著者

林 道義

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, pp.1-16, 1995

著者

青木 茂

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大學附屬比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, pp.37-65, 1968-11

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Die Philosophie des Rationalismus im 17 Jahrhundert bestimmte das Problem "Was ist Mensch" nicht unmittelbar sondern mittelbar durch den allgemeinen Strukturzusammenhang des Seienden, das das menschliche Dasein selbst uberstiegt. Bei Leibniz selber auch lag die neue Lehre des Individuums noch in den Boden der metaphysischen Doktrin, d. i. der "Monadologie". Auf fast alien wissenschaftlichen Gebieten griff er schaffend und anregend ein, und obgleich er weit verschiedene Stoffe bearbeitete, zielten seine Gedanken auf einen Zweck, die Metaphysik des Individuums einzubilden. Wir wenden uns im vorliegenden Aufsass zu den naheren Bestimmungen dieser neuen Metaphysik des Individuums. Diese Bestimmungen miissen an den metaphysischen Begriff der Monade angekniipft werden. Leibniz definiert das Individuum als "Monade", die nichts anders als eine einfache Substanz ist. Individuum, Monade und Substanz, diese drei Worter bezeichnen dasselbe. Aber seine Lehre von Substanz ist nicht verstandlich ohne die geometrische Analyse des Raumes und den dynamischen Begriff der Bewegung und der Zeit erklart zu haben. Die Struktur des Systems von Leibniz ist darin mit der Philosophie des Rationalismus im 17 Jahrhundert konform, dass geometrische und physikalische Einsichten die Voraussetzung der Metaphysik sind und dann in der Lehre vom Individuum die Voraussetzungen fur die philosophische Anthropologie (Dilthey) enthalten sind. Aus dieser Problematik mochten wir in dem Aufsass die folgenden 4 Probleme behandeln. 1. Der Entwickulungsprozess der Lehre von Monade. -ihre mathematische und physikalische Voraussetzungen- 2. Logik der Perzeption in der "Monadenlehre". 3. Monade in dem Kosmos. 4. Ubergang von der Monade zum historischen Individuum.

著者

香川 由紀子

出版者

東京女子大学比較文化研究所

雑誌

東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, pp.21-39, 2017

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This paper examines the image of the "fairy" held by today's Japanese people through analysis of questionnaire responses, and analysis of juvenile literature and young-adult fiction from the point of view of gender. Results are as follows.According to the data obtained from the questionnaire, many female Japanese university students typically picture a "fairy" as a tiny, cute girl in a romantic dress with wings, such as Tinker Bell from Peter Pan. This image corresponds to the "fairies" depicted in juvenile literature. In some works, the cute, romantic appearance of the fairies reflects the desire of the heroine, who is around ten years old, to overcome her inferiority complex; in other works, it reflects the female readers' dreams for a happy, romantic marriage. On the other hand, young-adult fiction portrays the existence of various types of fairies from Western folklore, including male ones, but they also have a cute appearance; at the same time, it creates the original beautiful strong male fairy with wings.The cute appearance of fairies reflects the Japanese people's tendency to regard "tiny things" and "good, old things" as "cute," even if they are uncanny or fearful objects. With the admiration for the West added to this, the romantic beautiful fairies have become the ideal for Japanese girls.

著者

名倉 英三郎

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大學附屬比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.71-80, 1984

著者

渡辺 正雄

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大学附属比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.127-163,図巻末8p, 1959-10

著者

名倉 英三郎

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大學附屬比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.1-59, 1957-12

著者

守屋 彰夫

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大学比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, pp.47-68, 1998

