anything all day long and sometime they indulged themselves in using drugs or chemicals, e. g. thinner, glue and sleeping pill. They wore eccentric clothing. The mass media took them up in a 'moral panic', because of their license, idleness and neglect of orthodox gender roles. However, they didn't have any firm belief or cause or their own media. So, they disappeared the following year and their subcultural values were taken over by other youth subcultures. Futen-zoku belonged to Dankai-no-Sedai (the Japanese Babyboomer generation), and their social class backgrounds were not so low. 'Annon-Zoku' (whose members intensively read the women's magazines, "an・an" and "non・no") was born in 1972. It was the first youth subculture of which members were mainly young women. Led by articles of those magazines, they took trips to historic cities (Kyoto, Kamakura etc.), scenic locales (Karuizawa, Hokkaido etc.) or exotic towns where Western people have lived since olden times (Nagasaki, Kobe etc.). They were usually college students or office workers (OL, in Japanese). So, their social class backgrounds were also not so low, and they belonged to the Dankai or post-Dankai generation. In the early 1970s, a girl from middle or upper class family wasn't permitted to take a trip by herself yet. 'Annon-Zoku' did not represent deviance, but created certain 'gender trouble' under the circumstances of the 1970s. They were sneered at because of their uniformity or vulnerability to the influence of the media. However, they reflected the atmosphere of the 'Women's Lib' period, too. These two youth subcultures were considered to be consumption-oriented or superfluities of affluent society. However, they were important as the heralds of youth culture in the 1980s and 1990s.