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Studies in ancient epistolography have been systematically undertaken since a conference on ancient letter writing at the annual convention of the Society of Biblical Literature held in 1973. Along with this current, various projects have shed light on the epistolary features of letters written in Hebrew, Aramaic, Ugaritic, Akkadian, Egyptian, Greek, and Latin. As a result, above all, Aramaic letters in Achaemenian Persian period, almost all of which were found in Egypt, have been verified to have extensive common characteristics with Akkadian letters exchanged in the preceding centuries in Assyria and Babylonia. Some scholars insist, however, that numerous traits of the Aramaic private letters are derived from Egyptian letter formulae, and this position was dominant in the beginning of 1980s. However F.M. Fales raised an objection to this perception in 1987. In his opinion, almost all the traits found in the Aramaic private letters, to say nothing of official ones, evolved from Akkadian usages. The problem challenges us to come up with an explanation. A succinct history of letter writing is presented in the first part of this article, beginning with Sumerian and continuing up to the Imperial Aramaic period. In the second part, the observation focuses on how epistolary formulae were carefully learned at scribe-training schools in Sumer and Akkad and how they gradually became completely fixed. Every generation accepted the fixed wording as a model and transmitted to following generations. Thus, the traditional epistolary formulae in Sumerian and Akkadian languages reached Aramaic speaking people in Egypt ruled by the Achaemenian Empire notwithstanding geographical and temporal remoteness. In the third part, the derivation of the opening clauses, the temple greeting, the blessing formula, and so on, attested in the Aramaic letters are examined. In the conclusion it is claimed that quite a few of the formulae except for the temple greeting might go back to an epistolary tradition found in the official correspondence of the Assyrian and Babylonian empires. The temple greeting alone might owe a debt to the Egyptian style. In sum, the Aramaic private letters as well as official ones were deeply influenced by the preceding Akkadian tradition as pointed out by Fales.

著者

丸山 キヨ子

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大學附屬比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.1-34, 1956-12

著者

林 道義

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大學附屬比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, pp.39-55, 1986

著者

小川 晴久

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大學附屬比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.85-99, 1989

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Shin Chai-ho (申采浩) was a Korean journalist and national revolutionary who died in Rushun(旅順) prison in 1936. The year 1910, when his country was overthrown, divides his life into two distinct periods, the first being his time as a journalist, ardently fighting to prevent his country's downfall, and the second his time as a revolutionary refugee, fighting for the recovery of its independence. During both these periods he continued research into the ancient history of Korea. He criticized bitterly the "flunkeyist" view of history as found in "Sam-kuk Sagi" (三国史記), by the Confucianist Kim Bu-shik (金富軾), arguing that the true face of Korea would not emerge until the toadying attitude that the world revolves around China had been defeated. And he devoted all his efforts towards this end. Criticism of the Chinese world order was criticism of Confucianism. Nevertheless, he himself was a Confucianist until the age eighteen when he entered the Confucian university, Sung Kyun Kwan (成均館). How did he break away from Confucianism? Did he ever abandon it completely? Under the title of "Shin Chai-ho and Confucianism", this paper attempts to answer these questions. Two years before he entered university, the "Independence Association", a movement to promote national awareness, was founded with the purpose of promoting a spirit of self-goverment. This movement was at its peak when he entered university in 1898. He joined the Association and played an active part in its archives division, where he demonstrated his literary talents. During the storm of the people's movement he studied democracy and promptly abandoned Confucianism. A few years later he became a journalist, wielding his pen freely and vigorously as chief editor, the target of his criticism being Confucianism and Confucianists. But he did not totally reject the spirit of Confucianism. In his article "A Criticism of the Confucian world", written in 1909, a year before the fall of Korea, he stated clearly that the weakness of Korea was due not so much to belief in Confucianism as to the lack of proper Confucian practice. He insisted that Korea's hostile attitude towards the Western world should be replaced by one of watchfulness, that Korea should endeavor to display its true spirit by directing its efforts towards welfare and education of its people. In his "The Ancient History of Korea" (朝鮮上古史), written after the fall of his country, traces the source of the concept of "sonbi", used by Confucianists as a symbolof courageous scholar "sonbe" of the ancient Kokuryo(高句麗), but this concept which was fostered by the Confucianists continues to survive as a symbol in his history. There is no doubt that Shin denied and renounced Confucianism, but throughout this denial a typical Confucian thrust survives in his interest in nationalism and public welfare.

著者

中村 ちよ

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大學附屬比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, pp.19-35, 1982

著者

宮本 信之助

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大學附屬比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, pp.41-58, 1971-03

著者

櫻井 美智子

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大學附屬比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, pp.47-64, 1978-01

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The history of our linguistic study after the Meiji Restoration is divided in this paper as follows: 1st Period From the Restoration to the 19th year of Meiji (1868-1886) 2nd Period From the 19th year of Meiji to the 28th year of Meiji (1886-1895) 3rd Period From the 28th year of Meiji to the end of World War II (1895-1945) 4th Period From the end of World War II to the 32nd year of Showa (1945-1957) 5th Period After the 32nd year of Showa (1957- ) In the Meiji Era there were two main linguistic schools in Japan: one is an old or classical school, and the other a scientific school. The former is to study Old Japanese of the 8th or the 9th century, such as is found in Ko-ji-ki, Nihon-shoki and Manyo-shu, and the latter is what we call philology or Sprachwissenschaft. With the opening of the country after its long isolation, the European outlook on language and the method of research in the 19th century were introduced to Japan, and the study of philology gradually developed in a scientific sense. This paper focuses on the 2 nd period mentioned above, from 1886 to 1895, and aims to examine what Basil Hall Chamberlain did in the field of linguistics during that period and to evaluate it in the light of our history of linguistic study. In 1886 the University of Tokyo offered the study of linguistics for the first time and appointed B. H. Chamberlain as its first instructor. 1895 was the year when he read the paper which proposed that Japanese and Loochuan Languages are sisters having the same parent language. His works in linguistics are divided into four fields: the study of Japanese grammar and of colloquial Japanese; the study of Aino language; the study of Loochuan language; and the study of Old Japanese. In each field he made unique and significant achievements. However, to me it seems that his intention was not to achieve them just for their own sake but to seek the parent language of Japanese. To obtain this, he studied Old Japanese as well as the folklore and the customs of the Japanese and of the people of the adjacent languages; then he compared and contrasted the languages very carefully and objectively. After these laborious studies he found an affinity between the Japanese and Loochuan languages and opened the road to the study of Proto-Japanese.

著者

井村 実名子

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大學附屬比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.79-95, 1975-01

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C'est surtout avec The Symbolist movement in literature d'Arthur Symons que Gerard de Nerval fut introduit au Japon, vers la fin de l'epoque de Meiji, si passionnante, qui connaissait en meme temps et la vogue du naturalisme et la decouverte de la theorie symboliste. Tous les ecrivains, avides d'apprendre et de saisir les nouvelles idees litteraires occidentales, les poetes symbolistes tels KANBARA Ariake, MIKI Rofu, les critiques comme HASEGAWA Tenkei, IWANO Homei, KURIYAGAWA Hakuson, et meme des romanciers naturalistes comme SIMAZAKI Toson, TAYAMA Katai lisent ce prestigieux livre et en sont vivement impressionnes. Le nom de Nerval, qui y occupe une place privilegiee comme "precurseur du symbolisme" etait done plutot celebre, sans qu'on connaisse pourtant les oeuvres elles-memes excepte Vers dores et Artemis cites en entier par le critique anglais. La traduction japonaise par IWANO Homei (1913) est encore capable, malgre les grosses fautes qu'on y impute, d'enchanter la jeune generation des annees 1925-30, dont le poete TOMINAGA Taro qui est obsede par ce "regard qui t'epie, dans le mur aveugle", les eminents critiques tels que KOBAYASHI Hideo et KAWAKAMI Tetsutaro, et enfin NAKAHARA Chuya qui questionne Nerval avec un interet profondement personnel au point qu'il tente de presenter quelques poemes et Aurelia aux lecteurs japonais. Dans le domaine de la traduction, en effet, Nerval n'avait pas connu la fortune florissante de la poesie frangaise qui jouissait alors de publications successives, en revues ou en recueils, suivant l'eclatant exemple de Kaichdon (1905) et puis de Sangoshu (1913) dont l'immense influence est tant vantee. Pendant un demi-siecle apres sa mort, Nerval n'etait qu'un petit romantique, tombe dans l'oubli. Les manuels de l'histoire litteraire ne le mentionnent pas, les anthologies poetiques ne le choisissent pas. II est tout naturel qu'il n'attire pas l'attention de la plupart des traducteurs qui cherchent toujours les nouveautes recentes, les derniers symbolistes entre autres. Seul le poete populaire SAIJO Yaso trouve le charme secret d'une de ses meilleures odelettes: Fantaisie dont il publie la traduction en 1926. D'autre part, l'etude plus serieuse et approfondie de la litterature frangaise, dirigee par des professeurs universitaires comme TATSUNO Yutaka et SUZUKI Shintaro, fait decouvrir petit a petit une connaissance plus exacte de la poesie du 19 siecle, et a la Faculte des Lettres de l'Universite de Tokyo, vers 1930, deux jeunes chercheurs semblent s'interesser a notre poete dont "la montee lumineuse" se declenchait en France de tous les parts. OGAWA Taiichi, parlant de Nerval avec un amour sincere, redige une chronologic de sa vie suffisamment detaillee (1930), mais meurt prematurement sans achever son Etude sur Nerval qu'il annoncait. L'autre jeune nervalien TSUJINO Hisanori qui publie en feuilleton la premiere traduction d'Aurelia (1933-34) est lui aussi bientot emporte par la maladie a peu pres en meme temps que NAKAHARA Chuya. (a suivre)

著者

井村 実名子

出版者

東京女子大学

雑誌

東京女子大學附屬比較文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638186)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.100-122, 1984

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Dans cette 3^<eme> partie de nos recherches bibliographiques, nous reconstatons le succes surprenant que Nerval ne cesse de remporter au Japon et nous allons demontrer en particulier comment l'inspiration nervalienne y stimule la puissance creatrice de la litterature d'aujourd'hui. Signalons d'abord l'evidente parente spirituelle entre Nerval et ses deux traducteurspresentateurs : le premier est le romancier NAKAMURA Shinichiro(1918-), le second est le poete IRIZAWA Yasuo(1932-), dont les ouvrages sont de la plus haute importance. On remarquera, dans tout le travail de NAKAMURA, l'influence visible des precedes et des themes nervaliens. Il se declare d'ailleurs lui-meme "le fils d'adoption de Nerval" et compose treize variations de poemes en prose sur les themes des Chimeres : Le Voyage dans le temps (1981). Des le debut, il se mettait en quete d'une nouvelle forme romanesque proustienne ou nervalienne et cherchait a renover notre roman traditionnel. L'aboutissement de cette recherche se trouve dans son oeuvre totale la plus recente : Quatre saisons(1975-). Au centre meme du second tome, l'Ete(1978), prix Tanizaki Junichiro, l'auteur a enfin retrouve sa propre Aurelia. Quant au poete IRIZAWA, il publie en 1982 un livre de poesie d'un grand interet : Paysage ou se reunissent des morts, prix Takami Jun, dont la prodigieuse tapisserie de citations constitue un recit d'aventures spirituelles des chers poetes disparus. Le principal personnage est Lafcadio Hearn qui, apres avoir parcouru le monde, vint habiter a Matue, la ville natale de IRIZAWA, dans la region de Izumo, pays mythologique de nos anciens dieux. Hearn, dont la pensee s'apparente a celle de Nerval, est le rare occidental qui sut observer et comprendre avec amour l'esprit primitif des choses japonaises. Les souvenirs de Nerval sont surtout evoques dans le Chapitre III, et au cours de ces voyages qui depassent le temps et l'espace, les ames des poetes se reconnaissent une affinite originelle, chacune en se rememorant les vieilles chansons de son pays, autrefois entendues.